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Princeton University Library
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464
44
465

AND HOPES ARE WITH THOSE WHO
"ALL MY SYMPATHIES
PRINCETON
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
To The Memory of
JOHN BRIGHT
1811-1889
Britain's Great Commoner and
America's Friend in Time of Need
1480
1928
ARE FOR FREEDOM”
Gift of
Horence Brooks Aten
E.B.BIRD
!
*





-464
44


!
THE
WARNING VOICE
OF A HERMIT ABROAD,
WHO HAS BEEN COMPELLED TO WRITE IN HIS JUSTIFICATION, AND HE HOPES
FOR THE GOOD OF MANKIND,
UNDER THE PROTECTING HAND OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE,
(For which he can never be thankful enough,)
THROUGH A LONG AND TEDIOUS PASSAGE
OF THE MOST
IMMINENT PERILS AND DANGERS
OF BEING EXTINGUISHED,
AND
SENT TO HIS GRAVE,
BY RICHARD MILNES,
Of Horbury, near Wakefield,
LATE OF SHEPLEY BRIDGE, MIRFIELD, BY LEEDS, YORKSHIRE,
WAKEFIELD:
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, BY E, WALLER, WOOD-STREET,
1825.


LRIZIED LOK LUE VELHO EL E VITES' HOOD ZLLEEN
AVKFLIETD:
TALE OL BELTFA BRIDGE ZHRLIEPD' EZ Co2 Fog PRELU
Of Peoples) Bonn gátupcusia
BA BILAZED DILAK
SEXL I BE OBTE
OF BELAG
TAZZEZL BEEDE VED DYZGER
(Les part 16 605 36, 4 come on, Grondp")
1
WZZD OL DIZIZE LEOAIDEACE"
BARORA COALETTED LO #RELD TE NA MORLILICYLION' YиD HE HOLE?
CEY HERNIL VBNOYD'
MAMMIMG AOIGE


Allens, 96
}
1
7
HISTORY
14464
6++
OF THE LIFE OF
Written by himself at above seventy years of age, who
has been twice compelled to submit to a bankruptcy,
without any other cause but a little want of capital, by
putting his hand a little too far, which has happened to
many a good and clever man, and been his ruin; but he
is thankful and grateful to the Almighty, for his pre-
servation and ability to write this, to justify himself and
he hopes to benefit society and the world, hoping it may
be of use to young men of the rising generation, to guard
merit and innocence against error, prejudice, weakness,
falsehood, wickedness, and treachery, which have been
exercised against him, which many people say, would
have killed thousands of men or driven them mad; but
little do even such know all the secret causes of his grief,
which delicacy will not allow him to declare; though
he feels to declare all the secret causes, would complete
his justification, which was the original cause of his
writing, and at times much inclined to do so, but delicacy
and prudence step in, and forbids and conquers his
strong and almost unconquerable inclination.
I was born at the village of Flockton, near Wakefield,
of reputable but humble parents, who by their industry,
care, and economy, became able and willing to give me
a good education, but being one of the most stupid
ignorant lads, that perhaps ever went to school, to
sixteen or seventeen years of age I may truly say, I could
learn nothing Lut reading, writing and accounts until
that time, being more fond of being among the sheep or
horses, than going to school; about that age I left
school, and was at home with my three brothers, all
bringing up to the same occupation, I began to consider
we were too many at home for one trade, and though I
was sensible of my own ignorance, I felt a spirit of enter-
prize, and went to London about the age of twenty,
into the banking house of Messrs. Fuller, Baker, and
Halford. I went in the stage coach, we were a week
going, when I got there I called a coach to take me to
my friend Mr. Brook's, I forgot to take the number of
it, and lost a pair of good boots in the coach: when I
had been there about two years, my father and three
dbrothers made a contract for the Flockton Colliery, and
their other business increasing, they joined in soliciting
me to leave London, and join in the colliery, and all
their other concerns, which after repeated solicitations,
I consented to, though I felt a strong inclination to
pursue my good fortune in London. And being all
Ignorant and inexperienced in collieries, we soon laid
6
RICHARD MILNES, OF NETHERTON-HALL,
Near Wakefield, Yorkshire,
LATE OF SHEPLEY BRIDGE, MIRFIELD,
out six thousand pounds in opening this colliery, and
laying a Newcastle waggon-way with wood, (for iron
roads were not known at that time) but this was the
greatest folly, because a turnpike road lay on one side
of it, all down hill, and nearer than the waggon-way,
which cost us a mint of money, and being made of wood,
our returns at that time, could not in any degree justify
the expence of making a wood road and repairing of it
with wood. But this was done by the managing brother
by his own will Though the opening of the colliery
was done by a short drain, no fire engine, such was our
ignorance and folly at that time, that I do think with
the hard and long experience which I have since gained,
I
could establish the same work with little more than
twice six thousand shillings. And it is a very singular
fact, that the master colliers in this part, have generally
begun this trade in ignorance, without going apprentice,
as boys do to all other trades, which is the only way I
can account for so many losing money or miscarrying.
My good father died at sixty-seven years of age, and
with a good name, left each of his seven children a small
estate, without incumbrance, but not gained by the
colliery, for I believe it was near six thousand pounds
in debt, when he died, and my pretty little estate was
mortgaged after his death, to support this colliery, with
the aid of my application and industry, without which,
I believe we should have failed, for at that time I gained
much by the wood, corn, and malt trades, and the ma-
naging partner was so ill, he could do nothing but look
after the colliery, it being very near home, and we
laboured with it near twenty long years, and it mono-
polized our capital, by which we might have gained
much by our corn, malt, and wood trades. One of the
brothers being in a bad state of health, and unable to
travel from home, became the manager of the colliery,
and got more experience than any of us, and at the time
we were near six thousand pounds out of pocket, he
discovered he could dry some coal joining to ours, by
the drains we had made, at so much expence, time, and
trouble; and without our knowledge or consent, bought
some coal of Sir Thomas Blackett, and began to work
it by our drains, agents, workmen, tools, &c. &c. in
short sacrificed the interest of the joint colliery, to the
interest of his private one, which had a tendency to
deprive us of our birth right; as a proof of this, he was
saying one Friday at Wakefield Market, how many coals
he was selling a week, in the presence of Mr. Joseph
B
633642


4
THE WARNING VOICE.
Whitaker, the then agent to the Halifax navigation
company, who said what are you doing with the other
colliery, you are burning the candle at three ends, or
both ends and the middle. This conduct gave his
ners much offence, and occasioned much complaining,
to reconcile us he said, if we would surrender the lease
to him for eighteen years, he would give each of us
£300. a year for that term, (perhaps with a further view
than the present profit to him) which we agreed to ac-
cept, but on as strong conditions as could be expressed,
that we should stand in the very same shoes at the end
of the term, as to our tenant right to the Flockton Col-
liery as we did before we made such surrender. But he
made us very little compensation towards the heavy sum
we had laid out and time spent in doing it. It pleased
the Almighty to call him to his mercy, a few years before
the expiration of the lease, which he had taken care to
get made three years longer than the surrender, with
what yiew he got it made longer will soon appear. And
he appointed me one of his executors to his will, with
two others who had no experience in collieries, which
we began to execute, but in the most disorderly and
ruinous way, and I could not take upon me to dictate
much to the two others, because I had been humbled
and depreciated as will appear hereafter. One of them
took the lead,, and he was implicitly supported by the
other and the widow in all his folly, so that it was in
vain for me to attempt to control them. I saw no
remedy but the following, and told my brother in what
a ruinous way we were conducting our executorship,
and that I saw no remedy, but we three offering to give
the executors more per year than my late brother had
given us, which they agreed to, and we offered, free and
Independent of all management and outgoings what-
ever, in the very same way our brother had done to us, to
the expiration of the rest of the term, that being the time
we were to be reinstated as partners, and to the capital,
and then to renew the lease with his two children, they
to have the same share as their father.
L
I
cruelty, by striking at what she conceived to be a poor
man with a wounded reputation,or else she would not have
dared to do what she has done. But if she will read the
part-whole of this publication, she may, if she will, discover
the reverse, for I here tell her I would not part with
my integrity, my honor, my religion, my good name,
and all the gifts which God has bestowed upon me, in
exchange for millions. Justice is due unto all men.
Tread on a worm and it will complain, though not
able to defend itself. And I have received many insults
from her son-in-law, but I never resent them, I
bear them all with great patience and fortitude; nor
would I have written this, but in my own defence and
justification, because I know they have both had the
folly to attempt to defame me many times, but fortu-
nately I have the hope and comfort to believe that my
good name is superior to their slander, wherever I am
known. Her conduct is a mystery to me, and I will
appeal to the world and all who know me, to prove
that my friendships are eternal, but my enmities are not
so, I know no foundation for her malice, but much for
her gratitude. I was the only true, able, and willing
friend she had in the world, but she would not know
how to value me, perhaps because her judgment was
blinded by what she erroneously fancied was her
interest.
His widow had the folly to pretend to take offence at
this generous act of ours, though she was not an execu-
trix, and filed a bill in chancery against me, to turn me
out of the trust, for this more than liberal offer. I con-
tended with her several years in chancery, till the term
was near worn out, and the complexion of the thing
much changed, then I said to my attorney, Mr. Lee, if
she will pay all expences on both sides, I will resign my
trust in form, which she agreed to, and paid all, au
enormous sum it must be. Here, in my own defence
and justification, I am compelled to tell this lady she is
guilty of the grossest ingratitude. She was, perhaps,
some very distant relation of my dear wife's, who in her
excess of charity, gave invitations to her, her aunt, and
sister, and they were all three visitors at the same time
for months and months at a time with us, for several
years, without being able to make us a return; in short we
caressed and did every thing that was kind and more
than generous to them, and the managing brother fell
in love with and married her, by which she reached the
stately eminence she now sits upon. This, I think, is
This, I think, is
a proof she owes all she has to me, because he would
not have known her had not they visited us so repeat-
edly. And is not only guilty of great ingratitude, but
1
I am hurt beyond my power to express, that she has
compelled me to censure a woman, it never happened
to me before, and I hope it will never happen to me
again. I am always a most zealous advocate for the
fair, amiable, lovely sex. By these crooked, mysterious,
unjust, unwise, and complicated proceedings, were we
deprived of our birth-right to the Flockton Colliery.
I could enlarge much more upon this nefarious proceed-
ing, but prudence and delicacy forbid me.
With this
exception, we are one of the most harmonious, affection-
ate families.
A few years before we began to open our Flockton
Colliery, Captain Crowle, of Water Frystone Hall, near
Ferrybridge, Yorkshire, began to open a colliery in
that estate, and as I knew he was sinking money very
fast, and in a very unhappy way with his colliery, I
always avoided the subject as much as possible, because
I think it indelicate and unpolite to mention a subject
to any one that is likely to be in the least unpleasant or
disagreeable. But he was so fond of his colliery, or so
much inclined to gain information, it was the first sub-
ject he mentioned when we met at Wakefield Market,
and the last when we parted. He built steam engines,
sunk pits, laid Newcastle waggon ways with wood, had
many law suits with his workmen, &c. and won the
colliery, began to get coal, though by this time so much
involved, that he was compelled to advertise his colliery
to let. A Mr. Lees, of Clark's Field, near Oldham,
Lancashire, came to view and treat for it, but returned
without making a bargain. The Captain was so fond of
his customer, that he followed him into Lancashire with
as much zeal as if he had been going to court a bonny
wife, and in the presence of Mrs. Lees did court him to
take his colliery. The Captain being a very polite,
agreeable, pleasant man, and giving a most plausible
account of the colliery, that he made such a favorable
impression upon Mrs. Lees, that she interfered, and


THE WARNING VOICE.
5
begged of her husband to go and see if he could agree,
as it appeared very likely to be a very good thing. Mr.
Lees said he would comply with her request, on condi-
tion that she would make him a faithful promise that she
would not blame him in case it did not turn out well,
which the good lady agreed to. He went, and Captain
Crowle granted him a lease for twenty-one years, bind-
ing on his part, the tenant to be at liberty at the expira-
tion of any six month's notice. He allowed him to
enter to all pits, gins, engines, waggon ways, tools of
every description, in short, all the whole stock without
paying any consideration whatever. He had only to
get the coal and lay it upon the hill, and the Captain
would take it at a stipulated price, and sell it again to
the public, from whence his profits were to arise, as
Mr. Lees was to pay no rent; and if he did not find a
profit to his satisfaction, give six or twelve months
notice, and the Captain engaged to pay him all the
money he was out of pocket. He began and worked a
year or two, gave notice and demanded the sum he had
laid out. The Captain looked into the lease and found
a passage which said Mr. Lees should make a full and
fair trial, the Captain said he had not done so, and
would not pay him. Mr. Lees sued him; it was tried at
York and given in favor of Mr. Lees. The Captain
had got into so much debt, that his beautiful estate of
above one thousand acres, and beautiful mansion, were
sold in chancery to Richard Slater Milnes, Esq who
became member of parliament for York, who was a
true whig and true patriot as ever entered the british
house of commons, but died at the age of forty-five.
And the Captain was so vexed and obstinate, they had
to take forcible possession, and threaten to commit him
to prison before he would sign the conveyance deeds.
Since this we have had a story told of a south couutry
gentleman, who had spent £10,000 in pursuit of lead,
and the same sum in pursuit of coal, and still unfortu-
nate. He was coming to Yorkshire through a village
in the south, and heard a pig cry very bitterly; he met
a farmer at the moment and said to him, pray what is the
matter with that pig? he said, they are ringing its nose,
Sir; pray what is that for? said the gentleman; the
farmer answered, to keep him from rooting in the earth,
Sir; the gentleman shook his nose, and said, I wish I
had been rung twenty years ago.
there is coal in my estate here? he answered in the af-
firmative; he said do you really think so Mr. Michell?
he said, I do Sir; and are you really in good earnest?
I am Sir. Mr. Annison here paused a considerable
time in high spirits; and said, pray, Sir, how deep do
you think it may be? indeed, Sir, that is a hard ques-
tion, but at a rough guess I think it may be about a
mile and a half deep; from this we may conclude these
islands are all coal, but some parts very deep, and at
Newcastle and Whitehaven they work much coal
under the sea, and it is supposed to extend to the Isle
of Man and Ireland; and some mén conjecture that a
subterraneous road may, in process of time, be made
from Whitehaven to the Isle of Man and Ireland, to
accommodate travellers, who would rather trust provi-
dence by land than by water, so that the coal is not
likely to be done in thousands of years; we have hun-
dreds of thousands of acres of coal in Yorkshire which
have been in part worked or bored to, and all the beds
put together amount in some parts to five yards thick,
many a great deal more in Earl Fitzwilliam's estate,
near Rotherham, Yorkshire; they have bored to three
beds all of them nineteen feet thick; and if we include
the neighbouring counties, we may say we have millions
of acres. The above-mentioned beds we know, having
been bored to, and there may be more below which have
never been bored to,and most likely all those seams ex-
tend to London, the lands end, the east and west coast,
Newcastle, and through Scotland, Wales and Ireland,
with variation in thickness, occasioned by throws. The
seams of coal we work in Yorkshire lie from ten to one
hundred and sixty yards from the surface, of various
thickness, from eighteen inches to nine feet thick. In a
seam at Newcastle they lie from twenty to three hundred
yards deep, but how many more seams may be found
below between them and the centre of the earth, time
only can shew. They say there is coal under the Black
Heath that may perhaps lie a mile and a half deep.
There is one coal pit near Manchester one hundred
and eighty yards deep which contains six seams of coal,
one of which is so hard to get, they blow it down with
gunpowder. A Mr. Parkinson, of Bollinbroke, near
Boston, is sinking a coal pit on the plain between Lin-
coln and Boston, which the navigation goes over thirty
miles, with one small lock only, is two hundred and
thirty-two yards and a quarter deep, and going deeper,
though it has already cost £2,500.
At the time the Rev. John Michell, was Rector of
Thornhill, near Wakefield, a valuable living giving him
by the late most worthy and inestimable Sir George In the year 1784 married Miss Hill, of Hull, with a
Savile, Bart. Mr. Michell once had Doctor Franklin, fortune of nine thousand pounds, which the donor had
Doctor Priestley, and the famous engineer, Mr. Smea- the prudence to secure to her, one of the most amiable
ton, who executed the Halifax Navigation, and rebuilt and polite women. having associated with many respect-
the Edystone Light House in 1757, after being twiceable families, with whom I was happy many years, and
blown down, all together at his house at Thornhill, and
it was said they were four of the first men in the world,
as men of science; and Mr. Michell was said to be
more conversant with the depth and extent of the mi-
nerals in this island, than any other gentleman. He
happened to be on a visit at Mr. Annison's, between
York and Malton, the company were sitting over a good
fire at christmas, when one of them said, what a good
thing a colliery would be there where coals are so dear,
another said it would indeed, another said let us ask
Michell; Mr. Annison said, Mr. Michell do you think
now mourn her loss. She was very sickly many years,
and kept her bed the three last years of her life, till she
was worn to a shadow; and though at times so bad we
expected she would die, she was blessed with such an
amiable, heavenly cheerfulness, the moment the pains
left her she would revive and talk about her ducks, and
chickens as cheerful as if nothing had happened. When
I entered her room the morning of the day she died,
she asked me as cheerfully how I did as ever, I asked
her how she did, she said she could not tell, and died
that day at four o'clock as easy and happy as if she had


THE WARNING VOICE.
6
been falling asleep; and her amiable good father died
with us before her in the same happy manner.
the American war, Thomas Day, Esq. author of Little
During
Jack, the Dying Negro, Sandford and Merton, &c.
made many public speeches against that war, some of
which were printed and fell into my hands; I was so
delighted with them, it became the first wish of my heart
to see Mr. Day, and to have the pleasure of being ac-
quainted with him; it happened that my dear wife was
the familiar friend of Miss Minerva Milnes, of Wake-
field, whom he married; the very first visit they made
to Yorkshire they visited us at Crow Nest; they gave
us an invitation to visit them in the south, to which we
looked forward with much pleasure.
idea the horse might be completely broke without the
Mr. Day had an
severity of the whip and spur; he was correct in this
opinion to a degree; it is certainly most proper to begin
to break him by the most gentle means, to bridle him
very slack and loose at the beginning, and to let him
walk by himself several days, then with the slack bridle
lead him gently for a week or two, and after that run
him round a considerable time with the bridle a little
harder, but don't mount him till he is quite gentle and
docile, after that ride him gently; but in the end he
must be taught by the whip and spur, to know that his
rider is his master, for you cannot reason with him,
though we talk of the half reasoning elephant. Mr.
Day fell a sacrifice to his mistaken humanity. He was
riding a horse broke his own way without the whip and
spur, by a barn door where there was a winnowing
machine, the horse jumped, he fell off and died that
night, which disappointed our intended pleasant visit,
and Mrs. Day never recovered the grief.
A short time after we were married I bought Crow
Nest Estate, near Dewsbury, and we went to live there,
and soon after I bought an estate of above one hundred
acres, full of coal, joining to Crow Nest; and when we
had been compelled to surrender the colliery to our
'brother for eighteen years, that and other things caused
so much disgust, that I dissolved partnership with him
in every thing else. And in the year 1788, I undertook
the conveyance of goods to and from Hull and Man-
chester by land and water, in which there was much
room for improvement; I improved it much to the sa-
tisfaction of the public, carried it on about nine years,
when one from whom I had every reason to expect
'lenity, protection and support, was severe and forced
me to submit to a bankruptcy; my debts were £34,000,
my estates and farms almost inestimable; the creditors
met and saw I had property of inestimable value, if it
was protected. They resolved that I should carry on my
business myself, under the inspection of the assignees,
1
and that none of my valuable property should be sold,
being confident that by this means the whole of
would be paid, and that I might make a fortune.
my debts
During the nine years I was at this navigation work,
I had to labour under the severe opposition of the Aire
and Calder Company, the Halifax Navigation Company,
and the Selby Sloop Company, when in reality it was
the proper interest of the two former which I expected
to encourage and support me This hardship upon me
and this publication, will, I hope, excite the compas- the cabal which he formed, by the aid of the Nabob
The principal actor in this play, had the address, by
sion and pity of these two great and prosperous navi-Lang, to get Messrs. Taylor and Tottie, two most
ditors, to carry on my work myself, and my confidence
Notwithstanding the repeated resolutions of my cre-
that my property was worth more by twenty thousand
pounds, than paying all my debts; he prey became
they broke up my work for the sake of the prey, to the
so great a temptation, that a conspiracy was formed, and
great loss of my creditors, myself and the public, and
only paid the creditors 7s. 8d. per pound, many proofs
of four hundred and twenty acres, all which came into
of the value of the property I can give. I held farins
my hands without disturbing any man.
acres of it two miles on this side Manchester, on the
Two hundred
about or near my house at Crow Nest, very near Dews
Oldham Turnpike Road; two hundred and twenty acres
bury; about one hundred and twenty of it in fee simple,
abounding with coal, all in bad condition when I
entered to it, but got into the highest state of cultiva-
tion; the rest on lease, some fifteen, some thirty years.
to come, all at very low rents. At a moderate computa-
tion the good-will and tenant-right was worth £10,000,
and I believe they did not take 10,000 shillings for it.
intrigue in 1798 and 1799, with a view to the prey, and
The conspiraters gave this valuable property away by
contrary to the will of my creditors, myself, and the
as much as they cost me, being full of coal, which I
public. The real estates were worth two or three times
gave nothing for. Many of us remember that most corn
farms in 1798 and 1799, gained as much or more money
than the ground was worth. The solicitor bought
(though he was forbid by law from buying any thing
of Dewsbury for five hundred and twenty pounds, and
for himself or any other person) the manor and tithes
it is said he is certainly making ten thousand pounds
of them. And I sued him in chancery to take them
from him, till I had done my money, and I had no one
to help me. All the other property was almost given away;
it is well known it was worth two or three times as
much as it was sold for. But if I had been allowed to
resolutions of my creditors, it would soon have paid all
carry on the work agreeable to the will and repeated
the debts, and made me a fortune. Then may I not
here well exclaim, surely never was innocence, merit,
of the world!
and property so sacrificed in any country, in any age
gation companies, not only to give me the lock dues
for one the first year upon all coals I may send to Lou-
don out of these rivers, to enable me to establish the
bly requesting, but also individually to join my other
coal trade from Yorkshire to London, which I am hum-
good friends in the loan of 5 or £10 10s each, to enable
me to execute one of the most interesting works to their
confident of success, with the blessing of health. And
navigation and the colliers, the introduction of the
Yorkshire Coal to the London Market, in which I am
I think this can only be effectually done by a method
which I intend to proceed upon, which has never been
tried before; and as all others who have begun this in-
miscarried, it requires much caution and judgment to
teresting trade to the navigations and collieries, have
succeed in it.


THE WARNING VOICE.
7
respectable attornies, discharged from being solicitors,
and himself appointed. Never was more valuable pro-
perty put together, or with more judicious deliberate
care and attention. I think the solicitor made a bill of
£800, end it was paid him, though I believe they ought
not to have paid one half.
I bought Ossett Colliery for nine hundred pounds
about the year 1815, and unfortunately engaged to pay
for it too soon, and the coal trade became bad, the com-
plaint against two men called assignees, will prove how
unlucky that bargain was to me, made so by wicked
men.
Mirfield, 12th April, 1821.
79
To the Creditors and Friends of Richard Milnes.
"Justice and Mercy are due unto all Men." "A good
name is rather to be chosen than great riches. "He
that robs me of my purse steals trash.-But he that
filches from me my good name, robs me of that which
not enriches him, but makes me poor indeed." Surely
no innocent Man, was ever so barbarously used.
Nothing can restore my peace of mind, credit, and
good name, but my hard case being heard by my cre-
ditors and friends.
When I purchased my colliery for £900. two friends
promised me £100. each, and broke their promise, which
left my capital too weak, or I should never have known
the want of money; yet. I carried it on three years, and
by a true profit and loss account, I gained £21. 4s. 2d.
the first year: £535. 3s 6d.. the second year; £447. 7s.
Od. the third year; though I had with much trouble
and difficulty brought it to this prosperous state, having
improvements to make, and my capital to increase by
the purchase of three Vessels, Horses, &c. and to pay in
full for the colliery, and some old debts to discharge,
still crippled my capital. And some of my creditors
sued and hurryed me for money, and destroyed my
credit. An amiable, sensible, judicious friend and cre-
ditor, advised me to submit to a friendly commission,
as the surest way to protection, then he said I might
carry on my business myself, under the inspection of the
assignees, as if nothing had happened, and discharge
all my debts, being only £3384. 5s. 8d. exelusive of the
mortgage, because I had got my colliery into a most
prosperous state, and am a good economist. The assig-
nees were appointed by the creditors on this express,
and positive condition, they were chosen as friends to
me and the creditors, and accepted their trust on these
conditions. And further that none of my valua le pro-
perty should be sold, but to protect and nure it, with a
view that I might carry on my business myself, and soon
become able to pay the whole debt. I was thus made
happy, and courted and caressed them, and did all in my
power to please them, These conditions were confirmed
by a majority of the creditors at every meeting, and pro-
ved and confirmed by four written and signed documents,
confirming the same to all intents and purposes. I was
so overjoyed, that I repeatedly promised the assignees
a reward of £50. each, or more, out of my own pocket,
when all my debts were paid, and the property given
up into my own hands again. They have no right to
charge any thing for their time, or be buyers of any
我​觉
​part of the property themselves. But to my astonish-
ment, I was soon informed, one of them said he
would make £100. of the job. The prey appears to have
born down every other consideration and agreement with
them. On the 20th of September, 1819, they came and
plundered and ransacked my house, one of their wives
along with them. She was at my house four days, and
at bed and board with them at an Inn all the time. One
of them was an auctioneer, and the other bought of him
to the amount of 40 or £50. in furniture, and it was said
at the time he had not Is. to pay for it. The other had
goods bought for him, and was auctioneer. They took
the plate away, and it was never put up by auction.
This auctioneer sold my, corii standing,. to his brother
and others, much under its value. They sold
by private contract (and they had no right to sell any
by private contract) five acres of fog, perhaps the best
within many miles of it; and grass in the hedge bot-
toms of eleven acres, to the father of one of them, I am
am told for £4. only, and he sold them again for a pro-
fit, which was never put up by auction. This should
have been eat by the colliery horses, and would have
saved £15. in hay. They have robbed me of my peace
of mind,, my property, for which I would not have
taken £5000 in ready money. My good name, and
credit, it might have been more calamitous to me, and
driven me to distraction, and into a lunatic asylum.
But I say, thanks to Heaven, nothing but the Almighty
Hand of Providence could have preserved me from
such misery, and still give me the hope that I shall live
to pay all my debts."
"
They have not only plundered, sold, and wasted, but
literally given much of the valuable property away.
Though my interest due from my income had been
delayed, and I had been without money some time, but
fortunately before the plunder of my house began, £50.
came to me, which I was to put into their
before I began to buy: though in reality they had no
right to give, or sell any thing, being forbid by the cre-
ditors, and I have always been told creditors can do
any thing with their property. To me they have been
more savage than the slave dealer, they have robbed
me of all that is dear to me, but my innocence, I may
say innocence indeed, because no one can bring any
accusation against me, but want of capital, occasioned
by disappointment. I could have improved the capital
above £1,000. by this time, and preserved my property,
peace of mind, good name, and credit, and soon paid.
all my debts,
They sold or gave the crop upon the ground at my
house, and the year's rent was due from them, they
paid half, and left the other half unpaid. My landlord
would not sue them for it, though he was told by his, and
three other eminent attorneys, it was due from them,
but made a distress upon the very goods I had bought
and paid them for, cryed them twice through the vil-
lage, and forced me to pay £40. the half year's rent.
which was due from them.
To fill the measure of their iniquity and my sorrows,
I have been arrested by a creditor for £35. 12s. Od. and
he soon made the law more than the debt, he swel-
led it to above £71. 4s. Od. I went with my own letter,
sent it into the room, begging his patience, he would


8
cor
THE WARNING VOICE.
And
not see me, or write me any answer; being thus refused
patience and mercy, I with much difficulty reduced this
£71. 4s. Od. by sundry payments, to £27. 16s. Od. yet
the bailiff came on the 4th of January, and sold my
hay, no better in the kingdom, for 3d or 4d. per stone,
I fear less, which had cost me, the grower, I may say
8d. or 9d per stone, and after giving my hay, entered
my house and sold or gave part of my furniture.
the expences of this 4th of January sale was £18. 8s.
Od. in addition to the above £71. 4s. Od. I had no idea
such plunder would have taken place for such a triffe,
and I expected money that morning to pay him; I beg-
ged he would put off the sale till day after, and I would
pay him all; he said he would not put it off for £20.
At this time my landlord appeared, having a prior
claim by law to this depredator. And though the usual
rent day was not come, and plenty of property upon
the place, insisted on having his rent, and encouraged
the sale, though I begged and prayed he would not do
so, saying the goods would be given away, because
proper notice had not been given of the safe, there were
no buyers, but all in vain. I can fairly prove that by
I can fairly prove that by
the law expences, and loss of the hay, by this untimely
sale caused by the one creditor making sale of my goods
for the trifling sum of £27. 16s Od, which I would have
paid the next day, amounts to £83. 18s. Od. The law
expences were £39 18s. Od. Loss by the hay, at a
very moderate computation, was £44. over and above
the loss by the furniture, all this I have wrote for the
good of society, creditors, landlords, and tenants. And
I wish it was recorded in the farmer's journal. This
was all occasioned by acts committed contrary to the
will of my worthy creditors, as appears above. So I
had the vexation of seeing my house plundered a second
time, and my valuable property given away, when I
thought I was protected from all such danger by law,
or the bankruptcy.
1
From a state of great prosperity and happiness, and
a fortune at my hand, I have been compelled to misery
and danger which is a hard and pitiable case indeed,
was I to sink under the oppression, it would break my
heart. Being in perfect health, my faculties perfect,
my practice in business improved to this day, which has
been the habit of my whole life, and still my first plea-
sure, feeling myself more capable of it than ever.
accounts. I request of the creditors to join me in
a petition to the geutlemen, commissioners, which we
can do without any expence, praying that they will be
pleased to take all books, accounts, papers of every
sort, and all money and bills, and every other thing be-
longing to the said commission out of their hands, and
deliver the same to me, to enable me to examine their
accounts, as no one can do that but me. And that they
will also dismiss them from being assignees, as unworthyof
such a trust. I hope you will not shew them this, for
as they have much of the creditors money in their
hands, they will be glad to go to law with it on any
pretence, as they have done before on improper occasi
ons. They have forced me to be despised and rejected
of men, and to become a man of sorrow and acquainted
with grief. And I was much afraid they would have
sent me in sorrow to the grave; but that little blessed,
heavenly word hope, was my comfort and led me to
consolation in the Almighty. In addition to the many
other wanton, wasteful, and wicked acts, which they
have committed, they refused to pay Mr Thomas › Mil-
ner, one of my creditors, for coal which they had got
in his land, after my bankruptcy, differed with him
about four perches of coal, at 12s. 5d. per perch, the
whole amount 503, and have thrown away above £120.
by a trial at York about this trifle, which he gained last
assizes; I do not know a more worthy man than Mr.
Thomas Milner, or one more likely to do what is just
and right. I have experienced his integrity justice
and equity.
I am, very respectfully,
Gentlemen,
A
Your obliged humble Servant,
RICHARD MILNES.
To John Pemberton Heywood, Esq. William
Dawson, and Thomas Lofthouse Potter, Gentle-
men, acting commissioners in a commission of
bankruptcy, awarded and issued forth against
Richard Milnes, in the year 1819.
We the undersigned, creditors of the said Richard
Milnes, beg leave most humbly to request of you that
you will direct Joseph Howgate and Enoch Taylor,
the assignees chosen under such commission, to deliver
up all books of account, papers of every description,
and all money and bills, and every other thing belong-
I have nothing but an unjust prejudice to conquer,
which condemns me unheard, and in the mind of some
of my dear relatives, amiable and charitable as any in
the world, rageth to such a degree as I never expecteding to the said commission, and also all the inventories,
to witness But I do hope this will conquer it, and
turn the tide thereof as much in my favor, as it has run
against me. And if I do survive it will be like the year
of jubilee to the harassed slave. In this once happy
land, the meanest culprit that appears at the bar of
justice, always meets a candid and impartial hearing
from the judge and jury. If I can only obtain that, I
shall be justified, and restored to prosperity and happi-
ness, and become an useful member of society again.
I think I can prove the assignees have received
above £1400. and declared two dividends of 9d. per
pound each, only amount to £331. 2s. 6d. I want to
know what has become of the rest. I protest against
their whole proceedings. I protest against their whole
•
and accounts of all the sales they have made of the
property belonging thereto, unto the said Richard
Milnes and creditors, for the purpose of his investiga-
ting and examining the same, being satisfied that no one
can so effectually examine them as himself. And we
also most humbly request that you will be pleased to
dismiss them from being assigness, because we have
great reason to be dissatisfied with their conduct in the
exercise of their duty and consider them not worthy of
such an important trust. We have also reason to be-
lieve that they have received £1400. and declared two
dividends of 9d. each in the pound only, amounting to
about £331. 2s. 6d. and declare they will pay no more.
And it appears to us that they have wasted much of our


THE WARNING VOICE.
9
money, and we are much afraid they will waste the
whole, if you do not immediately comply with this our
humble request. And we also most humbly request
that you will direct them to restore to him the said
Richard Milnes, all the goods and furniture they so
illegally and unjustly bought belonging to him and us
at the sale without delay, not only because it was a
stretch of their power, but because we are credibly in
formed they had no money to pay for them. In
addition to the many other wasteful acts which they
have committed, they refused to pay Mr. Thomas Mil-
ner, one of the creditors of the said Richard Milnes,
for coals which they had got in his land after the bank-
ruptcy, and differed with him about 50s. and have
thrown away above £120. by a trial at York, which the
said Thomas Milnes gained this last assizes.
4
Memorandum to the above.
Saturday, 16th March, 1822.-William Oldroyd, a poor
mason, told me he had been at Taylor two or three times,
once to his house at Sandal, he promised to send it, but
he has not got one penny.
June 28-Mr. White told me he has not received one
penny.
July 22-Thomas Spedding has received nothing.
July 26-Mr. Sidebottom said he has not received
one penny.
Aug 20-Joseph Tweedale said he has received
nothing.
Ditto-John Spence said he has received nothing.
£. 8. d.
The amount of the debts, including the 24415 9 3
mortgage, were
...
The creditors signed this petition to the 2
· ........
.....
}
4028 18 91
amount of...
And I believe they have not paid one penny to more
than half of the number of the creditors.
RICHARD MILNES.
I have not repaired one breach they made in my
house. I have not added one thing to the furniture
they left me after the plunder. I now live at Nether-
ton-Hall, near Wakefield, Yorkshire, in the character
of a hermit, a complete recluse. I tell my friends I
keep no company, though I have an independent in-
come. I tell them all my visits are upon credit. I tell
them my fortune is out at nurse. The depredators
have left me a bed, two tables, five kitchen chairs, a
form, one chest of drawers, an old broken looking
glass, some kitchen furniture, and my family pictures.
No books worth mentioning, though I had an excellent
library. Thongh in reality they had no right to sell or
give any thing, being forbid by the repeated resolutions
of my creditors, and contrary to the conditions upon
which they were appointed. I have neither tea, coffee,
sugar, butter, wine or spirits in my house, nor will I
have till I revive and recover my strength, if it please
the Almighty to permit me. But I live as well as I
wish, and I enjoy my victuals, having long since lear-
ned, that it is much more pleasant, comfortable and
healthy, to eat and drink to live, than to live to eat and
drink, and to leave my meat with an appetite. I enjoy
this situation and living, and all my friends know how
My
much I enjoy company, rich or poor; they never saw
me in liquor or idle, or extravagant, or I may say guil-
ty of any thing that was bad. Having no family, I can'
live as I please. I came here with a view to work a
colliery, but I dare not begin till I have capital enough,
as I would gladly work it with ease and to perfection,
as my long hard practice has made it so familiar and
easy to me, it will be a play thing to me.
good friends have begun a subscription loan for me of
£5. 5s. Od. or £10. 10s. Od. each, to complete my capi-
tal, and such will be thankfully received from any
friend that may be pleased to join it. The money will
be safe, I will not waste it. It would break my poor
heart to sink under the oppressions and hardships I am
at present loaded with, by two men called assignees.
I have only one man servant, who I have had sixteen
years, he has a wife and two children who live in the
house with me, and find themselves all provisions, so
that I have neither trouble or expence of their house-
keeping; they keep my house, and provide what I
want; when I am at home I want something, when
from home I want nothing. He and they look after my
borse. I keep no cow, but my neighbours supply me
with milk constant. And Mr. Edward Hinchliffe em-
ploys and pays my man and his son wages constant;
so that I have brought my outgoings into a nut shell,
or very small compass. A bason of new milk night and
morning is a feast to me; I am by this means saving
much out of my income. And whatever may be my
prosperity, I am determined to save money to avoid the
depredations which knaves and fools have commit
ted upon me, in all directions, and if I once get upon
my legs, I do not fear soon being in competency. If
it please the Almighty to grant me a continuance of
the great treasures and blessings which I at present en-
joy, viz-perfect health and faculties, a young mind,
a young spirit and young constitution, which all appear
rather improved and invigorated, than impaired by the
oppression I have suffered. These I do most heartily
wish for, to gratify my good will and charity towards
others, and to become able to pay my debts. This is a
true history, and if I have any talent, it has opened,
and matured late in life, and I have only lately become
capable of writing. How hard then do I feel the op-
pression, which has threatened my extinction, at the
time of my value to myself, my friends, and society.
When I was in the navigation business Messrs. James
and Joseph Kershaw, sons of Mr. Kershaw, of Shaw
Hill, one of the first families at Halifax at that time,
went into the cotton trade at Manchester; James told me
when they were going to begin, his father said to him in
a private room, Jem you are going into trade with Joe,
I am sorry I cannot give you much fortune, I have so
many of you, but I wish to give you my very best advice;
you will find Joe is a short tempered lad, and will be in
a passion at times, when he is so, be sure thou take care
to be in high good humour, he promised him he would.
He then called Joe, and said you are going into trade
with Jem, and you know he is a hasty passionate lad,
and will at times be out of temper, when he is so, be sure
you be cool, pleasant, and cheerful. James said we
both promised him, we have observed this rule and never
had a wrong word since.


10
THE WARNING VOICE.
In my rugged passage through life, I have learned
whether I am dealing with my dog, my horse that I ride
upon, my servant, my equal, my superior or inferior, to
deal gently with their errors, to give them time to get
rid of their prejudices, but to take especial care to leave
them no room to complain of me.
There are two things we should never fret at viz:
Things which we cannot help; and things we can help.
These rules afford me comfort and pleasure, every day
my life.
of
I advise a place for every thing, and every thing in
its place, whether you be upon a large or small scale,
in house-keeping or business...
Let nothing be undone till to-morrow which you
can do to day, because you have no security of to-
morrow.
"
t
It is said, good often springs out of or is forced by
evil. If there be any good in my character, or this
publication, it confirms that remark; for I did not think
the whole world, from east to west, or pole to pole,
would have produced so many knaves and fools as have
attacked me in all directions, yet wonderful to my own-
self; I am one of the happiest of human beings, in single
life, for I am surrounded by some of the most delightful
and pleasant neighbours in the world, very old acquain-
tances, and they will, and do visit me, in this forlorn
state, and want me to change my mode of living, but I
tell them I will not till I recover my strength. They
are of very ancient, noble, and honorable families;
among the rest is a Miss Virtue, one of the most amiable,
beautiful, creatures in the world. A Mr. Hope, of the
ancient family of that name of Amsterdam, a charming
young man indeed, and they say these two amiable
creatures are likely to be united, they often come toge-
ther, and I do think it is not unlikely. A Lady Humanity
and Lord Charity, a widow and widower, they appear
very fond of each other, and often come together, or
contrive to meet here And also one of the most ancient
and honorable peers of the realm, the Duke of Philan-
throphy, this is a complete gentleman indeed, and I often
compare him in my own mind, to his grace the Duke
of Portland, who they say is drank in public com-
pany, as one of the best peers in the realm; and they
say Lord Surrey and some other noblemen's sons, look
up to, and imitate this amiable and, noble peer. He
married one of the rich Miss Scott's, and the Right
Honorable George Canning the other. Now is not this
good company, to make a man happy. But among my
visitors, there are a variety of other amiables. It is true,
I like good company of my equals or inferiors. But to
be honored with the company of such amiable, ancient,
and honorable families as come to me, is Heaven upon
Earth..
}
Is it not wonderful to see mankind hurry through this
world, after they know not what, and neglect the first
pleasures and first happiness in this life, viz-true reli-
gion, and the true study and exercise of real charity, in
all its views and bearings. And to contemplate and
admire the wonderful works of the Almighty; and to
study all these, and the legalizing the sale of game, as
much as they study fox hunting, spring guns, steel traps,
the preservation and killing of game, horse racing, and
card playing. Whatever gratification they may find in
the seven last pursuits, the study and practice of these
mentioned before them, would yield them joy, pleasure,
and happiness here and for evermore.
A very judicious and well written letter from the
Hon. and Rev. Wm. Herbert, has just been addressed to
the chairman of the House of Commons, on the game-
laws. This subject has, it appears, occupied the atten-
tion of the Rev. Gentleman ever since the year 1802,
and he submits it as a proposition which will, we think, be
generally submitted, that poaching is frequently the first
step in a lawless course of life, and that under the laws
as they at present exist, no severity of punishment has
been, or will be able to lessen its prevalence: further,
that as long as wealth is enjoyed by persons who do not
possess land, so long they will persist in obtaining game
for their own tables, by unlawful means if lawful pur
chase is denied them. The furnishing an easy lawful
market is, therefore, Mr. Herbert thinks, the only prac-
ticable method of destroying the poaching and illegal
sale, and with this view he proposes that all Lords or
Ladies of manors should be permitted to sell game through.
their game-keepers or some other servant or agent to
persons duly licensed, and that the Magistrate, on the
recommendation of the Lord's or Ladies of the Manors,
should have power to license one or two dealers in each
market town to retail game. The pamphlet then pro-
ceeds to point out the restrictions and qualifications
under which the sale to the retailer should take place,
which seem well calculated to effect the object. A Bill
has been introduced into Parliament by Lord Cran-
bourne, for legalizing the sale of game, consonant, we
understand, to the suggestions contained in Mr. Her-
bert's pamphlet, and on the recommendation of the
committee.
1
#
How many interesting and entertaining subjects card
players might find, by which they might gain the three
important objects of going into company, viz.-to be
entertained, informed and improved, by their visit.
Surely the following most excellent admonition of Pope
and Young, and my prayers, will arrest their attention,
and teach them to study and practice them all; they say,
Awake my Saint John, leave all meaner things
To low ambition, and the pride of Kings,
Let us (since life can little more supply,
Than just to look about us and to die,)
Expatiate free, o'er all this scene of man,
1
A mighty maze! but not without a plan.'
"Yet man, fool man, here brings all his thoughts,
inters celestial hopes without a sigh."
སྠཽ **
31,
14
The following are my Morning and Evening
Prayers.
The Lord Almighty be praised.
The Lord Almighty be thanked for, the comforts of
the past day or night..
The Lord Almighty of Heaven be thanked for the
protection, mercies, comforts, and blessings bestowed
upon me through my whole life.
Our Father, which art in heaven, hallowed be thy
Name; thy kingdom come; thy will be done on earth,
as it is in heaven; give us this day our daily bread; and


THE WARNING VOICE.
11
forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass
against us; and lead us not into temptation, but deliver
us from evil. Amen.
Almighty and most merciful Father, we have erred
and strayed from thy ways like lost sheep. We have
followed too much the devices and desires of our own
hearts: We have offended against thy holy laws: We
have left undone those things which we ought to have
done; And we have done those things which we ought
not to have done; And there is no health in us. But
thou, O Lord, have mercy upon us, miserable offenders.
Spare thou them, O God, which confess their faults:
Restore thou them that are penitent; According to thy
promises, declared unto mankind in Christ Jesu our
Lord. And grant, O most merciful Father, for his
sake, That we may hereafter live a godly, righteous,
and sober life, To the glory of thy holy Name. Amen.
Blessed Lord, who hast caused all holy Scriptures to
be written for our learning; Grant that we may in such
wise hear them read, mark, learn, and inwardly digest
them, that by patience and comfort of thy holy word,
we may embrace, and ever hold fast the blessed hope of
everlasting life, which thou hast given us in our Saviour
Jesus Christ. Amen..
<◄◄◄
Thirteenth Chapter of the 1st Epistle of Paul to the
Corinthians.
1. Though I speak with the tongues of men and of
angels, and have not charity, I am become as sounding
brass, or a tinkling cymbal.
2. And though I have the gift of prophecy, and
understand all mysteries, and all knowledge; and though
I have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and
have not charity, I am nothing.
In my Pious Thoughts, I have always asked myself
the following questions:-What was I before I was
born? I answered in the hands of the Almighty. What
my Creator. What shall I be when I am dying and
am I in this life? I said every moment in the hands of
dead? I said in the hands of the same supreme Being.
mighty make me? I said to worship him, to do good,
If I enjoy the protection of Heaven, why did the Al-
and study and practice virtue, charity, and true religion.
Why did the Almighty make the world? This like the
comprehension, and lead me to the comfortable remark
beginning and end of time, are mysteries above my
of Pope, that "The proper study of mankind, is man.'
compared with the beginning of time, and eternity.
And that man's time is a moment, and a point his space,
These thoughts and prayers, have removed all fear of
death from me, and made me live happy, in the hope,
smiling to my grave. Why should not there be as much
that I shall not go down with gray hairs in sorrow; but
happiness at the day of our death, as the day of our
Ayrton, of Malton, a good and clever man indeed, lived
birth, if we have led an upright life. The late Mr. R.
to old age, and when he saw death approaching, gave
every direction about his funeral with as much com-
posure, if not as much pleasure, as he gave orders to
prepare for his wedding, and retired from this world
very happy and very easy soon after.
under-supply than just to look about us and to die."
Then as Pope says again, "As life can little more.
And the
holy sacred scriptures say, "in the midst of life we are
in death." Will not these thoughts and prayers, accom-
panied by upright conduct, fill our minds with true piety,
be a cordial balm, and everlasting comfort, and remove the
And make every moment of our life happy and comfort-
fear of death in all our difficulties, fears, pains, and dangers.
true religion, furnish all this belief. And that the first,
Does not reason and
able. Why should it not be so.
and only solid comfort and true pleasure of this life is,
in doing good. And studiously considering and prac
D
3. And though I bestow all my goods to feed the
poor, and though I give my body to be burned, and have
not charity, it profiteth me nothing.
4. Charity suffereth long, and is kind; charity envi-
eth not; charity vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up.
5. Doth not behave itself unseemly, seeketh not her
own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil;
6. Rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth.
7. Beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all
things, endureth all things.
8. Charity never faileth: but whether there be pro-
phecies, they shall fail; whether there be tongues, they
shall cease; whether there be knowledge it shall vanish
Away.
9. For we know in part, and we prophecy in part.
10. But when that which is perfect is come, then that
which is in part shall be done away.
11. When I was a child, I spake as a child, I
stood as a child, I thought as a child; but when I became
a man, I put away childish things.
12. For now we see through a glass, darkly; but then
face to face now I know in part; but then shall I
know even as also I am known.
13. And now abideth faith, hope, charity, these three;
but the greatest of these is charity.
"The steps of a good man are ordered by the Lord,
though he fall be shall not be utterly cast down, for the
Lord upholdeth him with his band,
Trust in the Lord and do good, and verily thou shalt
be fed. Trust in the Lord, wait patiently for him.
Fret not thyself in anywise to do evil.
Commit thy ways unto the Lord, trust also in him,
and he shall direct thy path: And he shall bring forth
thy righteousness as the light, and thy judgment as the
noon day."
Pious Thoughts.-Old Age and Death.
religious good Methodist, assumed the critic on my pros-
The most prejudiced tory that I know, who is a very
pectus, and laughing, said to me, you have heavenly
prayers, and merry stories in the same line. I said, Sir,
discovered that true piety, is the only true authority for
I am sorry, that in all your religion, you have not yet
mirth and cheerfulness. And I do believe, Sir, that in
old age. The woman with child. The sick and dying
my prayers, will be found a cordial balm, a comfort to
man.
sea.
The soldier going into battle. The mariner at
The miner in the pit. And the fear of death
removed from all ages. And the vitals and essence of
these prayers will, I think, be found to be my own,
dictated to me by the aid of Heaven.
""


THE WARNING VOICE.
12
t'cing the golden rule, of doing unto others as we would
have them do unto us. I say again, there is no true
pleasure or solid comfort in this life, but in this rule,
thoughts, and prayers. Without them our greatest joys
will always feel a sting, and remorse.
to us all that the labourer, the pauper, and all ranks
What a blessing
and ages, may feel the full enjoyment of these thoughts,
prayers, and advice. Let this rule, thoughts, and pray-
ers, be your study and guide, if you wish to be happy
here and hereafter.
Should not these my heavenly prayers, and those of
all others, cause all abandoned wicked sinners, tyrants,
and oppressers, to forsake their wicked ways, become
religious, worship the true God, and contemplate the
wonderful works of the Almighty; particularly the sun,
moon, stars, and sea, and their wonderful effects upon
this our earthly habitation.
May I ask such poor, frail, wicked, deluded mortals,
if any such there be, should the Almighty be pleased to
withdraw, or obscure the light, powers, and effects of
the sun, moon, and stars, from this their earthly habita-
tion; and prevent the grass and corn growing, and ships
swimming, and deprive them of bread, meat, and light, or
the power of crossing the ocean, as a punishment for
their heinous sins. If such an event would not lead them
to pray, that their God and Maker, would in his great
mercy, restore them all, forgive them their sins, and
promise that they would for ever become religious, study
the holy scriptures, which he in his great mercy, and
goodness, hath given us, for our guide and comfort, and
worship the Almighty, and for ever after love and prac-
tice justice, mercy, and religion, and walk humbly with
their God.
Epitaph on Judge Nares, written by himself,
a few days before his death.
In hopes of future bliss content I lie,
Though pleas'd to live, yet not displeas'd to die,
Life has its comforts, and its sorrows too,
For both to all-wise Heav'n our thanks are due.
Else thoughtless man would fix his place of rest,
Where nature tells him he can ne'er be blest;
How far my hopes are vain, or founded well,
God only knows-but the last day will tell.
October 22d, 1792, Mr. Hall's birth-day, of
Manchester.
As miseries attend on length of years,
And sorrows constant in this vale of tears,
To smooth the passage, heav'n kindly grants
Reliefs innumerable, to supply our wants;
From sympathizing friends, what comforts flow,
That its chief ruggedness we scarcely know.
Through a long scene of vanity and sin,
My ninetieth year is this day usher'd in,
Grant, Lord, that I may spend life's residue
In deep contrition, and repentance true;
Which (through his aiding grace) may comfort bring
Avert death's terrors, and disarm his sting.
RICHARD EDWARD HALL.
Mrs. Milnes' epitaph on her grave stone in
Mirfield Church Yard.
Here lie the remains of Elizabeth, wife of Richard
Milnes, of Shepley-Bridge, Mirfield, daughter of the late
1817, aged 66 years, in the easiest and happiest manner.
Richard Hill, of Hull, who died on the 17th of February,
passage through a tedious sickness, to the blessed man-
Patience and fortitude lent their aid to smooth her
complaint of pain, in the hope of a happy eternity,
sions of eternal happiness, to which she retired without
through the merits of our blessed Saviour Jesus Christ.
Beyond the rage of time and fortune's power,
Remain, cold stone! remain, and mark the hour
When all the noblest gifts which Heav'n e'er gave,
Were center'd in a dark! and lonely grave.
Oh! taught on reason's boldest wings to rise,
And catch each glimm'ring of the opening skies;
Oh! gentle bosom! oh! unsullied mind!
Oh! friend to truth, to virtue and mankind;
Thy dear remains we trust to this sad shrine,
Secure to feel no second loss like thine.
Youth and Old Age.
Days of my youth ye have glided away,
Hairs of my youth ye are frosted and grey;
Eyes of my youth your keen sight is no more,
Cheeks of my youth ye are furrow'd all o'er;
Strength of my youth all your vigour is gone,
Thoughts of my youth your gay visions are flown;
Days of my youth I wish not your recall,
Hairs of my youth I'm content you should fall;
Eyes of my youth ye much evil have seen,
Cheeks of my youth bath'd in tears have ye been;
Thoughts of my youth ye have led me astray,
Strength of my youth why lament your decay?
Days of my age ye will shortly be past,
Pains of my age yet a while can you last;
Joys of my age in true wisdom delight,
Eyes of my age be religion your light;
Thoughts of my age dread you not the cold sod,
Hopes of my age be ye fix'd on your God.
Dr. Franklin-(From the Philadelphia Franklin
Gazette.) The following is the conclusion of a will
made by Dr. Franklin as early as the year 1757, on the
eve of sailing to England. It has, we believe, never
before been in print, and is now published as an addi-
tional proof of the pure sentiments and virtuous princi-
ples of that truly great man ;-
"And now humbly returning sincere thanks to God
for producing me into being, and conducting me
hitherto through life so happily, so free from sickness,
pain, and trouble, and with such a competency of this
world's goods as might make a reasonable mind easy;
that he was pleased to give me such a mind, with mode
rate passions, or so much of his gracious assistance in
governing them, and to free it early from ambition,
avarice, and superstition, common causes of much un-
land of liberty, with a people that I love, and raised
easiness to men; that he gave me to live so long in a
bestowing on me, moreover, a loving and prudent wife
me, though a stranger, so many friends among them,


THE WARNING VOICE.
13
and dutiful children; for these and all other innumera-
ble mercies and favours, I bless that Being of Beings
who does not disdain to care for the meanest of his
creatures. And I reflect on those benefits received
with the greatest satisfaction, as they gave me such a
confidence in his goodness, as will, I hope, enable me
always in all things to submit freely to his will, and to
resign my spirit cheerfully into his hands, whenever he
shall please to call for it; reposing myself securely in
the lap of God and Nature, as a child in the arms of au
affectionate parent."
"B. FRANKLIN."
Copy of a letter from R. Milnes, to Mrs. Ikin,
of Mirfield, on the untimely death of her dear,
amiable, good husband.
Shepley-Bridge, 26th March, 1821.
My dear Madam,
Pardon my delaying my duty to express my sorrow,
and to condole with you and your amiable family, on
your great loss. I most sincerely wish I may alleviate
your sorrow, or do you any service at this, or any
future time; my respect for you is so great, I hope you
will command me whenever you please. Your numerous
friends I am sure will do all in their power to afford you
a cordial balm. But I hope, Madam, you will secure
to yourself complete consolation, in the belief, that it is
the will of Heaven; and that he has gone to everlasting
happiness, and that we shall soon be called to meet him
in that happy state. This resource I am sure you
possess in an eminent degree; you know the protection
of the Almighty is our first and last resource, comfort,
and blessing, in all our fears, difficulties, distresses and
dangers. I need say no more, your sensible, strong and
amiable mind will, I hope, do more for you, than I and all
your friends can do. We must leave the rest to heaven.
With my most hearty good wishes for your consolation,
and that of your whole family and friends.
I am, with sincere respect,
My dear Madam,
Your most obedient servant,
RICHARD MILNES.
Mr, Ikin was killed from an unruly half-broken
horse with a safety stirrup, such I hear fox hunters use
to save their lives, in case they fall off, and hang in the
stirrup, the stirrup is to give way and let them loose.
But this safety stirrup was his danger and the cause of
his death. He happened to quarrel with this unruly
horse, and in the contest this safety stirrup leather gave
way and came off, the stirrup was lost, and he lost all
command of his horse, which run violently away,
dashed the rider's head almost to pieces against a post
chaise, though the driver, with six passengers, was doing
all he could to get out of his way; this new fashioned
stirrup was found one hundred yards from the fatal spot.
He was a hard rider, and used to ride wild horses. It
happened at twilight, and he was so much disfigured,
they could not tell who it was till they got a candle.
He has left an amiable wife and seven young children.
It appears, what he thought his safety, proved his dan
ger and his death.
Then well may it be said, "Man's greatest caution
often into danger turns, and his guard falling crushes
him to death."
What a blessing that the Almighty hath impressed on
the human mind, a wish to live in this transitory,
unhappy, wicked world, (unhappiness occasioned too
often by our own misconduct to others, as well as to
ourselves,) not only those of middle and high rank, but
the poorest beggar that we see, has a wish to live. Is it
not then an obvious conclusion to conclude, that the
Almighty hath bestowed this great blessing upon us, to
give us inclination and time to repent of our sins
towards the supreme Being, ourselves, and others, and
become prepared for everlasting happiness.
Will not this admonition infuse the spirit of true reli-
gion into the heart of the most abandoned and wicked
sinner towards the Almighty, himself, and others. I
hope this will warn every one to consider well how he has
spent and is spending his time, and how short a time he
has to live.
There was an old Mrs. Elmsall, the widow of the
Rector of Thornhill, who retired to Wakefield, and
paid tea visits at the age of eighty, kept the best com-
pany, and was at tea when the leading topic was a
beautiful young lady who was going to be married, and
it was said she could sing, play, dance, talk and walk
all in very superior style; in short, she was what they
called completely accomplished. The old lady heard
this story with very great attention, and when it was
finished, she said to the teller, pray, madam, can she
make a pudding.
I have the pleasure of knowing one of the most
amiable wives in the world, and her husband the same;
he is certainly making a fortune, yet she is so much de
termined to keep her daughters out of the path of briers
and thorns, that they can make their own beds already,
though one of them about eight, the other about ten
years of age. And she intends them to go through the
kitchen learning, then she says they will be ready for
the worst vicissitudes of fortune, and better prepared
for the enjoyment of the best; for whatever situation a
person is in, if they know, and can do and teach others
something, they are always respectable, and of conse
quence in their rank, particularly among their servants.
I once went to dine with an old farmer, we enjoyed
ourselves very much, and happened to get drunk, which
seldom or never happened before. His husbandman
came home very sober from the plough, they had lived
together many years, but the master being tipsey, quar-
relled violently with this man about some trifle or other,
and insisted the man should leave that night; the man
remonstrated in his own way a long time, the master still
persisted he should go that night. The man studied a
while, and by and by stepped up to his master and said
if you do not know when you have a good man, I know
I have a good master, and I will not leave you. They
went to bed and slept upon it, and were both well
pleased next morning. Perhaps this story might be
applied to me, and some of my servants. I had a
house-keeper or upper maid, à footman or groom, a


14
THE WARNING VOICE.
or
coal agent or top and bottom steward to my collieries,
lived with me all together, each above thirty years, and
my present man-servant has been with me sixteen years.
The late Mr. Jona. West, of Cawthorne, an attorney
at law, a fine open-hearted generous old englishman as
ever you saw, kept a true old english hospitable house,
cheese and bread and a drink for every poor hungry
man who went there on business, who perhaps had not
a penny in his pocket, and went with pleasure to this
place, because he hoped to get something to eat and
drink for nothing. He was a good company keeper,
and excellent story teller. He once told me that he was on
a visit to Mr. Wilson, of Broomhead, near Sheffield, a
great antiquarian; he was shewing his company his
antiquities and curiosities, and among other things told
them his family had enjoyed that place one hundred
years, and neither made it more or less than £200.
a-year. Mr. West said he was very near telling him
the following story, but stopped in time. That the old
Mr. Ratcliffe, of Mills-Bridge, an attorney at law, who
they said was a poor lad, but he got forward and laid
the foundation of the famous Sir Joseph Ratcliffe's
fortune. He used to go rolling down to Huddersfield
church in his coach, and after evening service, called
at the George to drink a tankard of ale, (for wine was
not known in those days) and talk the news of the day
with the vicar, whose name was Thomas Twizleton;
and among other things the vicar told him he was the
thirteenth Tom Twizleton who had enjoyed an estate
of £100. a-year, and never made it more or less;
Ratcliffe jumped out of his chair and said, then thou art
the thirteenth Tom Fool of that family.
I was once riding to Wakefield, on a pretty gambler
mare, and overtook a miller on a bonny grey horse, he
was as white as ever you saw a miller in a mill, and
his hat was as white as his coat; he took notice of my
gambler mare, and admired her; I said, for the credit
of the horse, she was got by gambler, a running horse
belonging Sir John Lister Kaye, Bart. of Grange Hall,
near Wakefield, Yorkshire; indeed he said this bonny
thing I ride was got by the very same, and if gambler
be owned long life, he has all the fifteen perfections that
belong to a horse; fifteen perfections! I said I have
heard a jockey say, when he was shewing a fine
horse, there he goes, Sir, he has a neck like a rainbow,
a belly as round as a barrel, and a head you may put it
in your pocket; but I never heard a man talk so
learnedly about a horse before; pray explain the fifteen
perfections, for I do think a fine horse is the finest sight
in the world, next to a fine woman. He began and
classed them in threes; he said, three belongs to the
neck, a long neck, a lean head, and fine shoulder, three
belonged to a hare, three to a fox, three to an ass, and
the three last, he said, belonged to a woman, he was
beautiful to meet, gentle to mount, and pleasant to ride.
Honi soit qui mal y pense.
I once heard of a poor lad that was going apprentice
to a clothier, and his father gave him his best advice,
and among other things said to him, be sure thou
always eat thy broth, for if they be good thou can have
nothing better, and if they be bad, thou may be sure
there is not much to follow. I mention this with a
view to recommend economy and prudence, both to
the poor and middling people. And we all know that
no fortune is safe with extravagance, folly, and
imprudence.
Time travelleth four different paces, with different
people, according to their situation and employment.
It walks, ambles, trots or gallops It walks with the
school boy of fortune, it ambles when he comes nearer
leaving school, it trots with the man of business all day,
and gallops with the most happy and most miserable,
viz. the lovers spending the evening together, and the
condemned man going to be hanged, and all those who
have laid too long in bed in the morning.
Very lately Charles Sowerby, a school fellow of
mine, told me, he once came up to three men on foot,
and one on horseback, had met the three on a narrow
causeway, with a deep ditch on one side, and a pond
full of water on the other, neither party could turn off,
but scolded awhile, and by and by one of the men set
his shoulder to the horse, and forced both horse and
rider into the pond, and the rider got out like a half
drowned mouse. This story brought to my mind that
one very dark night I was riding down Westgate-Com-
mon, upon the causeway, with a deep ditch on each
|| side, for neither my horse nor I could see upon the
road, it was so dark. At a distance I heard a cowd of
drunken men coming shouting and hallowing like hun-
ters. When they heard my horse, they said, turn him
off, turn him off, he has no business upon the causeway,
off with him; I said, my lads be civil. The moment
they heard my voice, they said, what Mr. Milnes, God
bless you, give us your hand, give him the causeway,
lead his horse by, which they did. They happened to
be Daw-Green clothiers, one of the most rude, unpo-
lished places in the county, which is very near Crow-
Nest, near Dewsbury, where I once lived, and should
have been there yet, had not I been forced away by
great rogues and great fools. You know it was said by
the wise Solomon, that a good name is rather to be
chosen than great riches. Oh! that young men would
read and study the proverbs of Solomon.
As a proof what a stupid lad I was at school, I still
write three different hands at three different times, one
good plain hand that any body can read; another that
nobody can read but myself; and another that neither
myself nor any body else can read.
Through all my toil, with all my care, judgment, in-
dustry, and sobriety, I have no particular casualty or
misfortune to complain of My endeavours were all
attended with success. And to the day of my stopping
both times, my lands, farms, collieries, and all my other
concerns were in the highest vigour, prosperity, and
perfection; so that I have nothing to complain of in
this world, but knaves and fools; no little knayes and
fools; none but great ones.
I
I lately went to Flockton Chapel, and the Rev.-
Whitwell, the Curate preached a sermon, which pleased
me so much, that I took the liberty of introducing my-
self to him, and thanked him for his excellent sermon;
and he told me he was going a Missionary to Canada; Í
said can England part with such a treasure as you, he
said, sir, you must be careful how you talk to we young
Curates, for fear you should make us vain. I said, sir,
I am no flatterer, I am no babbler, I am no courtier.


THE WARNING VOICE.
15.
My brothers saw I was much pleased with this young
divine, and gave us both an invitation to dine with him
the Sunday after, that I might hear him preach again;
and he preached a sermon which made me cry from
beginning to end. Some people may think true reli-
gion should be serious and gloomy; and though this
young gentleman shewed more real true piety than any
I ever met with, he is one of the most cheerful, pleasant
companions I have the pleasure of knowing. And I
said to my brother, if I had the Marquis of Stafford's
fortune, I would give him £300. a-year to be my chap-
lain, and he should not go to Canada. I am told the
Marquis has above £365,000 a-year, or £1,000 per day.
This great fortune has been much increased by the
minerals in Staffordshire, and the late Duke of Bridg-|
water's fortune. My crying at this very excellent
sermon brought to my mind that I once went with a
friend, in London, to see the famous Garrick in King
Lear; we sat with our backs to the front box, and at
our back was Lord Mansfield, on one side, Lord Thur-
low, on the other, a great law Lord, and they every
one cried at this play; then well might I cry at a good
sermon.
My dear good father once told me, that in the rebel-
lion in 1745, a person was alarmed for the safety of
some money he had, and consulted, whom he thought
one of his very best friends, about a place of safety to
hide it, till the confusion was over; and they went
together, and laid it, as they supposed, in a place of
the greatest safety, and the owner went to visit it occa-
sionally to see that it was there; and after many visits
it was gone; he was astonished how this could happen,
the place was so secret. After mourning for his loss
a long time, he told his friend that he had a little more
to put to it, and desired he would go along with him
for that purpose; when they got there, that which had
been lost was in the place, the owner said, ah! art thou
there? he snatched it up, and said, I will never trust thee
out of my own care again so long as I live. This
proves how cautious men should be in their friendships.
Some men you may know at first blush, some require a
long time to know them, some you can never know,
and how few know themselves.
I think I have said we were four brothers, all part-
ners at the colliery, the two oldest became great
shooters, great coursers, great hunters, and cock-fight-
ers. I, as a younger man, imbibed a smattering of some
of these diversions, but soon abandoned them all, and
business was always the paramount consideration with
me; my attention was solely confined to that, and the
comforts and happiness of my dear wife. Had the two
oldest brothers pursued this line of conduct with me,
and not caused the discords and divisions which
happened, we might with ease, and a good name, have
been worth one hundred thousand pounds, which the
fine folks in London call a plum. But I say query,
should I have been better with all this wealth, than I am
in this humble situation? I say with the wealth, because
I do think, after much reflection and consideration of
this very important point, that my good qualities, if 1
have any, would have been multiplied and magnified, as
they ought to be in all others, in proportion to my
opulence and power.
E
My house-keeper is a very pious good woman, has a
very great aversion to me or her husband shaving on a
Sunday, or doing any thing that can be avoided, on
that good and blessed day, which I am very glad of.
Abraham Ellis, a waterman, of Mirfield, a very pious
good man, would never shave on a Sunday; went home
between eleven and twelve one Saturday night, began
to shave before twelve, and when he had got half the
beard off, the clock struck twelve, he would not shave
a cut further, but wore the other half all day on Sunday.
I do indeed rejoice to see people religious, it is so
great a comfort and blessing to themselves and others.
And if they will only be truly religious, I would allow
them to be so in their own way, in any religion that I
know, except the Roman Catholic. This religion I
suppose has been instituted in the dark ages of old, for
the purpose of keeping the people blind, and in igno-
rance, that Kings, their Ministers, and Roman Catholic
Priests might govern them with despotic power. And,
as I hate every species of tyranny, I have a hatred for
the above-mentioned religion, because it favors that,
spirit. And is not this religion an outrage and disgrace
to true religion. And so far from my advising Catholic
claims to be favored, I think it ought to extirpated from
the face of the earth, for the above-mentioned and the'
foilowing reasons.
A young friend of mine, who was born a Roman
Catholic, of a good family, and has great relations in
Ireland, and many relations of fortune of that religion;
this young gentleman had a most liberal education
given, and intended to be a minister of the Church of
Rome; but at the age of eighteen he became pious, and
bent his whole attention to the study of true religion,
and discovered so much the reverse of that in the
Roman Catholic, as to furnish him with the most pure
and perfect reasons to abandon it for ever; which he
did, (though he thereby lost the continuance of his most
affectionate friends and great relations) dictated by the
most pure, religious, and conscientious motives, to
give up all his sinester prospects, to gratify himself in,
the practice of true religion; and among others are
the reasons contained in the following letter, addressed
to me, which confirmed him in his judicious belief, that
the Roman Catholic religion abounds with ignorance,
superstition and danger, to the welfare and existence
of the excellent establishment of the constitution of
England, in church and state; which constitution and
religion, connected as they are in church and state,
I do consider superior to any in the known world,
besause they have surmounted all the storms and tem-
pests of about ten centuries, and may endure ten times
ten centuries more, with the necessary repairs which
all thinking men are of opinion the constitution stands
in need of, and which I sincerely hope will be done
without delay.
Flockton, 20th August, 1823.
Dear Sir,
As you wished me to furnish you with reasons why I
abandoned the Church of Rome, I have the pleasure to


16
THE WARNING VOICE.
inform you
that your sentiments of Popery are per-
fectly in unison with my own. The whole system of
The whole system of
Popery may be justly viewed as a political combination,
nmanaged by cruelty and falshood, to establish a tempc-
ral empire in the person of the Popes, and under the
pretence of the good of another world, to engross the
good things of this to themselves; else what that
assumes the name of christian or of man, would ever in
the face of common sense, make such a monstrous asser-
tion as the following, contained in the 5th chap. 4th
book, entitled, de Pontifice Romano, by Cardinal
Bellarmine; that if the Pope should, through error or
mistake, command vices and prohibit virtues, the church
would be bound in conscience to believe vice good,
and virtue evil. The constitutions of the Church of
Rome are not less absurd than cruel. Cruelty is the
very genius of that idolatrous religion. The religion
itself, breathes, teaches, and inspires it into its deluded
votaries. It is calculated to suppress, yea, extinguish
the tenderest emotions of humanity, what could ever
produce such a maxim, that it is no more sin to kill an
heretic, than a dog: but that impious spirit of cruelty,
that is interwoven with the Romish religion, is fierce as
ten furies, and terrible as hell "
Before I was emancipated from the delusive dreams,
and visionary terrors of popery, had I had power equal
to my disposition, I would have extirpated every pro-
testant throughout the whole world, such was my detesta-
tion of protestanism, that I thought my very clothes
would have been contaminated, if I had but touched
the church door, so foolish was I and ignorant.
I, Sir. for my own part, am fully convinced that po-
pery is the same bloody and detestable thing that ever
it was; let some papists be as well bred, good and com-
plaisant as you please, I say whatever good qualities
some papists may possess, yet popery itself is the same
bloody and deceitful thing now, that it was in the days
of fire and faggot.
Into the hands of papists, it would therefore be worse
than madness to put weapons, which their principles
engage them to turn against us, whenever a fair op-
portunity may occur for so doing, which, it is much to
be feared, will be the case, if ever Roman Catholics
obtain admittance into parliament.
Could the public peace and tranquillity, and religious
privileges of the british realms, be permanently secured,
I should have no objection to see Roman Catholics ren-
dered eligible to all the offices of political authority.
But this can never be, so long as the Catholics of
these realms profess allegiance to the Pope, which they
all do.
That religious differences should be no bar to the
participation of civil rights, I most freely confess. If
these differences be not characterized by cruelty, but
that this is the case with the constitution or principles
of popery, surely no man will deny, who has the least
knowledge of that superstitious, idolatrous religion.
How is Ireland, the garden of Europe, one of the
most fertile islands in the world, for the production of
every species of food for the use of man, with har-
bours, courting the commerce of the world, with rivers
capable of the most effective navigation, with the ord of
every metal; ah! low is this interesting country, once
famed for its piety and virtue, miserably debased by its
religious ignorance, immorality, superstition, priest-
craft, popery, and cruelty, which are the infallible
sources of all the evils which afflict Ireland. Here I
beg leave to ask, is not this a disgrace to the british
empire?
It is impossible for the orator who copies from the
scence of his vision, to exhibit a correct picture of the
sister island. Surely, sir, the civil, moral, and religious
condition of Ireland, will excite the sympathies, and call
forth the active benevolence of Britain so long incurred,
to the laboured of benevolence, and to wipe away the
tear from the cheek of sorrow, with the kind hand of
charity. By what means may Ireland be raised to a level
with England, in the scale of nations. By what means
can that Isle, fruitful in deeds of evil, become as in days
of old, the Island of Saints. By what means can the
foul spirit of discord, be made to response to the
sound of peace, and the turbulent and factions, be induced
to pay their tribute to Ceaser, while, at the same time,
they give honor to God. These are truly questions of
paramount importance, and on which, the learned and
good, entertain different opinions. We know that the
cause of tumult, crime, and misery, which disturb the
peace, and dishonor the character of Ireland., lies in
her superstitious customs, the absence of her great men,
want of poor laws, morals, and the tyrannical conduct
of petty land jobbers, to the poor farmers and labourers.
One leading error of Popery is, their indulgencies, or
granting absolutions. They say the Pope has power to
give pardon and indulgencies, by virtue of which, men
are freed from their sins, in the sight of God; be-
sides the blasphemy of this assertion; what is it but a
cunning trick and sly artifice, to procure money, this is
that indeed which brings grease to the Pope's mill.
This doctrine, sir, I look upon, as a key that unlocks
and opens a door, to all manner of sin and licentiouness,
for what need persons regard what sins they commit, if
for their money, they can obtain pardon.
Fox, in his book of Martyrs, mentions one that at first
was a Papist, but reformed, and being brought before
Bonner, a Catholic Bishop, in Queen Mary's time, said,
sir, at the first I was of your religion, and then I cared
not how I lived, or what sins I committed, because I
could with my money, obtain a pardon, but now I am
otherwise persuaded, and do believe, that none can for-
give sins but God only. The very corner stone of the
English reformation was laid, in a just renunciation of
this point, for want of which, as a learned writer observes,
our Kings had long laid under a papal curse, but now
God has turned that curse into a blessing.
If then I am asked what are the most likely means,
to remedy these great and prevailing evils. I answer,
let poor laws be established, the rich content themselves
in their noble mansions at home, where they may find
more real true happiness than abroad, by encouraging
their poor tenants, by reducing their rents, tithes,
and taxes, and industry in their poor but willing labour-
ers; by this they would become respected and beloved
by all their inferiors, equal to the besl of Kings and
Princes, and thus become the most happy of human
beings. Let the scriptures be circulated throughout
the country, sunday schools established, and the gospel


THE WARNING VOICE.
17
preached; then Ireland, under the influence of true
religion, aided by all the above laudable causes, will be
delivered from her degradations and her crimes, become
enlightened and peaceable, industrious and frugal,
patriotic, loyal, and increasingly benevolent, and happy.
Hoping, Sir, that the day will soon arrive when Ire-
land, the beloved land of my nativity, now comparable
to the dreary wilderness, may rejoice and blossom as
the rose; be delivered from the hand of popish and
political oppression, and universally enlightened by the
Son of the glorious Gospel.
I remain, Sir,
Yours, very respectfully,
JOHN EDWARD COLLEN,
A Minister of the Gospel.
300
Conversion of a Village, from Popery.
A village, called Molhausen, in the Grand Duchy of
Baden, consisting of about 60 families, or 300 souls,
was, at the commencement of the present year, entirely
Catholic. At the present moment, 48 of these families,
or four-fifths of the population are Protestants, and the
greater part of the remaining fifth are expected to join
their former co-worshipers. The following is the man-
ner in which this surprising change has been effected.
The cure of the village was a man of remarkable good
sense and great assiduity in his pastoral duties, esteemed
for his Christian virtues, and admired for his learning
and moderation. In his sermons to his flock, he en-
deavoured more to impress upon their minds the general
truths of the Christian system than the particular dog-
mas of the Catholic church. Above all, he inculcated
the uselessness of observing external rites and cere-
monies, to the exclusion or neglect of internal piety.
Charity, justice, and all the moral and social duties
were more frequently on his lips than the virtues of
masses, the power of relics, or the pains of purgatory.
This conduct did not suit the vicar-general of the
diocese. The cure was summoned into his presence,
reproached from his laxness and moderation, and de-
sired henceforth to evince more Catholic zeal, or to
leave his cure. The good man returned to his village,
undismayed by the menaces of his ecclesiastical supe-
rior. He called his flock together, with the seigneur
of the village at their head, and having recapitulated
both the doctrines which he had preached, and those
which the vicar-general required him to adopt, he as-
sured them that his concience would not allow him to
change his system, but that he would continue to be
their pastor as heretofore, if they followed him in the
old course and protested against the superstitious bigo-
try which was attempted to be enforced. The sieg-
neur and upwards of 40 families immediately joined
him, and for ever separated themselves from the
Catholic communion. A petition was sent to the Go-
vernment to appoint another cure for those who con-
tinued Catholics, but it is now supposed that the expense
may be spared, as they are rapidly uniting themselves
to the congregation of their old pastor. If the Inqui-
sition had existed in Baden, this curate and his flock
would have made a very pretty au-toda-fee!
Leeds Mercury, Nov. 29th, 1823.
I shall indeed be very much obliged, if my friends
who bought any of my books or pictures, will be pleased
to let me have them at prime cost. And that they will
also do me the favor, to make this work, public as
possible.


TURNPIKE
AND
BY-ROADS MAKING.
I think all turnpike-roads should be made on the
following plan, which, in my humble opinion, might
save half the expence at first making, and also in
repairs after made; save the poor farmers from the op-
pression of repairing turnpike-roads, and also them,
and other poor travellers from part of the oppressive tolls,
by reducing them: please the travellers better than any
they ever saw, prevent the danger of carriages being
overturned, and serve the cause of humanity, by easing
the poor horses' feet. I would make them to fall all
one way, which is called an inclined plain. Models
may be seen made by chance; one a little south of San-
dal Three Houses, on the Road from Wakefield to
Barnsley. Another going up the hill in Birstall, the
Adwalton Road. Another between Huddersfield and
Lockwood. Another between bottom of Moor Lane,
and Gomersall. Another opposite the fair ground at
Wakefield. The barrelled roads are made to fall much
more on each side than is necessary, in the mode here
advised, and great care must be taken that this inclined
plain do not fall too much, they must only just fall so
much as to be perceived by the naked eye, or that the
water will fall.
I would lay the causeway on the higher side, and
stone it close to the causewaynear to the top, so that either
foot or horse may turn off or on without trouble; the
space between the causeway and the wall to be kept
level with the causeway, or rather to rise a little towards
the wall, for the foot people to turn off upon, and they
will often walk upon it, if laid so as to keep it dry, as it
will be more easy to their feet, and not wear their shoes
so fast as the stones. I would set no stones to keep the
carts off the causeway, or at least not to stand above
the causeway, because there is a penalty upon the dri-
ver, and also because such stones are stumbling blocks
both by day and night; and many a poor man, and
perhaps horse, fall over them in the night, which we
never hear of; and such stones perhaps cost more than
the damage of the causeway would be in many years.
Causeways are useful to the rider in winter to keep out
of the dirt; and in summer to prevent the horse from
raising a cloud of dust to cover the rider, or annoy a
fair lady, if one happened to be passing at the time.
They are also very useful in the night, because both
rider and horse can see them better on a dark night,
than the rough stoned stumbling road. They are also very
useful to the rider to keep out of the way of coaches,
by day and by night, they now run so much too fast.
And they may be enjoyed by the horse, without any
inconvenience to the foot; if they are laid so that
either may turn off with ease. The poor foot people
very naturally and very properly claim the causeway
as their own; but they are very necessary to both,
and may be enjoyed by both with mutual pleasure, if
they will only be civil to each other; and civility on
one part, will always insure it from the other; and my
object is, on all occasions, to create and promote a good
understanding between superiors and inferiors, and to
see the latter respect the first, and the former respect
the latter, for their mutual benefit, pleasure and pros-
perity. The waggoner will enjoy the causeway, if it be
laid so that he can get on or off with ease, to and from
his horses. I would stone the road about three ear-
riages or twenty feet broad. I would not put one
stone on the other part, which ought to be left seven-
teen feet broad, without stone, for a summer road. In
wet weather the carriages will go upon the stoned part;
and in dry weather they will rejoice to go where there
are no stones. And it must be stoned so that carriages
can go to and from the stoned to the unstoned part at
their choice, without much trouble. Both the stoned
and unstoned must join and lay as one inclined plain,
and will require much care to do them judiciously.
And great care must be taken that the roads do not fall
too much. And if those who execute a new road, will
be pleased to take a view of some of the models mentioned
above, I think they will be a good guide, though made
by chance. This unstoned or stoned road will be very
useful to cattle drivers, to turn the sheep and beasts
upon, when carriages or horses are passing upon the
other. A road made as above described, will be tra-
velled by carriages, each on their own or left side, then
they will not have to disturb each other in meeting, as
is very common on most roads.
In the fine summer weather, the travellers will all be
upon the smooth, easy, pleasant road, where there are
no stones, and during that time, the surveyor may re-
pair the stoned part, and he must lay his stone where
they are to rest, and break them as they go on, and
they will lay more solid, than when put on loose, with the
shovel or barrow, and never leave a heap of stone un-
broke, all night, to narrow the road, or be in the way
of man, horses, or carriages to fall over by night or
by day; had this rule been in practice, Mr. Woodcock
would not have been killed by his gig running over a
heap of stones, and throwing him out of it, and another
gentleman being thrown out of the same gig, and very
near killed, by running over a second load of stones,
in the day time, the 7th of August, 1821, about one
mile from Pontefract, on the Wakefield turnpike-road,


ROAD MAKING.
19
€
B
laid ready to repair the road in winter, to the great
annoyance and danger of the travellers, in summer,
aud also winter, before laid on. This way of laying
the stones on which I advise, will be much cheaper
than laying them on the road side, and a man employed
to throw them up, and having to take them in their
hands or barrows, to lay them on when they do break
them, and perhaps laid on in short days, in the depth
of winter. And by being broke and exposed to the sun
in summer, they would get dry and hard before the
wheels come upon them. On Tuesday night, the 18th
September, 1821, a gentleman's horse fell with him over
a load of stones, which were left upon the road un-
broke, in Boat House Lane, Hopton, and fractured his
shoulder. On Monday the 24th of September, 1821,
I found a poor weaver in a lane removing a cart load
of stones into the hedge bottom, I asked him if he be-
longed to the road, he said he did not, but was moving
the stones out of their way, as they have to go and
come home in the dark from their work, and several of
them had fallen over the stones. And winter before
last a young gentleman was killed by riding over a load
of stones at Bruneliff Thorn. Two men broke each a
leg by falling over a stone set to save the causeway in
Bowling Lane, near Bradford. In autumn, 1829, my
cousin, Mrs. Haigh, of Mirfield, was riding behind her
man, the horse started, the man checked him, he run
back against a load of stones, reared and fell back upon
them both, and they were both fast under the horse.
Turnpike-roads are to be twenty yards broad by act of
parliament, over commons; this is much more than is
necessary, and a waste of land; for you may very com-
monly see a wide road, and about one-third or one-
fourth of it used by the carriages, the other two-thirds
occupied by a wide useless ditch on each side; and
stones laid in heaps to throw carriages over, and horses
and men down by night and by day: many falls over
them, are had by men in the night, which we never hear
of. But by the way I advise, is never to have a load of
stones, or heap of dirt, lay on the road all night, nor
any ditch on each side to throw the carriages into.
I am of opinion the part of the road without stones,,
will, on the average, be travelled six months in the
year. I very well remember at the opening of the new
road from Dewsbury to Leeds, in 1817, they would
have begun to travel upon the unstoned part in March,
and never wanted to go upon the stones till November,
which is eight months, the summer proved so favour-
able; so that the average, including frosts, may be fairly
called six months in the year, at least. Another advan-
tage in the unstoned part, it would not be so slippery;
in a moderate frost, care must be taken to keep the
unstoned part always hacked in, and even at all times,
both summer and winter, for carriages will prefer it in
a moderate frost, and perhaps in a hard frost it may be
preferred to rough stones. But they will always go
upon the stoned road when the other is soft. Consider
the hardship upon the poor horses, who are so wonder
fully subservient to the cruel will of man. At the
opening of a new road, they have to wear the rough
stones to a plain path, with their poor lane feet, in
summer, for want of the unstoned part to save them,
and the same when repaired; the poor horses would tell
F
•
you the hardship, if they could talk. I think all new
stoned roads should be covered with furnace cinders,
engine ashes, or something small, to save the stones
and horses' feet. The covering would lead them to
quarter more, and keep the road even. This plan may
be extended to by roads, as many of them are wide
enough, and much more used in summer than winter ;
and the driver of a cart will tell you, how much he
prefers a smooth road in summer with his load of
hay or corn, to a stoned road. And this unstoned part
would save the stones in summer, and they would be
ready for winter. Though in my opinion the dirt is
cleaned too much from roads, particularly in and before
the month of March, which is generally a dry month,
and would save the stones from being so much worn in
summer, if they would let it remain on. But it may be
well if they will always cover the stones with it when
fresh laid on, to save them and the horses' feet. The
want of this covering is one of the greatest errors in
road-making and repairing; you may see it very com-
mon, both in winter and summer, stones broke small
and laid on where the dirt has been shovelled off, the
first heavy coach or other heavy carriage wheels that come
upon them, breaks them to a sand as small as that they
have just taken off, perhaps the same day after laid on.
But if the stones were laid on larger and`a good thick-
ness at once, and covered well, even with the sand they
have just shovelled off, they could not be so soon broke.
How hard that the poor horses are forced to travel
upon stones all summer,, which wears the stones, carri--
ages, horse shoes, but above all, the poor horses' feet;.
and very unpleasant to travellers on foot, horseback, and
in carriages, when they might, at a much cheaper rate,,
be travelling upon a smooth, easy, comfortable road,
without stones. The waggoners will use the unstoped
road down hill,, both winter and summer, because it
will save them the trouble of putting on the shoe, and
also the wear of it, because it will always be smooth
where there are no stones, and the locked, waggon
wears the road much more going down hill, than being
unlocked. But in the soft weather, they will often go
down hill unlocked on a moderate hill, when, if they
were forced to go upon the stoned part, they would be
forced to lock, and have the shoe. The unstoned part
down hill will be required to fall more sideway than
over the plain, to throw the water off, and prevent it
washing too deep; and the jetties, or little hills, to
throw the water off, will be required to be kept up with
much more care on the unstoned than the stoned part,
because the water will have, more power upon the un-
stoned. To illustrate the above, I would ask the weary
traveller on foot, going a long journey, weary and does
not know what do with his feet, being hot and sore, on
a hot summer's day, how much he would rejoice to find
a path where there are no stones? I would next ask the
noblemen and gentlemen of fortune, riding out for
their pleasure, how much they would be pleased to find
a road without stones,. rather than a hard stoned road,
and perhaps covered with loose stones in summer?
I would next ask the traveller on horseback, with his
bags, going a long journey, when travelling over
Nottingham Forest, how much he is pleased with it,
because there are no stones? I would next ask the dri-
9


20
ROAD MAKING.
ver of the gig, the one-horse cart, and all sorts of car-
riages, up to the mail coach and nine inch waggon, if
they would not be better pleased with a turnpike-road
without stones, in summer, than any they ever sawi
I think the owners of estates should always give the
land, because it is universally admitted, that turnpike
roads improve the estates, much more than the value of
the land required, and where they happen to be so impo-
litic as to refuse to do so, and ask too much for the land;
a jury should be called, and be advised, that it is their
duty to value the improvement the road will make to
the estate, and deduct that from the value of the land
required, same as they would add the loss and inconveni-
ence a tradesman would suffer, over and above the prime
cost of his property, by being forced by law, to give up
his shop, warehouse, or public house, by which he gained
his living, I think justice has an equal claim, and I hope
will dictate under both these circumstances.
•
X
Much more harm than good is done to roads by
letting off the water. A gentleman was lately thrown
out of his gig by driving over a hole that was made in
the road, to let off the water. And if trustees would
please to direct their surveyors upon old roads, to lay
no heaps of stone or dirt by the causeway side, but to
lay them on the opposite side, if they will continue that
practice. And they will prevent many a poor man
having many a hard fall over them, in the night. I was
going from Wakefield to Dewsbury with a man on foot,
and I took notice of a heap of dirt laid in the way; he
said he had fallen over that heap, three times in the
night; he damned the dirt and the man that laid it
there. I also advise them to let the causeway bend
downwards opposite Field Gates, to save the causeway
pulling up to get into the fields; and to keep the
hedges brushed by the causeway, both these are neg
lected upon turnpike and by-roads.
1
||
Not a greater duty of trustees, than to supply the roads
with good watering places, where water is to be found;
I know five different places, where the roads have been
deprived of watering places by inclosures, and other
causes, for want of attention in the trustees. On the
On the
principal of charity, humanity, and philanthropy, I do
most heartily wish to see this plan of road making put
in execution, to save the poor horses' feet, and to relieve
the poor travellers with one and two horse carts, (who
and their horses earn their bread much too hard) and
others from part of the oppressive tolls, and to see the
side or pick pocket bars taken down, because they extort
money contrary to justice; and the intention of the
wisdom of the Legislature, which is, that every man shall
travel a fair proportion of the road for his money;
think no man ought to pay toll till he has travelled two
miles upon the road, or will travel two miles after he
has paid, or make it up two miles before and after he
passeth the bar.
II
This plan may be put in practice upon old turnpike
there is of room in general, and it will
only be taking part of the old stoned part to repair the
other, and by that means gain an unstoned road for
summer. But this will be very imperfect, compared
with the summer road, being made when the whole road
is made new, as there is generally plenty of room upon
old turnpike roads, a great part of which is commonly
covered in summer with heaps of stone laid ready to be
broke, and spread on thin all across the road in winter,
and perhaps not till the road is wet, dirty, and cut deep,
at or before or after Christmas. I advise the breaking
of these stones as they go on in summer, on one side of
the road a good thickness, broke three inches square,
where they are to lay ready for the carriages when they
want them, covered with furnace einders or dross,
and they will lay as secure against being worn, as if they
were unbroke in heaps, for the carriages will never come
upon them till they want them, if there be room left to
pass on one side where there are no stones; by this rule,
the labour of breaking and laying them on, will perhaps
be half reduced, and the stone will perhaps wear twice
as long as being broke very small, and laid on thin in
winter; and a summer road may soon be had by keeping
one half stoned, and the other half unstoned; this rule
may be applied to by roads where there is room.
"
It is my opinion stones are generally broke too small
upon turnpike-roads. Nearer they are broke to a sand, and
less they will wear. And if you would take a coal
riddle, and riddle stones broke to six ounces only, you
would perhaps find one-third of them go through the
riddle, which is no better than the sand they shorel off
the road, occasioned by breaking them too small. If
they would lay on a good body at once, they would be
better broke larger, if three to four inches square, by
which money might be saved, and they would be more
open and porous, and would let the water through;
then cover them with furnace oinders or dross; and
plenty may be had from Low Moor Iron Works, near
Bradford, where they have above half a million of tons.
advise all navigation companies to let this dross or
cinders pass at half lock dues, to encourage the use of
them, then they will go far and near to cover the stones,
being the best, and perhaps cheapest material for that
purpose which I know; and when they get the turn-
pike-road made down the Bailiff Bridge Valley, to the
very easy to that place by land, and may be shipped
there for any other place.
I think the water wears the roads down hills more
than the carriages, especially when a locked waggon
has made a gutter, it often collects in the middle of the
road, and makes a current so strong as to carry stones
above six ounces down, and often wears a deep hole in
the road, in danger of turning a mail coach over. This
evil will in a great degree be cured, by the road falling
all one way, it will throw the water off side way upon
a moderate still, and may do the same by making little
jetties upon steep hills, which is often done. And a
stone gutter may be made down the sides of the hills,
to carry the water down, so level it will do that, and
not throw a carriage over, if any happen to go into it.
Since writing the above, I am informed the Wakefield
and Austerland Trustees, have ordered the jetties to be
taken away, because the coaches find some inconveni-
ence from them. But if they do take them away, they
will find much danger of their being overturned, by the
holes the water will make upon long hills. The jetties
should be made when the new road is made, directly
across, and the rise and fall should begin and end at a
considerable distance from the top, and rise and fall


ROAD MAKING.
21
almost imperceptibly, then the coaches would scarcely
discover or find any inconvenience from them.
I was paying two-pence for my horse at Westgate
Bar, near Wakefield, and a poor chimney sweeper came
upon a poor ass, without halter or shoes, for he said he
had not money to buy either. The bar man took two-
pence of him for passing this bar, though justice says the
ass should not pay above one-fourth of the horse; and
I hope, in future, this regulation will take place, both
upon old and new roads, for the ass pays same as the
horse on all turnpike-roads that I know. The asses do
not contribute much to the support or wear of the
road, but the saving of three-fourths of their toll is very
important to the owners,
With a view to economy, the preservation of roads,
and ease and comfort of all sorts of travellers and hor-
ses, I advise roads to be made rather winding, if they
have an old one to follow to use, and a little rising and
falling, rather than straight forward and over a plain,
where the ground will admit. By the first, carriages
will quarter more; by the second, the water will run
off and keep the road dry and clean, when it would be
wet and dirty over a plain. And a little hill would also
ease the poor horses, by changing their position,
though a little drawing up hill, down is a change; as
the labouring man always wants to change his hand or
position for his ease. I have often had this opinion
confirmed by my worthy friend the late Mr. Henry
Henshaw, of Oldham, who was a very great walker,
but never mounted a horse, and seldom a carriage, for
many years. He said he would much rather walk over
a road a little rising and falling, than over a plain,
because it eased him by changing his position. In the
early part of his life, he overlooked a great dye-house,
by which he impaired his health so much, that he lived
upon vegetables and milk above twenty years, the
latter part of his life. He said he was of a warm, hasty
temper, and when he was walking through the dye-house
and saw a man doing wrong, his temper began to warm,
and inclined to scold him, but he always turned back
and reasoned with him when he was cool. His brother,
the late Mr. Thomas Henshaw, and himself, went from
the dying to the hat manufactory, lived to old age, and
died worth two hundred thousand pounds; and through
their whole life were good and liberal masters, did
many noble acts of charity, and were good economists.
Yet they always, to their honour, kept a generous old
english hospitable house, where refreshment was always
ready for every poor man who went there upon busi-
ness. And I do hope from whatever house that old
english hospitality has fled, it will soon return when
this is heard. For these good men were labouring men
in their youth, and know the value of a little refresh-
ment to a hungry, travelling, weary, poor man, who
perhaps had not one penny in his pocket, and rejoiced
all the way he was going to this hospitable mansion,
where he knew he should get something to eat and
drink for nothing.
leave to observe, that thirty pounds a year, a little more
or perhaps much less would, in the house of a gentleman
of fortune, with the regulation of good economy, do all
that is needful for the above mentioned purpose of gra-
tifying the poor, hungry, weary travelling foot man of
business.
In the year 1918, the Dewsbury gentlemen contem.
plated a turnpike road from Dewsbury to Leeds, a
distance of eight miles, and were so sanguine, they
solicited every man that had, and some that had not £50.
to spare, and they signed an instrument which would
compel them to pay. The estimate was twelve thousand,
and has cost about twenty thousand pounds, when
was subscribed, they went to
Parliament, and obtained an act which cost six hundred
pounds. They began to execute, trade became bad,
and some could not, and some would not pay; they
tried every means to increase their subscriptions, to finish
by their own resources, but in vain; the town of Leeds
only subscribed £150. But as they had begun, necessity
at length compelled them to apply to government, who
lent them first-£5000. and after that £4000. at five per
cent. Interest, which interest the trustees engaged to pay;
and also five per cent. every year towards paying off the
principal, the whole to be paid off in twenty years. They
have finished this road, but in the most injudicious,
extravagant, ill-contrived manner possible. They have
done it as wild and extravagantly as if it had been for
Napoleon Bonaparte, of France, or William Pitt, of
England, when they were at the summit of their power
and extravagance. How is this great error to be ac-
counted for, perhaps some will say, because every bodies
business is no bodies, I am inclined to say, for want of
attention in the trustees. And perhaps I may not be
wrong if I say further, that it is in part, because trustees
have no allowance for their trouble, and expences when
they meet, I would have it limited, suppose to 5s. per
day when they dine, and limit the number to the first
ten that entered the room, including the clerk, so that
they be not treated when there is a great meeting to
contest any matter. Why should the plain, sensible,
intelligent trustee, who has his own private affairs and
family to attend, leave them and go and give his time
and expences at a turnpike meeting. Had this small
expence been paid by the treasurer, and due attention
given to the road, many thousands might have been saved
in making this eight miles of road, and been worth many
thousands more to the public, by having been well exé-
cuted. Here I can speak both feelingly and experimen-
tally, I have attended ten meetings of the Barnsley and
Grange-Moor trustees without intermission, where I have
no interest, but to discharge my duty as a trustee, and
to promote roads making on my new plan, for the good
of the public, and I have had to pay my own expences. To
pay a trustee's expences, would add to his obligation to
discharge his duty, and I do think the qualification of a
trustee should be reduced from £100. to £50. per annum.
Humble men often have more experience and pay more
I am truly sorry to hear, that drunkennes and extrava-attention to roads than the opulent. They have been
gance has driven this laudable old English hospitality in such a hurry to get the road done, they have been
out of many of the kitchens of gentlemen of fortune, regardless of the quality of their materials, perhaps used
who have charity, and the amiable disposition to serve some stone little better than an unburned brick, laid
the poor, hungry, travelling man of business; and beg them on much too thick, and after the road opened forced


22
ROAD MAKING.
to cover the small part, which the wheels used with burnt
stone, burnt brick, or furnace cinders, to prevent it being
cut up to the nave. They have incurred too much ex-
pence in land, I am told they paid £4000. for land which
should all have been given, or a jury called as above
mentioned, and would have been given, if they had
paid it due attention. They have laid the causeway in
many places so high, that neither foot or horse can get
off or on but at each end, and so narrow they cannot
meet upon them without danger. The hill between
Topcliff and Dunningley, near the top of Tingley-Moor,
is, I think, four inches rise at the yard, and providence
or nature had formed a line by winding there, within
about a hundred yards, would I think not have been above
two inches rise at the yard. And since writing this, I
have been informed there is another line much easier
and shorter than either of these, and would have been
less expensive, but for want of attention in the trustees.
They have choose the worst of the three. In many parts they
have cut through valuable land where the old road laid,
some within three, five, teu, twenty, some one hundred
yards of the new road, where by a little winding, they
would have had the benefit of an old, good, solid road,
and have saved money, land, and the loss and incon-
venience to the poor tenants.
And a new road was lately opened from Sheffield,
through Glossop, towards Manchester, was estimated at
eleven thousand pounds, and they say has cost between
thirty and forty thousand, for want of attention and
prudence in the trustees. I have no way of accounting
for these three great errors, but want of attention in the
trustees, for I have the honor and pleasure of knowing
many of the Dewsbury and Leeds, and also Wakefield
and Austerland road trustees, and from my own know-
ledge, I think them clever and very superior men.
These three pieces of extravagance, folly, and want
of attention in trustees, and my attending above ten
turnpike meetings at Barnsley, without intermission,
where several diversions are contemplated in the road
from Barnsley to Bradford, (in doing which we have
found much difficulty) have exeited my attention to
discharge my duty to the public, by writing this upon
turnpike-roads, which may perhaps be applied to all
other trustees of turnpike-roads in the united kingdom.
Many gentlemen are frightened and disgusted, and
afraid of meddling with turnpike-roads, so many do not
pay, and the repairs of them are thrown upon gentlemen's
tenants, occasioned by extravagance, for want of atten-
tion from the trustees, and nothing else.
The Dewsbury and Leeds trustees take all the tolls,
and have thrown the repairs of their new road upon the
poor teuants, though they are not able to live upon their
farms at their present rents and taxes, though it was only
opened in March, 1817. And I am informed the town-
ship of Soothill has agreed to give the trustees £110.
per year, to free them from the repairs of about two
miles of this new road; had they executed this road with
prudence and attention, they would have prevented this
oppression-does not such call aloud for a remedy.
I am almost afraid of publishing this censure upon the
want of attention in trustees, and bad management of
turnpike-roads, for fear-should make it a pretence for
taking the roads into their hands; was that ever to hap-
pen, we should have the land covered with petty tyrants,
which none could, or would control. But I say, God
forbid this ever happening in this once happy land of
freedom and liberty.
When a new road is to be executed, the trustees should
go over the line repeatedly, or again and again, and make
every inquiry and observation, to find out the best and
cheapest line, before they determine upon it, and direct
and control their engineer and surveyor, and not have
to blame them when the mischief is done. Had they
observed this rule, and made this road by the plan I
advise, and did advise them and which they repeatedly
approved, I do think they might have saved much above
ten thousands pounds, in making this eight miles of road.
Engineers and ingenious men, are superior and most
valuable in their own way. But the attention of the
trustees, and plain pleading men of hard experience on
this and many other occasions, would have been found
superior to them.
I can say as much against the diverting of the road
from Horbury Bridge to Grange-Moor, about four miles,
it should have gone up the valley by Smithy Brook, close I always understood, that in old times, when money was
to the Quarry, and over Emroyd Common, a piece of so plentiful, that every man's pocket was full, and could
bad land, covered with coal pit and iron stone hills, pay his way with ease and pleasure, that it was the
which land over Emroyd would have been given them, practice of trustees of roads to be wary and cautious, and
and saved much expence, and avoided cutting the best to use all good economy, with a view to keep low, and
of land to pieces, removing a house and two barns out reduce the tolls, and relieve the payers as much as pos-
of their way, cutting through two hills and through a sible. But now when nineteen men out twenty feel
garden, and filling up a valley, and the road would have themselves in poverty, and unable to pay their way
been much easier; a moderate fall all the way, over even comfortably, is it not wonderful, that trustees should so
plain ground, no impediment, no house, barn, or hill to far forget their duty of economy, and adopt extrava-
remove, or garden to buy at the price the owner choose-gance, and only think of advancing tolls at the time
to take, and they would have had a quarry of good hard they should study every means to reduce them, and to
stone close to the middle of the line of the road, both to see that every one travel a fair proportion of the road
make and repair it in future, so that they appear to have for his money, and not take most of the toll at one
followed the bad example of the Dewsbury and Leeds end of the road, or by side bars, which is too much the
trustees. I think they have wasted two thousand pounds practice, which side bars have been occasioned by bar
in about four miles, and the road would have been better farmers. I occasionally visit a friend af the distance of
by thousands to the public, if they had taken the better five miles, and have to pass three bars, side bars or
line, and it should have gone close to the new Grange chains, on three roads, and they take from me 44d.
farm house, and crossed the Caphouse valley, a little though I do not travel much above half a mile upon
lower, where it is not half so wide as where they did all the three roads. I do think this is great injustice to
cross, and been a much better and easier road.
me and others.


ROAD MAKING.
23
Here I cannot avoid expressing my feelings and cha-
rity for the poor mail coach horses, whom government
have lately ordered shall be driven at the rate of ten
miles per hour, which I am sure few horses will bear
long; and I am equally sure there is no necessity for
it, and that it increaseth the danger to the travellers,
and that the cruelty is a disgrace to our country. A poor
horse running in the coach, lately fell down dead at
Waterloo-Bridge, near Huddersfield; and another
dropped down the moment he arrived at the White
Bear, in Barnsley. I fear many thousands of these
noble, generous, useful animals are thus sacrificed, in
the year, in different parts of the kingdom.
The following extract from the Leeds Mercury of the
30th of August, 1823, I hope will confirm my opinion,
and help to abate this useless oppression and cruelty to
the poor horses, and needless hurry and danger to the
travellers.
"We have received a very pathetic and vigorous re-
monstrance against the proposed arrangement for
effecting the post office communication, between this
place and London, in three instead of four days. Like
the box of Pandora, our correspondent represents this
project as full of mischief, without finding hope, even
at the bottom. His first alligation is, that it would kill
the mail coach horses. His next fear is, that it would
harrass the post-master and his assistants, by turning
night into day. The merchants' clerks, he says, would
have to fag at the wrong end of the day, and their
morals would be exposed to the danger of late hours.
The ladies be alleges, would oppose the measure, en
masse, as it would break up their social evening circles,
and destroy their husbands' repose. In a word it would,
as he conceives, contract the enjoyment of the servant,
and increase the anxieties of the master, without pro-
ducing any benefit, except to speculators and adventur-
ers."
Having advocated the cause of the poor, in my letter
to Mr. Scarlett; and here accused trustees of roads of
want of attention, allow me to guess the turnpike-tolls,
and toll bar farmers, cost the nation ten millions per
annum, more or less. And yet I never heard a com-
plaint from superiors against this extravagant tax.
Then how singular, that all superiors appear to have
combined in complaining of the cost of the poor, more
than any. other tax, which I guess does not amount to
four millions per annum, or above half what they are
charged with, if a fair account was taken; for I believe
many thousands are charged to their account, which
does not belong to it. On this last very important sub-
ject, I hope I have not written in vain. And that the
whole nation will join me in approving the law, and
consider it the brightest jewel in the constitution, and
rejoice that the wisdom of our forefathers gave us such
a law as no other nation in the world enjoys, and attend
and see it properly executed, and always in favor of
charity. Shall I call the present deplorable, miserable
state of Ireland, where they have no poor law, in sup-
port of my argument? or shall I call upon your cha-
rity and sound policy, in support of the same? I will go
|
further, and call upon the vitals of your best private in-
terest: Are not the poor the relatives of you or your
forefathers? and will none of your children or children's
children have to apply for relief from the town? Have
not we all been poor? aud can you tell who is not to be
poor? Then I beg we may hear no more complaining
of the poor tax, but rejoice that we have such a tax;
where there are objects relieve them bountifully, and let
your overseers make no more hard bargains with them,
by threatening them with the workhouse. And consi-
der you might have been in their situation. But attend
and reduce the turnpike-tax, and I will join you heart-
ily in that. Or I will join you in executing the poor,
law properly, but not uncharitably. That law does not
say the idle man shall ride upon the industrious man's
back. I do hope from this time the poor will be consi-
dered one of the most important earthly subjects.
Have not they fought our battles? and have not they
conquered and saved us from ruin? Repeal the select
vestry act, and let the poor law be administered by the
worthy magistrates, overseers, and inhabitants, as asual,
it cannot be in better hands, or better executed than by
them.
I can even trace the merits of the english poor to the
battle of Waterloo, they fought and gained that battle.
And when the Duke of Wellington, was complimented
upon the victory, his lordship said, no, the merit is not
due to me, but the superior physical force, and invin-
cible constancy of the british soldier.
Weighing Machines.
The weighing machines are a great expence, a nui-
sance, a plague to the poor carriers and others, both
summer and winter, and dont do the least service to the
road. They do no good in frost. They do no good in
fine dry summer weather. And in wet weather, when
they would carry a few hundreds too much, the most
keen eyed philosopher could not tell the difference at
few hundreds would make to the wear of the road,
supposing the poor carrier had to take it to oblige his
customer. But it ought to be considered, that he goes
his stages loaded or not loaded, and perhaps at times
with half a load or no load, and has the tolls to pay.
But many gentlemen can prove that they do an un-
known injury, for they are generally let with the toll
bars. And instead of doing service, they only give the
bar-keeper an arbitrary power of extorting money at
his discretion from the poor carrier; then he may carry
as much weight as his poor horses can carry, if he only
satisfy them. Or perhaps they may agree by the year;
then they are completely useless as to the preservation
of the road, for they may carry as much weight as they
please all the year round. Not long since a miller paid
£6. for a boiler passing Agbrigg machine, near Wake-
field, upon six or nine inch wheels.
On the 15th of February, 1822, a gentleman's waggon,
with six inch wheels, was weighed at the machine at
Sandal Bar, near Wakefield, loaded with furniture,


24
ROAD MAKING.
A
which could not be loaded in little room, and was
charged seventeen cwt. overweight. And also one
with three inch wheels was charged twenty-five cwt.
overweight; for both of which the bar-keeper demand-
ed 15. 18s. Od.
t
On the 27th of March, Deacon, Harrison and Co.
the carriers waggon with six inch wheels, at the same
machine was charged thirty-eight cwt. overweight,
amounting to £24. 19s. 6d. for which they took a horse
out of the team, and sold him by auction, without ever
demanding the money; which might have been a much
heavier loss, by delaying the goods, had they not been
near home to get another horse. Deacon, Harrison,
and Co. weighed all these goods and empty waggon
separate, and proved to the satisfaction of a respectable
bench of magistrates at the Wakefield Court-House, that
the bar-keeper had overcharged them near £8. yet they
said no redress could be had but at common law. And
as they proved the gentleman's goods were as much
overcharged in proportion, they have both commenced
actions to seek redress at law. How well that these are rich
men, and will, if possible, do themselves justice. But
poor men submit to such abuses, rather than have the
trouble, and hazard the expence, of a law suit. I hope
these reasons will induce trustees of roads to abolish
weighing machines as an useless needless plague to the
public, and of no use to the road.
Letting of Toll Bars.
the
and consider, they will find they do none of the three;
nor anything, but what they, their clerk and surveyor,
can do much better than them, and on many occasions,
with less trouble and vexation, than they have with the
bar-takers. To enumerate the misfortunes that have
bappened to many good men, occasioned by the weigh-
ing machines, bar-farmers, and oppressive tolls, would
take a volume to explain. I know much evil that has
been occasioned thereby, too tedious to describe. I
expect these complaints against weighing machines and
letting of toll bars, may be applied to all turnpike-roads
in the united kingdom. I do most sincerely advise all
trustees to take all the bars into their own hands, and
give their clerks, surveyors, and bar-keepers better
wages, and make their places worth having; the
bar-keepers will not cheat, but be honest, happy, and
comfortable. I also advise them to let the work-
men upon the roads have better wages, to enable
them
them to work, eat, drink, and live comfortable,
and no longer let the bar-farmers get the mo-
ney, which they and their road ought to have for
their own benefit, and to enable the trustees to reduce
the tolls. The clerks, surveyors, bar-keepers, and
workmen upon the roads, form a great body in society,
and have as just a claim to protection and comfort as
any other men, and as well qualified to discharge their
duty with honor and integrity. Then why should the
bar-keepers be treated like traitors and vagabonds? why
are not they to be made comfortable as the servants of
individuals? And I do think if the trustees will please
to consider this subject well, they will find they have
more trouble and vexation with the rich bar-takers, than
they would have with the poor bar-keepers; and the
trouble and vexation the bar-takers give the public is
boundless.
And I beg leave to observe, that I think one horse
carts should be allowed to run wheels of such breadth,
as is most convenient to the owners. And that the same
indulgence should be allowed to all other owners of
carriages. Because I argue, that roads are made for the
use, benefit, and convenience of travellers. And that
travellers are not made for the use, benefit, and con-
venience of roads.
Why do trustees of turnpike roads continue that per-
nicious practice of letting the tolls to opulent men, who
treat poor bar-keepers like dogs, by changing them from
place to place, and often turning them out of their houses
without employ, at a moment's warning, and have been
the cause of the side or pick pocket bars being set up.
These bar takers make combinations, gain much money
by this idle trade, for doing worse than nothing, and
exercise oppression upon poor travellers and bar-keepers.
Cannot the trustees, their clerk and surveyor, manage a
few poor harmless bar-keepers, as well as rich bar-takers.
They say there is one in Yorkshire has gained forty
thousand pounds by this very idle trade; and they travel
hundreds of miles to look after these poor bar-keepers.
I do believe from my own observation, confirmed by
that of others, that the bar-takers have gained by the
Wakefield and Austerland Road, twenty thousand
pounds within little more than twenty years past; would
not these, and other sums they have wasted, have enabled
them to reduce the tolls, instead of advancing them, and
allowed them to have given the poor workmen and bar-
keepers better wages, made them honest, comfortable,cles."
and happy.
I now appeal to the sundry lettings of their bars, for
the truth of this my assertion.
Trustees appear so fond of letting the tolls, that one
would almost be led to believe they thought the toll-
takers brought more travellers upon the roads, or kept
the road in repair, or did some good to the road, that
nobody else could do but them. If they will examine
A question has arisen out of the provisions of the new
turnpike act, that it may be somewhat difficult to deter-
mine. By the 10th section of that act, it is provided--
"That nothing herein contained relating to the
breadth of the wheels of carriages, or to the tolls payable
thereon, shall extend or be construed to extend to any
chaise, marine, coach, landau, berlin, barouche, sociable,
chariot, calash, hearse, break, chaise, curricle, gig,
chair, or taxed cart, market cart, or other cart for the
conveyance of passengers or light goods or arti-
The question is, what are light goods? The mer-
chants and manufacturers say, every description of
manufactures come under that designation; but the toll-
bar contractors hold, that woollen cloths and stuff pieces
are not light goods, and insist that every cart or waggon
laden with them must either have the fellies of their
wheels of the breadth of four and a half inches, or pay
an extra toll for running with narrow wheels,
Leeds Mercury, 23d May, 1823.


ROAD MAKING.
25
TURNPIKE TOLLS, 1823.
Mr. Cobbett has been exerting himself very laudably
and with his usual zeal, to put an end to the exactions
which have been practised by many of the toll-bar
keepers in the neighbourhood of London, and by some
in the country; and to prevent these impositions in
future, he has published in his last register, the following
clear exposition of the laws regarding the tolls on one
horse carts:-
In 1822, an act was passed, laying an additional toll
on one horse carts with narrow wheels. This additional
toll was one-half of the old toll: so that, a toll that was
3d. became 41d. This act went into force in January
last; and the tolls were then raised accordingly. But
mind, tax carts, market carts, and carts for light goods
and passengers were EXCEPted. These were not to be
charged any additional toll; and they were not; but
the additional toll was laid on all other carts; and the
foll-collectors so interpreted the law, as to find but very
few exceptions: for they made the poor ass cart men
pay the additional toll.
On the 19th July, 1823, another act was passed, and
this new act, in order to do away this exaction of the
toll-collectors, and to leave no room for dispute, made
(in clause 19) the EXEMPTION to extend, immediately,
to ALL one horse carts. So that from that day, all
additional toll on one horse carts ceased. And who-
ever has taken any additional toll on ANY one horse
cart, since 19th July last, is liable to a penalty
of £5.
It may be proper to add, for the information of
ers and others, that it is not sufficient that they should
have their names and places of residence placed at the
front of the carts, but they must have them put on the
side, or they will be liable to the same penalty as if the
name was not at all upon the cart.
Mr. Cobbett appeared at Bow-Street on Monday, and
laid informations against several turnpike toll-collectors,
for having taken too high a toll from poor men, who
keep one horse carts. The magistrates convicted them
in the penalties for the offence. It appears that they
had extorted at least £5. a day more than they had a
claim to.
7.1.
20 The causeway at the upperside.
My new Plan of Road Making, forty-five feet broad
outside the Walls or Hedges.
To fall all one way, (called an inclined plain) so little
that you can just see it falls, and that the water will run
off, and the stoned and unstoned must join the very
same as if it was all stoned, so that carriages may go
from one to the other with ease at their pleasure. But
it requires much care, attention, and ingenuity to do this.
well. The causeway to be laid on the highest side. A
stone gutter to carry the water down on the low side
where it does not run into the fields. But care must
be taken to let it into the fields as much as possible,
through the hedges or walls, to prevent it washing the
farm-road, which is too common. This appears one of the
safest, easiest, pleasantest, cheapest, and most simple
experiments that ever was made, for if the unstoned be
not approved it can be stoned after it is tried, and if six
inches of stone and two or three inches of covering be
not enough, it may be increased. The turnpike house
should have two rooms on the ground floor, five yards
little malt liquor, and a garden, &c. the house door at
square each, with a pantry or cellar that will keep a
the end, a window on each side near the end, that they
may see the travellers come. I advise the turnpike gate
posts to be made of stone; in this stone county I expect
will come cheaper than wood and more durable, and to
be set with stone between them, and the fence walls four
feet high. By this new mode of road making, carriages
may all travel on their own or left side and not in the
middle, and save the trouble of turning each other
a side.
20 The path between the causeway and the wall for
the foot people to turn off or walk upon when
dry.
20 0 Stoned six inches thick of stone broke from three
to four inches square from side to side, exclusive
of the covering; to be covered two or three inches
thick with furnace cinders or dross, engine ashes,
burnt stone, brick or gravel, then the stone may
be broke three to four inches square, then they
will be porous and let the water through, stoned
close to the causeway, near the top, so that foot
or horse may turn off or on to the causeway
without trouble.
17 0 Unstoned, not one stone or any thing hard to be
put upon it for a summer road..
4 0 The walls or hedges, but I advise hedges on the
low side, then the water will run through them
into the fields. The walls two feet wide at the
bottom, twelve inches at the top, four feet
high.
45 or 15 yds. total breadth outside of the walls or hedges.
Old fashioned Plan, forty to forty-five feet broad
outside the Walls.
30 Feet broad all stoned and left uncovered, the rest
causeway, walls and ditches.
18 Inches thick, stoned at the crown.


26
ROAD MAKING,
15 Inches stoned at the ribs, or half way between theprived of his rest and sleep, all for the chance of a
crown and skirt.
9 Inches thick, stoned at the skirt.
Barrelled or round so much, that carriages all travel in
the middle of the road, and a deep dangerous ditch
on each side. Compare them and see if half may
not be saved, both at first making, and in repairs
after made.
penny or two. If any one happen to come in the dead
of night, a thousand to one but he has paid that day, or
will be taken at some other bar on the road, there are
now so many bars; or if he come early in the morning,
a thousand to one but he will return that day, or be
taken at some other bar for want of a ticket. All this
hurry, loss of time, and danger to the health of the
bar-keepers and travellers, for the chance of a penny
or nothing; but supposing a trifle should be gained, I
appeal to all gentlemen trustees of roads, whether the
loss of the health of the bar-keepers, and others, and
the inconvenience to all the travellers, by being stopped on
a bad night, will not overbalance the chance of gain a
thousand times fold; and if they keep the toll-bars in
their own hands, whether they would not allow the bars
to be thrown open from ten at night, to four in the
morning, to accommodate their friends, the public who
support the road, and also the poor faithful bar-keepers.
✓
图
​Another pernicious effect, occasioned by the per-
nicious practice of letting toll bars, which I have been
desired to insert since I had finished upon road-making.
The voracious bar-takers are never satisfied without
every penny they can rake together, whatever inconve-
nience they occasion to the bar-keepers or travellers.
They require the bars to be kept shut all night, what-
ever the loss, danger or inconvenience be to the bar-
keepers or travellers. The medical gentleman, or any
other comes on horseback on a rainy, snowy, cold,
frosty night; or a coach or other carriage, they are all
stopped starving till the poor bar man can get out with
half his clothes on. The medical gentleman in haste,
on life and death, and all others exposed to the dreary
cold night, and the poor bar-keeper exposed, and de-
In addition to the evils described above, the poor
bar-keeper is exposed to the danger of being murdered
and robbed in the dead of night, as the thieves know
they always have money; this fear must be a great
terror to the poor bar-keepers, and make them very
unhappy.


AGRICULTURE.
To the Lords of the Soil, and their Tenants.-
Shewing them the Way to the Prosperity or
ruin of their Estates and Farms.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
As it is the custom in some parts of this kingdom
for the landlord to be owner of the tenant-right, and
that our custom of the tenant being owner, is called
local; a very important question very naturally ariseth
between the two, viz.-Whether it be more for the
benefit of the landlord, the tenant, and improvement of
the soil, that the landlord should be owner of the
tenant-right, even when he has purchased it of the
tenant; or, that the tenant should continue to be the
owner, as is the custom in this part of the kingdom.
I confess that my opinion is in favor of the cus-
tom of this part of the country, because I think it
emulates and excites a greater spirit of industry, inge-
nuity and independence in the tenant; and makes no
difference to the landlord, but what is greatly in his
favor, by keeping the land in better condition than the
landlord being owner of the tenant-right. And the off-
going tenant receiving, and the on-coming tenant pay-
ing to him, appears to me the only security for the land-
lord to have his estate in the happiest state of cultiva
tion and condition, and to have good tenants, which
makes £20. per acre difference, between that and being
run out of condition, and made very poor.
Since writing the above, I have been in the East-
Riding of Yorkshire, and am informed, where the land-
lord is owner of the tenant-right, and requires the
tenants to take six months' leases, restraining them from
selling hay and straw, and binding them to a particular
course of husbandry, the tenants are universally poor,
weak and debilitated, and unable to cultivate and till
the land to perfection, and will soon be unable to pay
their rents and taxes, if they be not both reduced. For
want of the encouragement which ought to be given
to them, by the tenant being owner of the tenant-right,
as is the custom of our part, which ought to be practiced
all over the world. Because I do think it is the only
way to revive them, and give them strength, vigour,
courage, industry and enterprize. Where this is not
the case, the tenants are getting all they can out of the
land, and making it poor, with a view to leave it, or fall
under the load; in either of which dire cases, the ruin
of the gentlemen's estates will inevitably follow. This
being of the utmost importance to the interest of all
landlords, I do think it is worthy of their best attention,
and also that of their stewards.
My object in wishing to see this published to the
world is, to see that sterling, old english, good old-
fashioned custom restored in the minds of the landlords,
to prefer the old tenant, or his most distant relative,
(which fashion, the last war and high price of corn has
unfortunately banished with some for a time) and to
engraft the great truth, that their interest is mutual,
reciprocal, and inseparable; and that that measure
which will hurt one, will hurt the other, serve one, will
serve the other, eventually. And that they are part-
ners; and it is a partnership of such a nature, that they
cannot dissolve without injury to both. And that I do
sincerely hope all landlords will treat both their old
and new tenants, (who are the most numerous and
most valuable parts of society) with that judgment and
tenderness, which their present distressed condition
requires and calls aloud for; by reducing their rents,
which can be paid long, for which I know many of
and parliament their taxes, without delay, neither of
these two very needful acts are done, then we shall all
them have long been inclined to petition, but dare not,
for fear of giving offence to their landlords. "When
rejoice, and be thankful to the Almighty for the great,
plenty, and good harvests bestowed upon us, and enjoy
our native comfort and happiness, superior to any people
in the known world.
Since, writing the above, some discerning, experi
enced, judicious men have said to me-the distress and
weakness of the tenants are become so great, and by
this cause the land is gone and going out of condition,
and becoming so poor, that a famine (in these once
fertile islands) will follow, if the landlords do not pre-
vent it, by relieving the farmers by a reduction of rents,
and parliament of taxes, And that many farms are be-
come masters of the tenants, and will also become
masters of the landlords, if they do not prevent it. It
is a great error in landlords supposing, that because
their tenants pay their rents, they are doing well. If
they will please to consider how anxious every man is,'
and how necessary it is, to preserve his credit, and guard
against the horror of the depredators called bailiffs,
coming and breaking up his humble, only, lonely home
and whole establishment, and selling his goods at the
they are, to the owner, worth 150. or £200. per cent. -
rate of fifty per cent. or more under their value, when
pay their rents, or pay them out of the scanty capital
These are the reasons why tenants borrow money to
they have saved by their industry and economy in their
youth, in better times, to support them in their declining
years.
And it is almost as great an error in supposing they are
to gain by new tenants; because if a new one enters to
a farm in good condition, without paying for the
H


28
AGRICULTURE.
tenant-right, he may make it worse by 10 or £20. per
acre, before the landlord or steward be aware of it, and
then fall under the load which the old one would not or
could not carry, and then be forced to quit the farm,
to the irreparable injury of the landlord.
I have the honor to be, most respectfully,
My Lords and Gentlemen,
Your most obedient humble Servant,
RICHARD MILNES.
Custom of this Country between off-going and
on-coming tenants to farms.
The custom of this part of the kingdom between the
off-going and on-coming tenant, is so much the mutual.
benefit of the landlord and tenant, and the only certain
way to improve the soil, and keep the farm in the
highest state of cultivation and condition, that I do
think it ought to be known to, and practiced by, all the
world which is as follows.-They enter to the farm
the 2d. of February, or candlemas day, and the housing
the 1st day of May; one-third of the always to
grass, and liberty to use and cultivate the other to the
best of their skill and judgment.
1st.-The hay, corn, straw aud manure are the pro-
perty of the tenant, to be paid for by the landlord or
new tenant, to the old one when he quits the farm;
which appears to me the only sure way to keep the
farm in high condition, which is always the landlord's
best interest, and the most sure way to encourage the
tenant to exercise his ingenuity, his strong arm, labour,
and his purse for the benefit of his landlord, himself,
and the succeeding tenant.
2d.-The manure or lime laid upon grass and fallows,
and no crop taken to be paid for, and also the carriage
and spreading on, also for tillage and half tillage, which
implies upon fallows plowing, harrowing, quicking, and
all other labour.
3d. The manure or lime laid on grass and fallows,
and one crop taken, to be considered half tillage, and
half as much paid as by No. 2. The off-going tenant
is also entitled to the way-going crops, that is wheat
sowed upon bean stubble and clover lays. "
4th.-Wheat sowed.-5th.-Clover.-6th.-Fallows.
All these depend upon circumstances, situation, and
condition, and the value of them must be ascertained by
the two valuers, and paid for accordingly.
New tenants prefered to old ones.
Though farms are universally too dear, and tenants
break upon them, and many landlords kind, friendly,
and well-disposed to relieve their tenants, but it is
unfortunate that young ones offer to take them, and
perhaps some at the old rents, though it is said they are.
generally let lower to new tenants than old ones, those
are young men of little experience, adventurers, wil-
ling to play the game at hazards, and where the tenant
right is not paid as above, they can enter with little capi-
tal, though a farmer of one hundred acres ought to
have one thousand pounds to keep his farm in good
condition, and so in proportion for a greater quantity.
But where the tenant right is not demanded of them,
they enter with small capital, and if the farm be in
good condition, they may run and impoverish it, and
soon make it worse by from £10 to £20 per acre, before it
Can
can be discovered by the landlord or steward, become
poor and unable to pay their rent, and perhaps leave
the farm worse by one or two thousand pounds, if it be
a large one, than when they entered. Some tenants
will not give up till they fall under their load, others
will not waste their substance and quit. I do think
landlords had better encourage and keep their old
tenants, with their experience, by lowering the rents and
taxes, where rents were raised according to the past
times of prosperity.
ADVICE TO FARMERS,
How to get their Corn in bad Harvests.
his sheaves made small, and to have them set up in
My advice to the farmer, is to take great care to have
eights, well and neatly set up, and hooded, then they/
will be ready for bad weather, and sure to be right if
good come; and when it is dry, to get it in if possible
by day or by night, regardless of the glass, the fine
weather, or talk of your neighbours; but be particularly
not to get dry, which is an error too
careful not to get it before dry, which is an error too
common among farmers; had this rule been observed
in the year 1821, much corn would have been well got,
which was spoiled. The wind in the 1st of October
stacks as they laid them on, and though very useful to
was so it blew the sheaves from the carts and
that was uncut, as much as two loads per acre, and some
dry the corn that was cut, it shook some late wheat
late oats, where the farmers could not raise strength to
cut them soon as ripe, were almost half of them shook
on to the ground; this is a proof that the farmer's work
is never done, it requires his attention almost day and
night, and he may farm seven years, and have seven dif-
ferent seasons to consult; after this tedious trouble
with a brisk wind, the late corn on the borders of the
some harvest, the month of October provod fine indeed,
mountains, second elips of clover and beans were gota
well in this month, where they had patience to let them
being active, to get wheat when dry, in the year 1816,1
As a of what I have said above, about
I had the finest crop of wheat upon my farm, ath
Boothroyd, cut and dry on the Saturday, and my ex-
perience was such, that I should certainly have got it
in that day with my own and hired teams, but being
scarce of money, I had to seek for wages for my colliery,
and nothing but that prevented me getting this very
dry wheat that day; it began to rain on the Sunday, the
day after, and rained three or four weeks almost without
ceasing, and spoiled all the wheat in the country, ent
or not cut; thus missing getting my wheat one single
day, was above £100 loss to me, on a very small farm,
this £100 would have completely prevented my failure;
this long continued wet season, tired the patience of the
farmers so much, that many got their corn wet as it was
D


AGRICULTURE.
29
and dryed it upon kilns to make it thrash, and all the
wheat was sprit and unsound, cut or not cut, such a
wet harvest I never saw before or since, none to com-
pare with it.
Further advice how to get Corn in bad harvests.
"
1-
I like to have my wheats cut rather green, not to
stand till ripe, so as to shake, and I always had them
bound in smallish sheaves, set eight only together, four
of the largest two and two, and the two smallest at the
ends, so that they prop and support each other, and the
two longest tied ones opened well and drawn up close
to each other over the six, and by so doing I scarcely
ever had a stack blown down, not even with a very
strong wind, the two cap sheaves must be tied together
by twisting a little of the but ends of the sheaves (on
both sides) together, and when this done and the cap
sheaves spread nicely over the other six, neither wind
nor rain will hurt the wheat, if it stands out for three, four,
or five weeks, being so well covered below the ties; for
no one practical failing in a Farmer is greater or more
ridiculous or injurious than carrying his crops of any
sort, too hastily off, as there is ten times more corn in-
jured by being got in too great a hurry, than by
stopping too long in the field. And when wheats are
cut rather green and covered as above, the straw will
feed the corn, and make the flour better and finer.
!
Tenants not being allowed to sell Hay or Straw.
་
I think I have observed in my defence of the poor,
that there is nothing more common than blaming the
whole of them for the faults of a few, this may with
equal force be applied to farmers, who by their leases
are forbid selling hay or straw, and restrained in other
respects, saying it shall be consumed upon their own
premises, for fear of making the land poor; this bar
is to guard against a bad tenant doing so, and yet it is a
clause in all the leases, from such landlords as admit of
such a one, and a punishment to all good tenants, for
the supposed offence of the few, very few bad ones.
•
I do think there is nothing more plain than that any
injury done to the tenant or farm, will eventually be an
injury to the landlord. The tenants are almost uni-
versally required to pay more rent and taxes than they
are able to pay, with that comfort which I am sure every
landlord would wish his tenant to enjoy; then I beg
leave to ask, ought they not to have the liberty to get
the best price they can for their hay and straw, occa-
sionally, as well as their corn, beef, mutton, wool, &c.
for it is only by chance they can or will sell their hay
or straw, they will always guard against selling too
much, they must and will keep enough for their own
stock of cattle. They buy lime and other tillage to
their farm, and every best method they can devise, by
their labour and ingenuity in the cultivation, to make
the land most productive, then why not be allowed to
sell hay and straw, occasionally, when they can get a
good price, and be assured they will not sell it at any
other time.
From this time I hope to hear that the above-men-
tioned bar to selling hay and straw is removed, and
that no shackles remain in the way of farmers, except,
that simple one, of always having one third of the farm
in grass, which I consider a benefit to the tenant, and
consequently to the landlord, for to change the land
from. grass to corn, and corn to grass often, is most
profitable. In every other respect let the tenant live
as free as the air he breathes, put no check upon his
emulation, industry or ingenuity, let him enjoy them all,
and the freedom of this once happy land, so justly
famed for its liberty and freedom, let them enjoy them
both as the only true source of this country's wealth
and greatness, and be assured they will then be all
good tenants under these inestimable comforts, and if
one happen not to be so, mend him if possible, but dont
destroy the pleasure and emulation of the whole of this
numerous and valuable body, the farmers, by punishing
the many for the faults of the few. Let them work
under all their difficulties without fear and trembling.
Stubbing edges and adding field to field, I dis-
approve.
Though this is too common, I think it a very un-
profitable practice, in this populous part of the kingdom,
where small fields and small arms are so much wanted.
By mowing a field of grass and giving it fresh to the
cattle every day, as they want it, a field will perhaps
produce almost twice as much grass as the same field
would produce if they were turned into it to eat it bare,
dung, tread, and lie down upon the grass; and being
fresh every day, they feed more hearty, but the labour"
of mowing and feeding them is to deduct. Four fields
at Flockton, 8A. IR. OP. have this summer served one
head of cattle more by being in four fields, than they
would have carried if they had been all in one, and
they have four fresh pastures instead of one, over and
above the convenience of keeping the cattle separate,
if it happen you want to do so, or let them in single
fields, or small farms,
Early Sowing.
When I was a farmer of between 4 and 500 acres,
experience taught me that early sowing gives the best
hope of a good crop, and also early reaping. I once
had a field upon a clay soil, some part of it wet land,
and required watching to get it sowed in time, I told
my husbandman to sow it, he said it was too wet, it had
better wait; I said sow it, I will have it done, you
know you have much to do, your dry land you can sow
any time after; being almost forced he did sow it with
oats, though some part of it was so wet the horses
could scarcely get their feet out, the day after he had
finished it began to rain, and rained a month almost
without ceasing, so that it could not have been done of
a month after, in that time it sprung up and gained
strong root, was ready for the hot sun, flourished and
was the heaviest crop within many miles; but if I had
"
n


30
AGRICULTURE.
missed the day I had it sowed, perhaps the crop would
not have been above half as good, if it had been
sowed when the sun had become too powerful, and a
want of rain This husbandman was a very clever
fellow, with many good qualities, but he had two great
faults, one was letting the ground get too dry before he
sowed it, another was wanting to get his corn before it
was dry. He would often come to me and say, such a
close of Oats wants leading; I said, they are not dry;
but he said, it is going to rain; I said, let it rain;
I wish it may rain and wet them through, then you
will let them be till they are dry. I remember a large
field of Barley being sowed the 2d of February, at
Micklefield, a little North of Ferrybridge, on a lime-
stone soil, a great snow came after, and it was covered
some time; this proved the heaviest crop of Barley, was
ripe and got in very dry, and much sooner than any
within many miles of it. A rainy season began soon
after this was in, and spoiled all the Barley in that part,
because none was sowed so early. A prejudice appears
to prevail against early sowing, but I do think where it
is once wrong, it is more than six times right. Observe
the gardener, does not he sow and plant early? and
is it not rational? for if you wait till the sun has
exhaled the wet, and rain do not come soon after you
have sowed, how can your corn get a strong and deep
root, for want of moist and rain, which you have missed
by a little delay. Always sow too soon rather than too
late, and much or little to do, you cannot do all at
once; and consider the loss of a week or two moist in
the spring, how much harm it may do to your crop.
Watch your season and seed time, even more than your
dry corn in harvest; fine dry weather will come again,
if you will let it remain out, but the same season for
sowing will never return in the same spring; remember
this, in favor of early sowing, both in spring and
autumn, will generally be followed by early reaping.
When your land is in condition, get it sowed soon as you
can.
الوان
900
Hay-Making.
In hay-making, whether you have two or two hundred
acres, or any quantity between them two, I advise you to
begin early, and only cut as much down at once, as
your number of hands are equal to make, and get up,
and into the house, or stack when dry; then cut the
same quantity more, and get it in, and so on through
the season; and by this rule you will not run the risk
of having much spoiled. I have known when I have
had a large quantity down at once, and even got into
cock, the rain has come so heavy, and continued so
long wet and warm, as to wet the cocks to the bottom,
and spoil the hay; but the above simple rule will be a
security against much loss aud damage, and you can
never have much spoiled; and you will also find it the
cheapest way to get good hay.
There may be an exception to, and this rule may
be varied a little, when the weather appears settled
and very fine, or very wet; but if you observe this
rule, you defy the weather, and never need to have
much spoiled.tque todos 10t vb91a Jour pho
bed and paling ring whether gone to found adi esd
Springs produced by boring for Coal. bur
Hodig
When I lived at Crow Nest, and was Lord of the
the valley near the river, at bottom of Daw Green, near
Manor of Dewsbury, I bored for coal on the waste in
Dewsbury, from 40 to 50 yards deep, which brought a
I also bored upon Batley Carr, a waste in the valley,
never failing spring of water, most useful to the village.
spring of excellent soft water, which fills the bore hole,
near Dewsbury, about 50 yards deep, and found a
useful to Batley Carr cloth mill, and the whole village,
never abates or increases, winter or summer, is most
the people fetch it a long way in their pitchers, both
these springs rise out at the surface without the use of
pump or any other machine. In Tottenham, near Lon-
don, it had been an universal complaint, that no good
water could be procured; the wells reached only to the
blue clay, which at length has been pierced through,
and a never failing supply obtained, of clear and brilli
ant water, soft, and adapted to every domestic purpose,
the wells from 110 to 140 feet deep. The practice of
boring may prove of vast consequence on down and
wold farms, where such distress is always experienced
in dry seasons, for water for the supply of cattle, and
every other purpose, especially where it happens to rise
to the surface, as above.
pro bol uningola
Local management of spring woods. 65
Another local practice in this part of the kingdom,
very important to the interest and pleasure of gentle-
men, owners of wood lands; suppose one to have 210
acres only, they let them stand till they are twenty-one
years old; and by selling 10 acres every year, they
have a perpetual fall of 10 acres, which may be cut
down in the same proportion every year, where there
are a greater number of acres. When a fall is to be
sold, the woodman first sets it out for sale, by going
through the wood, and marking a proper number of all
sorts, for reserves, to stand for improvement, of the
handsomest he can find, of 21 years old, grown from
old roots, acorns, or other seeds, and rings them round,
wit red paint, which he calls wafers; and also a proper
number of the handsomest of 42 year's old, which
proper number of the handsomest of 63 years old,
he rings round with red, and calls poles; and also a
which he calls black barks, and rings them round and
numbers them with white paint; and also a proper,
number of the handsomest of 84 or 105 year's old, or
upwards, which he calls lordings, or lords of the forest,
and rings them round with white paint, and numbers them,
these are all to stand for improvement, then he values
all the rest for sale.
lisw
moted, than letting them stand crowded above 21 years,
By this practice, the growth is abundantly more pro-
by weeding and giving them room and air every 21
years, and produceth an assortment of all sorts and ages,
dation of the public; and every fall produceth firewood,..
for the sale every year, to the great use and accommo-
cordwood for charcoal, hedgewood and bindings for
fences, timber, poles, and rails. And it would be an
improvement to plant willows in the soft and boggy
parts of the woods.


AGRICULTURE.
31
It is very singular, that this useful, pleasant, and
most profitable rule, is almost confined to the West-
Riding of the County of York, and part of Derbyshire;
though it might be practiced with the same degree of
success all over the united kingdom, and all the world.
The woods lately taken down are very ornamental,
pleasant, and convenient for shooting or hunting
through them. And where they are not so cut, they
are very disagreeable for hunters or shooters to pass
through, and an incalculable loss to the owners.
I am sorry to have to observe and remark in my tra-
vels, that the fashion of late has been to plant wood
little better than weeds, as if the planters were out of
temper with the ancient valuable forest trees, the oak,
ash, elm, sycamore, beech, &c. which are the most use-
ful timber, but few very few of them are to be seen in
our modern plantations. The larch is a handsome
quick growing tree, and I think I have heard almost as
durable as oak. This neglect, and destroying the lords
of the forest, would have been seriously felt, had not
our eminent iron works produce their iron as a substi-
tute for oak in many occasions.
Last war there was so great a want of oak timber,
they built some ships of fir, which is much inferior to
oak; and the want of crooked timber for knees was so
great, they were compelled to make some of them of
iron, which cannot be fastened so well as oak to oak.
These islands produce oak superior to any in the world
for ships; ours is most tough, the balls bore holes in
the ships, which they cork or stop up in battle. The
oak of other countries is brittle and splinters. And as
our wooden walls are our great bulwark of protection
and safety, how wonderful that this most valuable
timber, the oak, is not more planted, preserved, and
encouraged, some way or other, and particularly crook-
ed oak for knees.
The Duke of Norfolk, Earl Fitzwilliam, Earl of Car
digan, Earl of Dartmouth, Sir George Armitage, Bart.
Sir John Lister Kaye, Bart. Sir Francis Lindley Wood,
Bart, Sir William Pilkington, Bart. Colonel and Mrs.
Beaumont, James Archibald Stuart Wortley, Esq.
Godfrey Wentworth Wentworth, Esq. John Spencer
Stanhope, Esq. Samuel Shore, of Meersbrook, Esq.
Samuel Shore, Jun. of Norton, Esq.
Beaumont,
Esq. of Whitley Hall, Thomas Thornhill, Esq.
Winn, Esq. of Nostell, and
Wentworth Castle, have lords of the forest, black barks,
and poles, in and out of their woods, to their honor.
But in one gentleman's woods, which have lately gone
down, there are nothing but wafers to be seen.
Vernon, Esq. of
In growing, a tree increaseth a circle every year; so
that larger a tree is, and more it groweth in bulk and
value, in proportion to its size, which proves how pro-
fitable it is to an estate to encourage trees to become
lords of the forest.
A Song, Hearts of Oak; or, our Maratime
Power.
Come, cheer up my lads, 'tis to glory we steer,
To add something more to this wonderful year;
"Tis to honor we call you, not press you like slaves,
For, who are so free as we sons of the waves?
We ne'er see our foes but we wish them to stay,
They never see us but they wish us away;
If they run, why we'll follow, and drive them ashore,
And if they wont fight us, what can we do more?
They swear they'll invade us; these terrible foes,
They frighten our women, our children and beaux;
But if their flat-bottoms, by darkness, get o'er,
Still britons they'll find to receive them on shore.
We'll still make 'em run, and we'll still make 'em sweat
In spite of the devil, and Brussels Gazette ;
Then cheer up my lads, with one voice let us sing,
"Our soldiers, our sailors, our statesmen and King."
THE WARNING VOICE.
Shepley-Bridge, Mirfeld, near Leeds,
Yorkshire, 26th February, 1818,
To the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy and Freeholders
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Great-Britain,
Ireland.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
These thoughts having come to me at various times
apon my pillow in the morning, when I had worshipped
the Almighty, and poured my gratitude to the Omnipo-
tent, for the bounties and mercies bestowed upon me,
and the whole creation, without respect of persons; it
at length occurred to me to address you at the same
season; and in that situation might awake your atten-
tion to the unhappy state of our country, and incline
you to shew the innate principle and disposition of
your nature, by pouring out your charity, humanity,
and philanthropy on all our fellow-creatures, in imita-
tion of the All-wise Being, our Creator and Protector
in all our difficulties and dangers.
The poor and labourers are starving for bread,
because they cannot find work, and it is said many of
them have died for want.
Many shopkeepers and little manufacturers have
fallen, and are falling to poverty, under oppressive
I


32
THE WARNING VOICE.
||
rents and taxes, and for want of the poor and others
being able to procure money to circulate among them.
Many farmers have fallen, and a great mass of them
are falling to poverty, under intolerable rents and
unbearable taxes.
Many of the inland watermen are come, and coming
to poverty, for want of their vessels being employed as
usual.
adopt every possible economy in the public expendi-
ture; reduce rents to the rates they were at, before the
war and high price of corn raised them. Landlords
may as well have the honor, happiness and pleasure of
doing it voluntarily, for they will have to do it; be-
cause the taxes, saddler, blacksmith, carpenter, salt,
malt, &c. &c. &c. had all doubled their rents before the
land-valuers came. This should be done without delay,
before the land be thrown out of its regular course of
husbandry, and so impoverished as to be beyond the
power of landlord or tenant to restore it of several
years, and at an unknown expence If this remedy be not
soon applied, it will become a national calamity, for
much of the bountiful earth has ceased to yield its full
increase, for want of ability in the farmers, Many
thousands of poor farmers want to tell this humble tale
to their landlords, but dare not, for fear of giving them
offence; they say, home is home though ever so home-
ly; they know no other trade, no other place or home
where to employ their hands, or rest their weary heads;
are forced to take the heavy load upon their shoulders,
where they are, and carry it as long as they can, for
they cannot live out of doors. But fall they will if you
do not invigorate both their body and mind.
It is true, when good men are overtaken by distress,
to religion they fly; this, throughout every age, has been
the universal shelter which the high and the low, the
rich and the poor, the giddy and the serious, have
sought to gain, when rest could no where else be found
for the weary head or aching heart. But I leave you to
judge what bad men will do when they are oppressed;
and will not oppression change the nature and disposi-
tion of good men? I think not a landlord in one
hundred will hurt his tenants after he hears these plain
facts; and I believe many of their conduct is at variance
with their amiable disposition.
Thousands of colliers are wandering in search of
work, and many of those who have work, as well as
many other trades, are limited in price or quantity, and
only allowed to earn little more than half what they
could do.
Many of our brave tars, the defenders of our country,
are begging their bread.
And many of the middling and lower orders are de-
prived the pleasure of giving, by heavy rents and taxes.
Many of the young, vigorous and ingenuous, emigrate to
other countries, where they are received with open arms,
because they are jealous of our power, and seeking to
rival and undo us, in manufactures, commerce and war.
The rich emigrate, because they can live as well for
£300. a-year in France as £1000. per annum here; it is
said they are spending millions a-year in France and
other countries; the loss of the circulation of this
money at home, has brought many to poverty, and
added much to the general distress. Should they hap-
pen to read this, I hope they will soon return home,
and discover that by your and their united efforts, this
dear good country, which gave them birth and fortune,
may be made to afford them more solid comforts and
true happiness, than any other; and that £500. may
afford them as much of both as £50,000. a-year.
The two great causes of all these evils are, the un-
bearable taxes and oppressive rents, both in country.
and in towns, which sweeps the money from the mid-
dling and poor man's table; leaves the farmer and many
others without capital, and unable to employ the poor,
or work his farm or trade to advantage as usual.
The high price of corn is the cause of all the great
evils which come to all nations.
Every government should prevent the high prices of
corn we have known at sundry times, within twenty-five
years past, which might be done to check the monopo-
lizer, and not hurt the spirit of agriculture and industry.
The lesser farmers are hurt by the monopolizers holding
the corn.
We have charity, humanity, philanthropy, virtue,
prudence, wisdom, talent, piety, experience, local ad-
vantages, capital, industry, and mercantile enterprize,
superior to any people in the world, and capable to re-
medy all the evils described above. If we admit that
self-love and social are the same, and that it forms the
genuine harmony and strength of a state, when the
rich encourage and employ the poor, and the poor look
up with confidence to the watchful care and guardian |
protection of the rich, both concurring in the same
end, form that grand column of society, the true
happiness of the whole, where all below is strength, and
all above is grace; and if you will reduce the interest
of money, as the most judicious and effectual way to
ease the burdens of the people.
Abolish all unmerited sinecure places and pensions ;
}
*
4
1677
Repeal the last impolitie corn bill, and do not pro-
ceed to any artificial way of keeping up the price of
bread, but consider we are now working nation against
nation; and if we do not regulate our affairs so as to
meet them with our manufactures at market, on equal
terms, and keep in friendship with them, we shall be
undone.
Let commercial treaties be made with such powers
as may be thought proper, and keep our wool at home
for our own use, and do such other good and virtuous
acts, as your united wisdom may dictate, and then you
will see hope revive the drooping spirit of the nation,
industry become busy in every corner of the land, many
of the poor become able to support themselves, and
assist their relatives or friends; the laudable pride of
independence will be restored to them; the prisons
will be eased of many thousands. Our amiable, họ-
norable, and venerable judges of the land, will be
relieved from many an arduous disagreeable task.
Virtue and true religion will flourish and take place of
superstition and bigotry; and happiness, harmony, and
plenty will take place of poverty, oppression, and
discord; sedition and rebellion will be forced to fly
from this nation, and be heard of no more; and we
shall soon enjoy the same degree of happiness, harmony
and power which this nation enjoyed forty years ago.
May the Almighty dictate to you that this is the only
J


THE WARNING VOICE.
33
way to save the first nation in the world from ruin, as I
feel the aid of heaven in writing this to you.
||
Do not let us be like the Romans, and other nations,
whose examples and warnings we have in history, fall
into confusion and ruin for want of benefitting by their
example and folly; let us shew we are superior to them
all in sound judgment and management of our affairs.
We are a great and mighty nation, let us not fall for
want of thought; let us not moulder away before the
Almighty calls us hence.
Let not this once happy land, which, like the land of
Canaan, floweth with milk and honey, become like the
parched desert to the hungry traveller.
The oppression and poverty of man extend to the
noble, generous, useful animal, the horse, and also the
ass; many of them are pined and worked to death, and
have not the power of remonstrating! Does not this
tarnish our fairest fame? Is not this a disgrace to
our country?
མ』།
We are all creatures of the Almighty, and were never
made to oppress each other; let us study the golden
rule, say live and let live, and restore ourselves to our
native happiness.
How can you enjoy the good things which Heaven
has bestowed upon you, while hundreds of thousands of
our fellow-creatures cannot get a living with all their
hard labour and toil; and many cannot get bread who
are your hands and feet best friends and benefactors;
do not forget that they are descended from men of
property, and perhaps family, who have flourished like
the green bay tree; and little do we know whose hard
fate it is to fall into their situation.
The Poor Laws I think perfect, except as to settle-
ments; but there is much fault in the execution; men
on this, as well as on many other occasions, neglect
their duty, and the law is blamed for the fault in the
execution.
4
The laws are this country's brightest ornament, the
most brilliant and most shining jewel in the consitution
of England; they make the people work harder than
any in the world. We are told that the Irish are an
idle people; but when they come here, under the pro-
tection of our Poor Laws, none work harder as coal-
heavers, carmen, &c. That country has produced many
brave, great, and good men; why not produce valuable
little men They only want Poor Laws, and the
watchful care and protection of superiors, to mend their
pitiable, condition. I wish our Poor Laws to exist in
every unhappy country in the world. To the honor of
the reign of good Queen Bess, and the charity, wisdom
and policy of the good people of that age, they gave
their children each two valuable fortunes; one that they
could soon waste, another that they could never spend,
by enacting the Poor Laws, and teaching them to work
and attend to the rules of good economy..." *.*
1
To the honor of the village of Mirfield, which I have
the pleasure to inhabit, they have an open committee on
the evening of the days when the poor are paid, and
they execute the laws well, and with pleasure; and
though generally composed of plain men, they avoid
impositions, and when they come to a knotty point, they
always decide in favour of charity, and dispatch with
speed and satisfaction. They pay the tax with pleasure,
*
though many of them with much difficulty, owing to the
unjustifiable rents and taxes; when any question ariseth
about the settlement of a pauper, they do not rashly go
to law, but coolly and deliberately inquire into the truth,
and if they think he belongs them, they take him, and
if not, they go to the other town, and coolly reason and
try to convince them he belongs to them; and by this
judicious way they have saved the village many hundreds;
and I believe many
thousands upon thousands are spent
in law suits, and other folly and unnecessary expenses,
and charged to the account of the poor.
I hope I shall not be thought too sanguine in praise
of the Poor Laws, having heard that men cast upon
uninhabited islands have eat dogs and horses, and even
their own flesh to satisfy hunger; then what a horror it
must be to have the idea of being pined to death. I am,
indeed, sorry to hear of all the innocent poor being
driven from great towns and cities, and not allowed to
beg, where there is the greatest power to relieve; for
the fault of a few rogues and vagabonds, the innocent
are punished Why should this be so, when it was said,
"If five righteous men were found, the city should be
saved?"
I have long anxiously waited expecting to see a more
able hand write upon this most important occasion; but
knowing that the Almighty might any day call me to his
mercy, I could no longer suppress my feelings to discharge
my duty to my own dear country and all the world, by
writing this in the true spirit of charity, humanity, and
philanthropy, and on the firm belief that it is the first
bounden duty of every one, to do all in his power to
promote the welfare of his country and mankind.
1
The writer most humbly hopes any errors will be
pardoned, and begs leave to have the honor of subseri-
bing himself, with the utmost deference and respect,
My Lords and Gentlemen,
A true and liberal Friend to my King, my
Country, and all Mankind.
Shepley-Bridge, Mirfield, by Leeds, Nov. 1820.
To the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, Freeholders and
Merchants, of the United Kingdom of Great-
Britain and Ireland.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
Forty years ago this was the happiest country in the
world; every one content and comfortable in his situa-
tion. How lamentable! that misery, poverty, discord,
and discontent pervade every corner of the land, both
in the farming and manufacturing districts, (whose
interests are inseparable, and must live or die together;)
and increasing with such rapidity as to put the very
existence of the state in danger, if a speedy remedy be
not applied. None but you can restore us to happiness."


34
THE WARNING VOICE.
You hear of, and may see, those who have neither power
nor ability have begun to apply a cure; but if you do
not take the work out of their hands, they will destroy
the patient. I beseech you, in the name of all that is sacred
and good, do not delay: call public meetings in every
county, town, and village in the united kingdom; unite
the cool and deliberate wisdom of the nation; throw
aside every thought about the past; consider coolly our
situation, and you will not differ in opinion upon this
most important subject; it is a partnership you cannot
dissolve; that measure that will hurtone will hurt another,
serve one will serve another.
||
great mass of all nations, and little do we know who are
to fall into their unhappy situation;) and I hope to
wear the same disposition to my grave.
66
Let us all consider that the longest period of our life
is short, compared with eternity; and it is said of man,
that his time is a moment, and a point his space.
Then let us not delay, but rejoice and be thankful that
we are made superior to the rest of the creation, consider
why we are made so, and do as much good as we can,
if we cannot do as much good as we wish.
Inspired by these sentiments, though I am drawing
towards the close of life, I am thankful to my Maker that
I feel more alive to. and more anxious for the good of
my country, than when I was beginning my career of
life, (though I am at this time one of the most oppressed
and unjustly injured of men;) and I do pray that all
others may be impressed with the same disposition; then
I do think our dear country may and will be saved and
restored to the happy days of old.
I beg leave to ask, are there any people in the universe
who discharge all the duties of society individually,
better than the English? This admitted, I will ask in
the name of all that is sacred and good, Why cannot we
do the same collectively? I am sure we can if we will;
and I do hope those sentiments may produce the will.
To our honor be it told, we are great, wise and good
individually. I beseech you, let us be so collectively,
and guard against the danger which awaits us all. Do
not put the best constitution in the world to the hazard-
do not let it fall! Did not Carthage fall?-Did not Rome
fall-Did not France fall by those four dire enemies to
all nations, luxury, tyranny, oppression, and poverty?
Did not France exhibit scenes of horror unexampled?
(and I do indeed feel for the thousands upon thousandswho
will be reduced from competency to poverty by the fall
of the funds, if ever this mighty Empire falls) but I trust
this wise, good and great nation will for ever guard
against such evils, and coolly consult each other which
is the best
is the best way to safety.
I say again, Do not delay till it be too late. We all
know the disease, let us apply a speedy remedy. Reduce
rents to the rates they were at before the war and high
price of corn raised them. Reduce the interest of money
from five to four per cent. or less, and thereby reduce the
taxes eight or ten millions a year. Abolish all unmerited
sinecure places and pensions. Adopt every possible
economy in the public expenditure. Give freedom to
trade, and do such other good and virtuous acts as you
in your wisdom may think proper; and you will see
every Englishman resume his native character, and be-
come like an Englishman again; and once more see
the happy days of old, and hand them down to posterity
unimpared.
#
Where is the use of historians if we will not benefit by
history, or the horrors that have happened in our own
memory. Have not we had recent warning of our
danger, and the wrath to come. Let us be thankful that
we are preserved to this period.
1
1
Donot draw any hasty conclusion when you have read
this, but reflect and inquire; and you will find they are
the unbiassed, unprejudiced, uninfluenced sentiments
of all mankind. Do not suffer the voice of the alarmist
to approach you; do not suffer the voice of designing,
You are the fathers and masters of the nation, which
you may consider as one family, only on a larger scale;
restore it as you would snatch your own from the brink
of ruin. Your united wisdom will soon discover the
deformity of administration, who appear to consider
themselves omnipotent, and regardless of you and the
people. You will soon discover the imperfection of the
House of Commons; and they will soon both admit their
own imperfection. They will discover the danger and
weakness of their system, and voluntarily surrender their
works into your hands; they will become true Patriots,
and like every other man in and out of the House,
Moderate Reformers; and the work of Reform will
speedily be done with ease, pleasure, and to perfection.
Do not be afraid of uniting your wisdom-do not be
afraid of each other: every one write or speak the sen-
timents of your heart coolly, deliberately, and respect-
fully. Do not be afraid of administration, your united
wisdom will make them appear as chaff before the wind;
and when they are no more, all the good things which
they distribute will still be to give. Be assured there
are gentlemen of superior rank, fortune, talent and
integrity ready to volunteer their services in their places,
for
less, or no wages, rather than this unhappy
land should fall into ruins. Do not be afraid of the
people, they will do no harm; if you will shew them
you will direct your attention to their welfare, they will
join your meetings, and revere, respect and love you ;
and the voice of the wrong-heads who presume to take
a lead among them, will be lost in the better crowd, and
be heard of no more.
To restore your own private family would be great
joy to you; but to restore the happiness of sixteen mil-
lions, the national family, is an act of the first necessity
and of the first glory; which would procure you the
thanks of every individual in the nation.
1
The Almighty smileth upon us in all directions, with-
out respect to persons; all the returns required are our
worship, praise, prayers, gratitude and thanks. I do
hope we frail mortals shall offer a humble imitation of
the Omnipotent, and smile upon each other without
prejudice, respect to persons, sects or parties, and con-
sider well what our inferiors do for us. Study the holy
Scriptures, particularly the golden Rule, the Collect for
the second Sunday in Advent, the thirteenth chapter of
the first of Corinthians, and say "Comfort ye, eomfort
ye my people, saith your God; speak ye comfortably to
Jerusalem."
From the earliest dawn of my reason I have been the
poor man's friend, and consequently a friend to my
country; (because the poor and unfortunate are the


THE WARNING VOICE.
35
interested, wicked or weak men to reach your ear.
Think and act for yourselves, or for the benefit of your
united wisdom and the good of your country. Suffer
neither luxury, tyranny, oppression, or poverty to
remain in this land; drive them out of it, and send them
where they belong.
I have the honor to be,
"His Majesty has commanded us further to inform
you, that he has every reason to believe, that the pro-
gress of our internal prosperity and improvement will not
be disturbed by any interruption of tranquillity abroad.
"His Majesty continues to receive from the Powers
his Allies and generally from all Princes and States,
assurances of their earnest desire to maintain and culti
vate the relations of friendship with his Majesty, and
With the utmost deference and respect, nothing is omitted on his Majesty's part, as well to pre-
My Lords and Gentlemen,
Your faithful humble Servant,
RICHARD MILNES.
The Imperial Parliament of Britain.
HOUSE OF LORDS.-TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1824.
Parliament was opened this day by a Royal Commis-
sion. The Lords Commissioners being the Archbishop
of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Privy
Seal, the President of the Council, and the Earl of
Shaftesbury.
Soon afterwards Mr. Speaker, preceded and attended
by the officers of his house, and followed by a considerable
portion of the members, approached their Lordships'
bar; after which the Royal Commission was read for the
opening of the session, when the Lord Chancellor, by
virtue of the same, delivered the following speech:-
The King's Speech.
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"We are commanded by his Majesty to express to
you his Majesty's deep regret, that, in consequence of
indisposition, he is prevented from meeting you in Par-
Flament on the present occasion.
"It would have been a peculiar satisfaction to his
Majesty to be enabled, in person, to congratulate you
on the prosperous condition of the country.
"Trade and commerce are extending themselve both
at home and abroad.
"An increasing activity pervades almost every branch
of manufacture.
"The growth of the Revenue is such as not only to
sustain public credit, and to prove the unimpared pro-
ductiveness of our resources, but (what is yet more
gratifying to his Majesty's feelings) to evince a diffusion
of comfort among the great body of the people.
"Agriculture is increasing from the depression under
which it laboured, and by the steady operation of natural
causes, is gradually re-assuming the station to which its
importance entitles it, among the great interests of the
nation.
"At no former period has there prevailed throughout
"At no former period has there prevailed throughout
all classes of the community in this island, a more cheerful
spirit of order, or a more just sense of the advantages
which, under the blessing of Providence, they enjoy.
"In Ireland, which has for some time past been the
subject of his Majesty's particular solicitude, there are
many indications of amendment, and his Majesty relies
upon our continued endeavours to secure the welfare
and happiness of that part of the United Kingdom.
K
şerve general peace as to remove any causes of disagree
ment, and to draw closer the bonds of amity between
other Nations and Great-Britain.
"The negotiations which have been so long carried
on through his Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople,
for the arrangement of differences between Russia and
the Ottomon Porte are, as his Majesty flatters himself,
drawing near to a favorable determination.
"A convention has been concluded between his Ma-
jesty and the Emperor of Austria, for the settlement of
the pecuniary claims of the country, upon the Court of
Vienna.
"His Majesty has directed that a copy of this conven-
tion shall be laid before you, and he relies on your
assistance for the execution of some of its provisions.
"Anxiously as his Majesty deprecated the commence-
ment of the war in Spain, he is every day more satisfied
that in the strict neutrality which he determined to
observe in that contest, and which you so cordially
approved, he best consulted the true interests of his
people.
"With respect to the provinces of America which
have declared their separation from Spain, his Majesty's
conduct has been open and consistent, and his opinions
have been at all times frankly avowed to Spain and to
other powers.
"His Majesty has appointed Consuls to reside at the
principal ports and places of those provinces, for the
protection of the trade of his subjects.
"As to any further measures his Majesty has reserved
to himself an unfettered discretion to be exercised as the
circumstances of those countries, and the interests of his
own people may appear to his Majesty to require.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons.
"His Majesty has directed us to inform you that the
estimates for the year are prepared, and shall be forth-
with laid before you.
"The numerous points at which, under present cir
cumstances, his Majesty's naval force is necessarily di: -
tributed, and the occasions which has arisen for strength-
ening his garrisons in the West Indies, have rendered
unavoidable some augmentation of the establishments by
sea and land.
"His Majesty has, however, the gratification of be-
lieving that, notwithstanding the increase of expense
incident to these augmentations, it will still be in your
make arrangements in some parts of our system of tax-
power, after providing for the services of the year, to
ation, which may afford relief to certain important
branches of the national industry.
66
My Lords and Gentlemen,
"His Majesty has commanded us to acquaint you, that
he has not been inattentive to the desire expressed by the


$6
THE WARNING VOICE.
House of Commons in the last session of Parliament, that
means should be devised for ameliorating the condition
of the negro slaves in the West Indies.
"His Majesty has directed the necessary information
relating to this subject to be laid before you.
"His Majesty is confident that you will afford your
bestattention and assistance to any proposition which may
be submitted to you, for promoting the moral improve-ly
ment of the negroes, by an extended plan of religious
instraction, and by such other measures as may gradually
conduce to the same end.
"
"But his Majesty earnestly recommends to you to
treat the whole subject with the calmness and discretion
which it demands.
"To excite exaggerated expectation in those who are
the objects of their benevolence, would be as fatal to their
welfare as to that of their employers.
"And his Majesty assures himself you will bear in
mind that where the correction of a long standing and
complicated system, and the safety of large classes of
his Majesty's subjects are involved, that course of pro-
ceeding is alone likely to attain practical good, and to
avoid aggravation of evil, in which regard shall be paid
to considerations of justice, and in which caution shall
temper zeal."
Earl Somers moved the address, which was seconded
by Viscount Lorton.
United States.
The First Session of the Eighteenth Congress of the
United States commenced on the 1st of December.
On the following day the Message of the President,
Mr. Monroe, was presented. It is an interesting
and important document, and particularly so at this
moment, from the sentiments which it discloses on the
threatened attack of the South American Republics
from Europe. The Message begins as follows:-
"
complete effect. If kept in the dark they must be in-
competent to it. We are all liable to error, and those
who are engaged in the management of public affairs,
are more subject to excitement, and to be led astray by
their particular interests and passions, than the great
body of our constituents, who, living at home, in the
pursuit of their ordinary avocations, are calm but deep-
interested spectators of events, and of the conduct of
those who are parties to them. To the people, every
department of the Government, and every individual in
each, are responsible; and the more full their informa-
tion, the better they can judge of the wisdom of the
policy pursued, and of the conduct of each in regard to
it. From their dispassionate judgment, much aid may
always be obtained; while their approbation will form
the greatest incentive, and most gratifying reward for
virtuous actions; and the dread of their censure the
best security against the abuse of their confidence.
Their interests, in all vital questions, are the same; and
the bond by sentiment, as well as by interest, will be
proportionably strengthened as they are better inform-
ed of the real state of public affairs, especially in diffi-
cult conjunctures. It is by such knowledge that local
prejudices and jealousies are surmounted, and that a
national policy, extending its fostering care and protec-
tion to all the great interests of our Union, is formed and
steadily adhered to."
"Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives,-Many important subjects will claim
your attention during the present Session, of which I
shall endeavour to give, in aid of your deliberations, a
just idea in this communication. I undertake this duty
with diffidence, from the vast extent of the interests on
which I have to treat, and of their great importance to
every portion of our Union. I enter on it with zeal,
from a thorough conviction that there never was a pe-
riod, since the establishment of our revolution, when,
regarding the condition of the civilized world, and its
bearing on us, there was a greater necessity for devotion
in the public servants to their respective duties, or for
virtue, patriotism, and union in our constituents.
After this admirable introduction, the Message pro-
ceeds to give the following information on the present
relations of the United Sates with Foreign Powers:-
"The commissioners under the fifth article of the
treaty of Ghent, having disagreed in their opinions res-
pecting that portion of the boundary between the
territories of the United States and of Great-Britain,
have made their respective reports, in compliance with
the establishment of which had been submitted to them,
that article, that the same might be referred to the deci-
that it would be difficult, if not impossible, for any
of a
power. It being
power to perform that office, without great delay and
much inconvenience to itself, a proposal has been made
by this government and acceded to by that of Great-
Britain, to endeavour to establish that boundary by
amicable negotiation. It appearing, from long experi
ence, that no satisfactory arrangement could be formed
of the commercial intercourse between the United
States and the British colonies in this hemisphere, by
legislative acts, while each party pursued its own course,
without agreement or concert with the other, a propo-
sal has been made to the British government to regulate
this commerce by treaty, as it has been to arrange, in
like manner, the just claims of the citizens of the
United States inhabiting the states and territories bor-
dering on the lakes and rivers which empty into the St.
Lawrence, to the navigation of that river to the ocean.
For these and other objects of high importance to the
interest of both parties, a negotiation has been opened
with the British government, which, it is hoped, will
have a satisfactory result."
"Meeting in you a new Congress, I deem it proper
to present this view of public affairs in greater detail
than might otherwise be necessary. I do it, however,
with peculiar satisfaction, from a knowledge that in this
respect I shall comply more fully with the sound prin-
ciples of our government. The people being with us The negotiations with the French government on the
exclusively the sovereign, it is indispensable that full subject of the " unjustifiable confiscations" of American
information be laid before them on all important sub-property during the late war, are said not to have yet
jects, to enable them to exercise that high power with arrived at a satisfactory termination.


THE WARNING VOICE.
37
1
A negotiation has been opened with Russia, upon the
question of that Power's claim to the North West Coast
of the American Continent. The President professes to
have been particularly desirous of cultivating the
Russian emperor's good will. A similar negotiation
has been opened with Great-Britain.
period of the present year, remonstrances were made to
the Governor of that Island, by an agent who was sent
there for the purpose," against those outrages on the
peaceful commerce of the United States, of which many
had occurred. That officer professing his own want of
authority to make satisfaction for our just complaints,
answered only by a reference of them to the Govern-
ment of Spain. The Minister of the United States to
that Court was especially instructed to urge the neces-
sity of the immediate and effectual interposition of that
Government, directing restitution and indemnity for
"The actual condition of the public finances more
than realize the favourable anticipation that were enter-
tained of it at the opening of the last Session of Con-
gress. On the 1st of January there was a balance in
the treasury of 4,237,427 dollars and 55 cents. From
that time to the 30th of September, the receipts amount-wrongs already committed, and interdicting the repeti-
ed to upwards of 16,000,000 dollars, and the expendition of them. The Minister, as has been seen, was
ture to 11,400,000 dollars. During the fourth quarter debarred access to the Spanish Government, and, in the
of the year, it is estimated that the receipts will, at least, mean time, several new cases of flagrant outrage have
equal the expenditures, and that there will remain in occurred, and Citizens of the United States in the
the treasury, on the 1st day of January next, a surplus Island of Porto Rico have suffered, and others have
of nearly nine millions of dollars."
been threatened with assassination, for asserting their
unquestionable rights, even before the lawful tribunals
of the country.
The militia is said not to be completed up to its legal
establishment, difficulties in distributing arms have arisen
from the neglect of the different States to furnish the
necessary returns..
"The usual orders have been given to all our public
ships to seize American vessels engaged in the Slave
"The report of the Secretary of the Navy, which Trade, and bring them in for adjudication, and I have the
is now communicated, furnishes an account of the ad- gratification to state, that not one so employed has been
ministration of that department, for the three first quar- discovered, and there is good reason to believe that our
ters of the present year, with the progress made in aug-flag is now seldom, if at all, disgraced by that traffic.
menting the navy, and the manner in which the vessels
in commission have been employed."
"The usual force has been maintained in the Mediter-
ranean Sea, the Pacific Ocean, and along the Atlantic
Coast, and has afforded the necessary protection to our
commerce in those seas."
"It is a source of great satisfaction that we are
always enabled to recur to the conduct of our navy
with pride and commendation. As a means of national
defence, it enjoys the public confidence, and is steadily
assuming additional importance. It is submitted
whether a more efficient and equally economical organ-
ization of it might not in several respects be effected.
It is supposed, that higher grades, than now exist by
law, would be useful. They would afford well merit-
ed rewards to those who have long and faithfully served
their country; present the best incentives of good conduct,
and the best means of ensuring a proper discipline;
destroy the inequality in that respect between the mili-
tary and naval service, and relieve our officers from
many inconveniences and mortifications which occur
when our vessels meet those of any other nation--our's
being the only service in which such grades do not
exist."
"In the West Indies and the Gulf of Mexico our
naval force has been augmented, by the addition of
several small vessels, provided for by the "act authori-
zing an additional naval force, for the suppression of
piracy," passed by Congress at their last session. That
That
armament has been eminently successful in the accom-
plishment of its object. The piracies by which our
commerce in the neighbourhood of the island of Cuba
had been afflicted, have been repressed, and the confi-
dence of our merchants, in a great measure, restored.
"The patriotic zeal and enterprize of Commodore
Porter, to whom the command of the expidition was
confided, has been fully seconded by the officers and
men under his command.-And, in reflecting with high
satisfaction on the honourable manner in which they
sustained the reputation of their country and its navy,
the sentiment is alloyed only by a concern that, in the
fulfilment of that arduous service, the diseases incident
to the season and to the climate in which it was dis-
charged, have deprived the nation of many useful lives,
and among them of several officers of great promise."
Although our expedition, co-operating with an
invigorated administration of the government of the
Island of Cuba, and with the corresponding active
exertions of a British naval force in the same seas, have
almost entirely destroyed the unlicensed piracies from
that island, the success of our exertions has not been
equally effectual to suppress the same crime, under
other pretences and colour in the neighbouring island of
Porto Rico. They have been committed there under
the abusive issue of spanish commissions. At an earlier
64
A report of the Postmaster-General is referred to,
which proves the Post-office department to be consider-
ably in arrear. New checks upon the department are
proposed.
1
Having communicated my views to Congress, at
the commencement of the last session, respecting the
encouragement which ought to be given to our manu-
factures, and the principle on which it should be found-
ed. I have only to add, that those views remain unchan-
ged, and that the present state of those countries with
which we have the most immediate political relations, and
greatest commercial intercourse tends to confirm them.
Under this impression, I recommend a review of the
tariff, for the purpose of affording such additional pro-
tection to those articles which we are prepared to ma-
nufacture, or which are more immediately connected
with the defence and independence of the country.
"The actual state of the public accounts, furnishes
additional evidence of the efficiency of the present sys-


38
THE WARNING VOICE.
tem of accountability, in relation to the public expendi-
ture. Of the moneys drawn from the Treasury since
the 4th of March, 1817, the sum remaining unaccounted
for, on the 30th of September last, is more than a
million and a half of dollars less than on the 30th of
September preceding; and during the same period a
'reduction of nearly a million of dollars has been made
in the amount of the unsettled accounts for moneys
advanced previously to the 4th of March, 1817. It
will be obvious that, in proportion as the mass of ac-
counts of the latter description is diminished, by
settlement, the difficulty of settling the residue is
increased from the consideration, that, in many instan-
ces, it can be obtained only by legal process. For
more precise details on this subject, I refer to a report
from the first Comptroller of the Treasury."
A scheme for the connexion of the waters of the
Ohio and the Chesapeak, is recommended.
following is the conclusion of the Message:-
The
要
​"A strong hope has been long entertained, founded
on the heroic struggle of the Greeks, that they would
succeed in their contest, and resume their equal station
among the nations of the earth. It is believed that the
whole civilized world takes a deep interest in their
welfare. Although no power has declared in their
favour, yet none, according to our information, has
taken part against them. Their cause and their name
have protected them from dangers, which might ere
this have overwhelmed any other people. The ordinary
calculations of interest, and of acquisition, with a view
to aggrandizement, which mingle so much in the tran-
sactions of nations, seem to have had no effect in
regard to them. From the facts which have come to our
knowledge, there is good cause to believe that their
enemy has lost for ever all dominion over them-that
Greece will become again an independent nation. That
she may obtain that rank is the object of our most
ardent wishes.
"It was stated at the commencement of the last
session, that a great effort was then making in Spain
and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of
those countries-and that it appeared to be conducted
with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be
remarked that the result has been, so far, very diffe-
rent from what was then anticipated. Of events in that
quarter of the globe with which we have so much in-
tercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we
have always been anxious and interested spectators.
The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments
the most friendly in favour of the liberty and happiness
of their fellow men on that side the Atlantic. In the
wars of the European powers, in matters relating to
themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it
comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our
rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we
resent injuries, or make preparation for our defence.
With the movements in this hemisphere, we are of
necessity, more immediately connected, and by causes
which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial
observers. The political system of the allied powers
is essentially different, in this respect, from that of
America. This difference proceeds from that which
exists in their respective governments. And to the
defence of our own which has been achieved by the
loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by
the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and
under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this
whole nation is devoted. We owe it therefore to
candour, and to the amicable relations existing between
the United States and these powers, to declare, that we
should consider any attempt on their part, to extend
their system to any portion of the hemisphere, as dan-
gerous to our peace and safety. With the existing
colonies or dependencies of any European power, we
have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with
the governments who have declared their indepen-
dence, and maintained it, and on whose indepen-
dence we have on great consideration and on
just principles, acknowledged, we could not view
any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them,
or controlling in any other manner, their destiny, by
European power, in any other light than as the mani-
festation of an unfriendly disposition towards the
United States. In the war between these new govern-
ments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the
time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered,
and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall
occur, which, in the judgment, of the competent
authorities of this government, shall make a corres-
ponding change on the part of the United States indis-
pensable to their security.
"The late events in Spain and Portugal show that
Europe is still unsettled. Or this important fact, no
stronger proof, can be adduced, than that the Allied
powers should have thought it proper, on any princi-
ples satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed, by
force, in the internal concerns of Spain. To what
extent such interposition may be carried, on the same
principle, is a question in which all independent
powers, whose government differ from theirs, are inte-
rested; even those most remote, and surely none more
so than the United States. Our policy in regard to
Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the
wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the
globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to
interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers;
to consider the Government de juclo as the Legitimate
Government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with
it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm,
and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just
claims of every power-submitting to injuries from
none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances
are eminently and conspicuously different. It is im-
possible that the Allied powers should extend their
political system to any portion of either continent,
without endangering our peace and happiness: nor
can any one believe that our southern brethren if left
to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord.
It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should
behold such interposition, in any form, with indiffer-
ence. If we look to the comparative strength and
resources of Spain and those new governments, and
their distance from each other, it must be obvious that
she can never subdue them, It is still the true policy of
the United States to leave the parties to themselves in
the hope that other powers will pursue the same course.


THE WARNING VOICE.
39
"If we compare the present condition of our Union
with its actual state at the close of our revolution, the
history of the world furnishes no example of a progress
in improvement, to all the important circumstances
which constitute the happiness of a nation, which bears
any resemblance to it. At the first epoch our popula
tion did not exceed three millions. By the last census
it amounted to about ten millions, and, what is more
extraordinary, it is almost altogether native, for the
emigration from other countries has been inconsiderable.
At the first epoch, half the territory within our acknow-
ledged limits was uninhabited and a wilderness. Since
then, new territory has been acquired, of vast extent,
comprising within it many rivers, particularly the
Mississippi, the navigation of which to the ocean was
of the highest importance to the original states. Over
this territory our population has expanded in every
direction, and new states have been established, almost
equal, in number, to those which formed the first bond
of our Union. This expansion of our population, and
accession of new states to our Union, have had the hap-
piest effect on all its highest interests..
"That it has eminently augmented our resources and
added to our strength and respectability as a power, is
admitted by lk But it is not in these important circum-
stances only that this happy effect is felt. It is mani
fest, that, by enlarging the basis of our system, and
increasing the number of states, the system itself has
been greatly strengthened in both its branches. Conse-
lidation and disunion have thereby been rendered
equally impracticable. Each government confiding in
its own strength, has less to apprehend from the other;
and, in consequence each enjoying a greater freedom of
action, is rendered more efficient, for all the purposes
for which it was instituted..
སྙ་
"It is unnecessary to treat, here, of the vast improve-
ment made in the system itself, by the adoption of this
constitution, and of its happy effect in elevating the
character, and in protecting the rights of the nation,
as well as of individuals. To what then do we owe
these blessings? It is known to all, that we derive them
from the excellence of our institutions. Ought we not
the to adopt every measure, which may be necessary
to perpetuate them."
JAMES MONROE.
"Washington, December 2, 1823."
Remarks upon the above-mentioned most excellent
Document, by the Leeds Mercury.
VIT
The Message of the President of the United States to
Congress, presented on the 2d of December, 1823, is
one of the most interesting documents from that quar
ter which have appeared for several years. There are
no state papers of the present day, which we read with
so much satisfaction as these Messages. They are
always, plain, candid, and business-like, full of informa-
tion, breathing in every line a truly public spirit, and
bespeaking a Government, which, existing simply for
the general good, acts boldly, zealously, and honestly.
There is no paltry reservation, no sounding profes
sion, no studied ambiguity, no attempt to mislead; every
sentence shows that a nation is addressed, which knows
its interests, and can neither be cheated nor frightened
out of them. When this Message from the executive
authority is perused, depicting as it does the vast resour
ces, flourishing condition, and gigantic designs of the
Nation, and when at the same time its infancy as an
independent state is remembered, our astonishment
would be extreme, if we did not consider the admirable
nature of its institutions, so thoroughly pervaded by the
omnipotent spirit of liberty. And even considering
this, we cannot restrain our admiration at the lofty tone,
which this Government of yesterday adopts with regard
to its foreign relations. Witness the haughty intima-
tion which has been given to the Emperor of all the
Russias, in the discussions that have taken place rela-
tive to the right he claims to exclusive navigation on
the shores of the North Pacific:-"This occasion,"
says the President," has been judged proper for
asserting, as a principle in which the rights and inte
"rests of the United States are involved, that the
"American Continents, by the free and independent
"condition, which they have assumed and maintain,
"are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for
"future colonization by any European Powers." There
is a grand simplicity in this notification.
66
"
We cannot mention a tenth part of the subjects on
which the President gives information to Congress.
The state of the army, the navy, and the finances; the
erection of forts, piers,, and arsenals; the establishment
of boundaries; the laying down of post-roads; the
formation of a grand canal to join the Ohio and the
Chesapeake, like that, just completed between the
Hudson, and, the Canadian Lakes; the settlement of
foreign, disputes;-these and many other topics are
dwell upon, showing the vast concerns of a community,
instinct with all the life and energy which freedom and
commerce can impart. Much to the credit of the
Government, great anxiety is expressed to effect a total
abolition of the Slave Trade throughout the world.
Its suppression in North America is declared to be near-
ly complete, and the Ministers of the United States in
Europe are instructed to entreat the concurrence of
the Sovereigns, in the universal proscription of the
Slave Trade as piracy.
L
?
༄* *
The same sympathy is expressed with the Greeks, in
their struggle against tyranny, as the President avowed
in his Message of last year; and he declares his belief
that their independence will ultimately be secured.
The result of the contest in Spain and Portugal is
mentioned in language of regret.
<<
But the most interesting and important passage in
this document, is that which relates to the designs of
the Holy Alliance on the liberated Spanish colonies.
"We owe it," says the President, " to candour, and to
"the amicable relations existing between, the United
"States and these Powers,, to declare that we should
"consider any attempt on their part to extend their
system to any portion of this, hemisphere, as danger-
ous to our peace and safety. With the existing colo-
"nies or dependencies of any European Power, we
"have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But
66


40
THE WARNING VOICE.
"with the governments who have declared their inde-
"pendence and maintained it, and whose independence
"we have, on great consideration, and on just princi-
"ples, acknowledged, we could not view any interposi-
"tion, for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling
in any other manner their destiny, by any European
Power, in any other light than as the manifestation of
"an unfriendly disposition towards the United States."
This passage is equivalent to a declaration, that any
attempt to re-conquer Mexico, Colombia, Buenos
Ayres, or Chili, all of which Republics the United
States have acknowledged as independent, will be re-
garded as an act of hostility towards the latter power.
And the following senteuce, especially when combined
with the one before quoted relative to the Russian
claims, includes also Peru and every other part of
South America; "It is impossible that the Allied
"Powers should extend their political system to any
"portion of either continent, without endangering our
66 peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our
"southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt
"it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, that
It is equally impossible, that
"we should behold such interposition, in any form,
"with indifference. If we look to the comparative
"strength and resources of Spain, and those new
governments, and their distance from each other, it
"must be obvious that she can never subdue them."
This last sentence appears to be intended to meet the
ease, of an armament being sent by France or the
Allies from a Spanish port,-a trick which will not
impose on the Americans, as they declare that they
know Spain to be incapable of sending an expedition
herself. This, then, is a noble and most gratifying act
on the part of the United States. How different from
the language of the Duke of Wellington, on the affairs
of Spain, at Verona! We blush to think how much
the English government is degraded by the comparison.
If Mr. Canning, however, is now disposed to adopt a
mauly policy, he will find in the United States a firm
ally; and what could be wished for more? England
and America may stand together against the world.
The Holy Alliance is as powerless on the ocean, as it
is irresistible on the Continent. We know not but that
our cabinet may already have come to the same resolu-
tion as the United States, and that the latter may have
been acquainted with that resolution before the Presi-
dent's Message was composed. Should this be the
case, we shall rejoice; for this country can pursue no
other course with either honor or safety, than that
which America is pursuing. England has at least as
great an interest in the independence of the late Spanish
colonies as the United States, and we should be sorry to
think that she had not the same spirit to maintain it.
We have at length the pleasure to announce that
Porto Cabello, the last town held by the Spaniards
in Colombia, has been captured by the Independents.
Thus terminates the long and bloody contest carried on
in this extensive and important territory for freedom.
In this contest, Spain has manifested the same obstinacy
that she displayed in opposing the independence of
Holland, an obstinacy resembling that of those feroci-
ous animals, which, having once fastened their teeth on
an enemy will never lose their hold, though they should
66
66
-
be hacked in pieces. Spain has seen her armieswasting
away, and has supplied them with reinforcements till
her means were exhausted; unmoved by reverses, she
never thought of abandoning the hopeless conflict, and
rescuing her devoted forces, but left them to perish to
the last man on the scene of her former oppressive
dominion. A pile of Spanish bones should be erected
on the shores of Venezuela, as a monument to the world
of retributive justice-as a proof that the judgments of
Providence, though late, are certain, since Spain has
seen the crimes of Pizarro visited on the followers of
Morales.
Leeds Mercury, Dec. 1823.
The Marquis of Lansdown's Address,
The Marquis of Lansdown began by expressing his
concurrence in that part of his Majesty's Speech, which
alluded to the Agriculture of the country. It gave him
great satisfaction to observe, while he admitted the im-
provement which had taken place, that it was acknow-
ledged, in the words of the Speech from the Throne, to
have taken place from natural causes [hear, hear, hear!].
Feeling, as he did, the great weight of debt which pressed
upon this country, but never despaired of the extent of
her resources, it was particularly gratifying to his mind
to hear this acknowledgment of natural causes at last
superseding the false maxims so long and so violently
maintained. The admission, that the present success of
our agriculture proceeded from the remission of taxation,
and the increased freedom of trade, was one that augured
favorably for the future. That the increased freedom of
trade had a considerable influence on the renovation of
agriculture was not only true in the present instance,
but would be found in all cases to have operated in the
same way, even to a greater extent than the advocates of
free trade themselves expected. The restrictions upon
the trade between Great Britain and Ireland were founded,
like the rest, upon long continued prejudices. A Noble
Lord on the other side of the House who had filled the
situation of Secretary for Ireland, was found at that
period among the opponents of free trade, though per-
haps not himself violently prejudiced against the measure.
But what was the fact now? It was well known that
there were petitions before the Treasury in which the
removal of those restrictions was urged by the very par-
ties who thought that they were sheltered by them before,
and that Parliament was to be solicited, after the short
experiment of the few years that had passed since the
other experiment was tried, to relieve them of the bur-
then which they once preferred to the great principle.
Any one who took the trouble to inquire would find, that
whenever a tax was repealed, it was not only produc-.
tive of relief to the parties for whose immediate benefit
it was intended, but, by indirectly increasing consump-
tion and demand, became a general advantage to the
community. He had alluded to these causes, because he
felt it was not uninstructive to regard them with atten-
tion, both as they respected our present and future policy.
Even including the effect which the failure of the har-
vest, both in Scotland and in Ireland, must have had


THE WARNING VOICE.
41
upon the prices of this country, it was evident that our
agriculture was much improved, for there was an in-
creased consumption which would be followed by an
increased produce of course. Having expressed his
concurrence in that part of his Majesty's Speech, he felt
it impossible not to notice what was more partially al-
luded to in the Speech, but what appeared to him enti-
tled to as explicit a commentary. He meant the situation
of this country as connected with foreign Powers, and
particularly with the Continent of Europe. It was much
to be wished that this topic had been more fully dwelt
upon in the Speech. It would have become his Majesty's
Ministers, as the Ministers of a free country, especially
after having deprecated the commencement of the war
in Spain, to have expressed their opinion on its most
unfortunate termination. He described it as unfortunate,
not merely with respect to the particular institutions of
Spain, but to the general rights of nations. According
to those rights, it was manifest that every country might
alter its own institutions without consulting any other
country, which could have no right to interfere with its
proceedings in that respect. When, therefore, they
recollected, that during the last summer a hostile army
had entered Spain, professedly to alter its Constitution,
he should have thought it impossible for Ministers to ob-
serve that courtly silence after the success of such an
army, from which it could not be inferred whether they
were gratified or displeased at the result. He thought
it would have been right to put into the mouth of the
King of a free people, such sentiments of right and con-
demnation as the occurrence ought to have inspired. It
was an attack upon the independence of nations—a vio-
lation of that privilege of improvement which Spain had
a right to exercise, proceeding by slow degrees, as all
excellence is attained, instead of being plunged into the
horrors under which that country was now suffering.
The Noble Mover had expressed himself unfriendly to
all Ultraism, but he would ask, was not Spain at present
in a state of the most disgraceful Ultraism, compelled as
she had been by military power to surrender her own
prospects of improvement, no matter how imperfectly
developed in their infancy? The consequences arising
from this principle were still to be apprehended; for
when the law of nations was departed from, and a great
act of injustice was done, an alteration might be said to
take place in the relations of States, and Ministers would
judge unwisely if they flattered themselves that things
would rest there [hear, hear!]. It was the nature of such
infringements to produce repeated violations of what
was usually called the balance of power, but what he
would rather call the independence of nations. Let them
not flatter themselves, therefore, that the present state
of things did not call for their utmost attention and vigi-
lance. He would ask them to look at what that state
was, as exemplified by the occurrences of the last six
years, after they had been told that the relations of all
the States of Europe, and the happiness of the people
of every State, had been placed on the most solid founda-
tions. Since these declarations were made, and while
they were still sounding in our ears, the whole Continent
of Europe was governed by three or four great military
powers, who exercised a restless, vexatious, and tyrannical
influence over the weaker States [hear, hear!]. Could
❤
he be contradicted in stating, that, under the present
order of things, no country was possessed of independence
upon any other ground than force, the force which en-
abled it to resist injury and oppression? With this
exception might it not be said, that a state was liable any
time to be called upon to renounce its rights, laws, and
usages at the will of the great despotic Powers, subject
to the control of no tribunal, but following their own
caprice and policy, however arbitrary or mistaken? He
was sure he should not be called upon to mention in-
stances, nor did the Speech from the Throne invite them
to make any admission to the contrary. But when nei-
ther the Monarchical character of the Governments of
Wurtenburg and Bavaria, nor the acknowledged services
rendered by the ancient Republic of Switzerland to
mankind, could exempt them from act of interference,
it was in vain to talk of security, and affectation to talk
of respect for a principle which nothing but force could
secure against their hostility. When there was no dif-
ference made between those weaker Governments and
the Government of this country, except that which was
drawn by their respective capacities to repeal aggression,
could he be contradicted in asserting that there was no
law in Europe but that of the strongest? The policy of
this country had ever been to protect the weak against
the strong-bottoming its authority on the law of nations;
and those who still maintained a regard for that ancient
principle, could not fail to look with an eye of appre-
hension and disgust on the condition of Europe at the
present moment. If the state of Europe was really such
as he had described it—if all chance of future improve-
ment was to be frittered away or chained down by the
ordinances of these few despotic Powers, and no step
could be taken towards ameliorating the condition of
mankind, except by the connivance of that corporation
of Sovereigns, how consoling must it be to those who
wished well to the cause of Liberty, to see the principles
of Free Trade and Constitutional Independence assisted
in one quarter of the world at least, and so far secured
against the poison of false maxims. It was not only for the
general interests of the world, but for the peculiar inte-
rest of England, to be united on the closest terms with
that country, where the principles of free trade and free
government were best understood. He was, therefore,
glad to see, that his Majesty's Ministers had taken what
might be considered the first step towards conciliating
those Powers, upon whom the future benefit of the world
appeared to depend, by the appointment of Consuls
within their territories. He thought they ought to have
gone further, but was glad they had gone even so far.
He also rejoiced to find, that the United States of Ame-
rica had taken that part in the same question which
became both its character and its interests. It had not
concealed its opinion-it had spoken out boldly and
timely, and in throwing its shield over them at the
earliest period, by recognizing their independence, had
set an example to nations of which this country
ought to have been more prompt to avail itself.
They were bound to do this, when they considered
the narrow-minded system of commerce which had been
for some time pursued on the Continent-a system
which had for its object the almost total exclusion of
the manufactures and other exportable produce of this
1


42
THE WARNING VOICE.
Abstract from Lord Liverpool's Speech,
on the Address.
country. Let their Lordships look, on the other hand, of the condition of the Slave population in those
to the immense magnitude of this question, as it affect- Colonies, The Noble Lord [Lorton] had stated much,
ed, and was likely to affect, our commercial intercourse with respect to Ireland, and he agreed with his Lord-
with the other side of the Atlantic. A great proportionship in thinking that much had been done to remedy the
of South America was at this moment free; it was distresses which existed in that country; he felt, how-
accessible to our commerce, and was capable by indus- ever, that the evil lay deeper, and he wished Govern-
try to have its number of consumers increased, upon ment would hold out some efficient remedy for it The
the same principle that a part of North America in- new tithe system and the police act hath certainly pro-
creased from three millions to ten millions of consumers. duced much alteration; in short, a great opening had
At present the population of South America amounted been made, and he trusted it was only an approximation
to 16 millions (independent of four millions in the to that which was so much desired. He trusted the
Brazils), which population, according to the same affairs of Ireland would be brought particularly under
ratio, might, in the course of the next forty years, be their consideration, and, if so, doubtless the advocacy of
increased to from 50 to 60 millions of consumers; and, its interests would fall into much abler hands than his.
let it be observed, that the South Americans were great His Lordship said, in conclusion, that he had little or
consumers of articles of European, and particularly of nothing more to add; it was not his intention to pro-
British manufacture; according to a recent calculation, pose any Amendment, but he could not sit down with-
each individual upon an average consumed European out again expressing a wish that his Majesty's Ministers
articles to the amount of from 8 to 10 piasters, being had been more open and decided in their tone upon the
about 27. annually. He called upon their Lordships to points to which he had already alluded, and particular-
consider for a moment the serious advantage of securing ly with respect to South America. However, one step
a trade so important to the welfare of this country? had been taken in the appointment of Consuls, and be
But when he made this statement; when he so called trusted it was only a prelude to measures which would
upon their Lordships, did he mean to say that they at once remove all doubt with respect to the light in
ought to do an act of injustice, or that they ought to which he wished to view these Colonies, [hear, hear!].
deviate in any way from that open and straight forward
course, which it was for the honor, as well as for the
interests of this kingdom always to follow? Quite the
contrary; but he bad yet to learn, that when our
honor and our interests equally indicated the course
which was to be followed-when, in order to attain
what was most desirable, we had only to do that which
was an incontrovertible principle in this kingdom-
namely, to recognize the independence of a country
which had a manifest right to govern itself a right
claimed in this instance, as well from habit as from the
total incapacity of the parent country to govern it;
with these facts before him, he had yet to learn why we
should be deterred from forming a connection at once
honorable to our character, and beneficial to our best
interests. They were bound also to recognize the inde-
pendence of South America, as by doing so they gave
a greater extension to public liberty, and of course to
the peace and tranquillity of Europe. Upon this
ground, he could not help wishing that his Majesty's
Ministers had been a little more explicit with the other
European Powers upon this point. Had they been
more free and open in the speech delivered from his
Majesty to-day, he had not a doubt that they would
have met with the concurrence and support of every
independent man in the country [hear, hear!]. There
were other points of a minor nature introduced, which.
it was not his intention to enter into at any length, as
other, and, perhaps, more proper opportunities would
occur of discussing them; but there were some which
he found it impossible to pass over in silence. One of
these had been spoken of at much length by the Noble
Lord, who moved the Address--he meant the state of
our West India Colonies. He agreed with the Noble
Lerd, in thinking that this subject ought to be treated
with the utmost caution; and that a great deal ought to
be done, while as little as possible was said upon it;-
Lever losing sight of the main point-the amelioration
It was not his intention to go into a detail of the other
parts of the Noble Marquis's speech, as many other and
more convenient periods would present themselves for
their discussion. One observation, however, of the
Noble Marquis he could not pass over-namely, his
expression of regret "that his Majesty's Ministers
had not been more explicit upon certain points con-
nected with our foreign policy." After what took
place last session, and after those repeated declarations
then made by him, (Lord Liverpool), it was not, he
hoped, necessary that he should now trouble their
Lordships with a repetition of his opinions. And it was
the less so, because their Lorships would do him the
justice to recollect, that every observation of his last
Session had been more than fully proved by the events
which had since occurred [hear, hear!j. He had never
hesitated to say openly, that France ought not to have
invaded Spain; he deprecated all interference of
France with Spain; not on the principle that one
country has no right to interfere with the internal regn-
lations of another, because he thought that such a rule
was liable to very many exceptions, but because he felt
(in this instance) France had no shadow of right to
interfere with the internal regulations of Spain [hear!]
He had been always of opinion that Spain ought to be
left to herself, and that, however she might be divided
by domestic factions, those factions should be allowed
to deal with each other; but, when the question did
arise, when the invasion of Spain was threatened, his
Majesty's Ministers felt it their duty to advise that
Spain should make a concession, not to France, but to
Spain herself in order to avert the calamities with which
she was threatened; they did this because they felt


THE WARNING VOICE.
43
that by a compromise which could not injure the ho-
nor of Spain, but, on the contrary, would be likely to
secure her a better government, she would avoid the
evils by which she was threatened. Upon this ground
it was that his Majesty's Ministers interfered, not by
menace, but by advice; and he would ask even the
most zealous supporters of the Constitutionalists of
Spain, whether they did not at this moment regret that
the party did not at once act upon that advice [hear!]?
The advice was, however, rejected, and what followed?
The French army invaded Spain, and he called upon
their Lordships to recall to their recollection what the
reception of that army had been. Suppose we had
been pressed into that war, suppose we had at once
engaged in support of the Constitutional Spaniards,
what must our feelings have been, when we perceived
the manner in which the great mass, the immense majo-
rity of the Spanish people treated the Constitution?
What must be our feelings when we found them from
town to town hailing the French as their deliverers, and
uttering every denunciation against the Constitution
and its supporters? From what did this feeling arise?
Was it from a love of freedom, or from a love of that
of which the Constitution went to deprive them? Was
there, he would ask, a country in the world more
jealous than Spain was of any Foreign interference ?
Was there any nation more pledged, more devoted to
its ancient habits and practices? He would now say
what he had said in the course of last April, that how-
ever Spaniards might hate a foreign enemy-however
they might oppose themselves to the interference even
of a foreign friend, there was nothing which they hated
more than this Constitution of which so much had been
said [:ear, hear!]. Would the Noble Marquis, then
have the Government of this country interfere, for the
purpose of forcing upon an immense majority of the
Spanish nation a system of Government which they
detested? Would he have Ministers plunge the nation
in war, for the purpose of supporting that which turned
out to be only a very small proportion of the Spanish
people? The Noble Lord (Somers) had said, and he
fully agreed with him in the assertion, that Ultraism of
whatever party was to be reprobated. But where was
the Ultraism in this case? The Ultraism of Spain was
the Ultraism of the people; they it was who decided
with an ultra feeling, if their Lordships pleased, against
that Constitution which the Noble Marquis would have
Ministers force upon them. Let them look, as he had
already said, to the reception of the French in Spain-
let them look to the manner in which the illustrious
Prince who commanded that army was received [hear,
hear!]. And here he felt it due to that royal personage
(the Duke d'Angouleme) to state, that while he, (Lord
Liverpool) deprecated all interference with Spain by
France, he felt bound to declare, that the conduct of
his Royal Highness, while at the head of the invading
army, was both noble and generous, and gave a fair
promise of what might be expected from him when he
succeeded to that Throne to which he was at present
the presumptive heir [cries of hear, hear! in a peculiar
manner from Lord Holland, which were echoed by
several Peers in different parts of the House]. His
Royal Highness had, both in France and in Spain,
"
endeavoured to check the spirit of Ultraism, and had in
many instances succeeded. "For myself (said the
Noble Lord), I could no more think of employing
British bayonets to thrust down the throats of the
Spanish people a Constitution which they detested,
than I could employ them for the purpose of involving
them in the most abject slavery," [hear, hear!]. He
next came to a question, touched upon by the Noble
Marquis, and certainly one of the very greatest im-
portance he meant our intercourse with South America.
The Noble Marquis had not found fault with what had
been done, but only regretted that Ministers had not
done enough; and expressed a wish that they had gone
further. For himself, he felt not the slightest fear in
meeting the question as he had formerly met it, that
was to say, in the most open and candid manner. He
called upon their Lordships to look to the first Spanish
Revolution, last war, and they would find that a strong
discussion had taken place, as to whether the British
Government ought to take part with the Court of Spain
on the one hand, or devote its energies to the support of
the independence of South America, on the other. Some
preferred the former policy; but the British Government
thought differently, and they found that the wisest policy
was to let Spain act upon its own resources, always offering
our advice to them as to the course which it was most
advisable to pursue. Their Lordships would remember
what had taken place before the full appointment of his
Noble and Gallant Friend (the Duke of Wellington)
to the chief command in Spain; they would also bear
in mind the glorious results achieved by his talents and
persevering exertions [hear, hear!], When the war in
Spain was at length concluded, and the King set at
liberty, the question with respect to the Colonies was
agitated, and the mediation of this country was request-
ed, not with a view to the restoration of the Colonies to
Spain, for that was out of the question, but with a view
to the amicable adjustment of the then existing differen-
ces. Spain rejected our offers from time to time; in a
word, she rejected them until she found herself strip-
ped of almost her last South American province.
Under these circumstances, the Noble Marquis (Lans-
down), had stated, "that the first step had been taken
by appointing Consuls to South America, and that he
hoped this course of policy would be followed up.'
He had only to answer to this, that if any impression
was entertained that he were in any way fettered or
bound to Spain, the persons entertaining it were totally
mistaken. One object of the Address was to remove
every such impression if it existed. We were under no
obligation to Spain, or to any other Power, on the
subject. There was nothing to prevent us from pursu-
ing our own course with respect to South America.
Our hands were perfectly free. We were wholly
unfettered. We were at liberty to do whatever the
interests of Great-Britain and the circumstances in
which the world was placed, might determine us to do.
At the same time he by no means denied that it would
be materially advantageous if Spain could be induced
herself to acknowledge the permanent independency
of her colonies. Until that were done, however inde-
pendent they might be de facto, there would always
exist a number of ambiguities, and a number of practi-


44
THE WARNING VOICE.
cal difficulties in the intercourse with those colonies.
He therefore perfectly agreed with the Noble Marquis
that if the independence of the Spanish colonies were
recognized by Spain herself, such a recognition would
be infinitely advantageous. All that he (Lord Liver-
pool) maintained was, that this country was not bound,
either by the recognition or the abstinence from receg
nition of the Spanish Government, to act in any other
manner than that which might appear to be conducive
to its own interests, or rather to the general interests of
Europe. He had made this distinct statement because
it certainly was highly desirable that Parliament, and
the country at large, should know precisely how this
question stood; that they should know that his Majes-
ty's Government were perfectly free and unfettered
with respect to it.
|
distress, I cannot allow that it is fuir to give Govern
ment any credit for its present condition. We all
recollect, my Lords, that when the country was sunk in
that deep distress which was the result of the dreadful
war which she had so long waged, and of the barbarous
system to which she had had recourse for the purpose
of maintaining it, the Noble Earl opposite, on being
questioned with respect to the canse of the existing
evil, attributed it without difficulty to Providence.
At one time he told us that Providence had made the
people of this country much too amorous, and that the
population was in consequence excessive; at another
time he said that Providence was too bounteous, and
that the produce of the soil was much too plentiful.
Now, however, it appears that, although I believe the
eloquence of the Noble Earl, however powerful, has
not been able to root the passion of love out of the
breasts of our young men, or his devotion, however
sincéré, to put a stop to the rains from Heaven, we are
in a state of great prosperity. That being the case, it
does not seem to me to be fair for the Noble Earl to say
See! this is my work." It does not seem to me to be
fair that, when we are in distress, Providence and
nature are to be charged with being the cause of that
distress; but that, when we are in prosperity, we are
to be called upon to admire the prodigious wisdom of
his Majesty's councils, as having created that prosperity
[hear, hear, hear!]. In the fact, however, of the
existing prosperity, I cordially concur; and it is due to
me in candour to mention another part of the Address,
to which I agree. I allude to the passage founded on
that part of the Speech from the Throne which speaks
of an arrangement with Austria, by which we are to be
paid a part of the sum due to us from that country—
Lord Liverpool, across the table" A small part."].
The Noble Earl says a small part. Well, we must be
content. We must not look a gift horse in the mouth;
although really this payment is any thing but a gift;
and if we were to look into its mouth, we should cer-
tainly see the marks of age; nor does it require much
political jockeyship to discover that a great deal of
work has been taken out of it in the shape of interest
[a laugh].
[a laugh]. But however that may be, I am bound to
acknowledge that the Noble Secretary of State, and
that the Noble Duke by whom the arrangement was
effected, are entitled to praise for their conduct. This
is my opinion, even if we get only what will pay Lord
Stewart's embassy to Vienna, although I should be glad
to hear that we get more. My Lords, I am willing to
give to all who have participated in this transaction
their fair share of praise. I have already said that I am
ready to acknowledge the merits of the Noble Earl
and the Noble Duke with respect to it. However
unaccustomed to bestow praise in that quarter, I am
even ready to praise the Emperor of Austria for an act
which was certainly of a personal nature,-an act per-
formed not only without the approbation, but against
the consent of his Ministers. Nor, my Lords, can I
refrain from believing that we, who sit on this side of
your Lordship's house, are entitled to some little share
of praise for this operation. I hope the Noble Lord
who presides over his Majesty's Councils will not again
talk of improprieties in debate; I hope he will hence-
Lord Holland's Speech.
Lord Holland spoke to the following effect:-I am"
afraid, my Lords, I shall disappoint the hope expressed
by the Noble Mover and Seconder of the Address, that
it would pass with the unanimous concurrence of your
Lordships. For, although I do not feel myself called
upon to press upon your Lordships the adoption of any
other Address than that before us--although there are
many topics in that Address in which I cheerfully con-
cur and acquiesce-and although I readily acknowledge
that, as it struck my ear, it contained no strong expres-
sions to which I entertain any insuperable objection-
yet, before I sit down, I shall feel myself bound to state
why I do not think the general tone and temper of that
Address at all such as should receive your Lordships'
approbation in the present awful and critical situation
of this country, and in the present extraordinary state
of Europe. Before, however, I proceed to that part of
the question, I am desirous of saying in what parts of
the proposed Address I concur. In the first topic of
the Address I have the satisfaction to say that I com-
pletely concur. I most readily, and indeed most
happily acknowledge that the internal prosperity of the
country is greater, and that the country is in that point
of view more flourishing than it has been within my
recollection at any former period of the opening of a
Session of Parliament. Nay, my Lords, I am ready to
go a step further. I am ready to acknowledge that
that prosperity is, in some degree, owing to the wisdom.
and firmness with which this and the other House of
Parliament, as has already been so ably stated by my
Noble Relation, proceeded to carry into effect the
resumption of cash payments; and I owe it more to
candour to make this statement, because I was, cer-
tainly, somewhat appalled by the contemplation of that
proceeding; and, in private at least, expressed my
hesitation with respect to the probability of its successful
issue. But at the same time, my Lords, I am by no
means prepared to say, with the Noble Lord, that it is
fair to give to his Majesty's Ministers some degree of
credit for the present prosperity of the country.
Recollecting the conduct and language of the Noble
Earl opposite, during the time that the country was in


THE WARNING VOICE.
45
T
forward acknowledge that a little plain language utter.
ed in Parliament may sometimes be productive of the
most beneficial effects I am sure, indeed, that the
Noble Lord will do this; because there is not one of
your Lordships who, after he has passed out of the door of
this House, will not declare his conviction, that the
language held on this side of the House on the subject
of the Austrian loan, has been mainly instrumental to
the arrangement that has been made. I now, my
Lords, come to a part of the Address on which I feel
considerable difficulty; completely agreeing as I do
with my Noble Friend near me, that it is a subject on
which it is much wiser to act than to speak. If I were
called upon to distribute the blame of having brought
matters to the state in which they now are in the West-
Indies, I believe that the apportionment would be very
general. I am sorry to say that I should feel compelled
to blame bis Majesty's Ministers; that I should feel
compelled to blame the body to which I belong,
namely the West India Planters; that I should feel
compelled to blame the African Association; that I
should even be compelled to blame the House of Com-
mons; all parties seem to me to have been to blame.
It is a subject, my Lords, on which, for various and
obvious reasons, I am not disposed to dwell. I would
not have touched upon it all, had it not occupied so
Abstractedly,
large a portion of his Majesty's Speech. Abstractedly,
I have not only ho objection to the sentiments which
the speech contains upon this topic, but they are such
as meet with my sincere and hearty concurrence.
Perhaps, however, it may be a question of prudence and
policy, whether or not it was advisable to contrast
operating motives so strongly as they are there con-
trasted; and to call upon Parliament in the way in
which Parliament is there called upon. I can under-
stand that it may be prudent and expedient, on certain
occasions, for this and the other House of Parliament
to advise his Majesty on proceedings which require the
active interference of the Executive Government; but
I do not exactly understand on what principle it is that
his Majesty, in his Speech from the Throne, comes to
the Parliament of the United Kingdom to originate these
proposed measures with respect to the West Indies.
If all that is meant is to require the concurrence of
Parliament in the augmentation of troops in the colo-
nies, I wish that his Majesty's Government had consi-
dered the fever-I readily admit the improper fever
which prevails there, and had been more cautious in the
language used on the occasion. As to the measure of
augmentation itself, it is a step that appears to me to be
indispensably necessary, and in which therefore I shall
most cordially concur. Opposed as I usually am to any
increase in our military establishments, it is especially due
from me on the present occasion to say, that in the pre-
sent state of our colonies in the West Indies, it appears to
me to be both wise and necessary to augment the mili-
tary force of the country. The first day of the session
is not the time to enter into any details on the subject,
but I cannot refrain from strongly recommending, in
the event of any insurrection or attack in the Island with
which I am the most connected, that the system pursued
during the Maroon war, by that excellent officer,
Major-Gen. Walpole, both with respect to the health
||
and the distribution of the troops, should be immedi
ately adopted. I am happy to bear this testimony to an
able and zealous officer; not because I have the honor
of being his private friend, but because he is an eminent
public man, highly distinguished in the discharge of his
public duty; most meritorious, and most unrequited!
I trust and hope, that if unfortunately the British troops
should again be called into operation in the island of
Jamaica, they may be conducted with as much bravery,
skill, enterprize, and humanity, as they were on the
occasion to which I have alluded. I now, my Lords,
come to that part of the Address on which it is neces-
sary for me to make a few remarks, in order to explain
the reasons which justify me in withholding my assent
to it. Of the whole tone and temper of that part of
the Speech, I disapproved when I heard it, and what has
since fallen from the Noble Mover of the address has only
tended to confirm that disapprobation. I do think, my
Lords, that the state of difficulty in which this country
is placed with respect to the rest of Europe, is any thing but
a subject of joy and satisfaction. I am not prepared to say
that that state is big with the most evil consequences; but
I am preparad to say, that it is a new and awful state:
and that to an extraordinary degree. Since we last
met, my Lords-no matter what the form of the Spanish
Constitution, no matter whether it is monarchical,
aristocratic, or democratic, but, since we last met, there
is one fact which no one can deny the Government of
France is in military possession of Spain. It may have
been unavoidable, it may have been prudent, nay, it
may have been meritorious, on the part of our Govern-
ment, to abstain from taking any steps by which this
possession might have been rendered more difficult, if
not wholly prevented; but, surely, my Lords, this is
not a state of things which the Noble Lords opposite
are warranted in telling us we ought to contemplate
with joy and satisfaction. I do not mean that they
used those precise words, but in the present aspect of
the political horizion, any intimation of that nature
seems to me most wonderful. My Lords, I hold that
the situation of England, with reference to the rest of
Europe, is such as must give birth to the most anxious
apprehensions in every English mind. Putting aside-
although to do so is to act in a manner most unconge-
nial to my own feelings-but putting aside all consider-
ations friendly to human freedom, and looking at the
question on the dry ground of mere English interests,
I repeat, that the present situation of England appears
to me to be fraught with serious danger. My Lords,
what is that situation? To estimate it duly we must
advert to the early period of the French Revolution,
and of the war which so speedily followed. I contend,
my Lords, that for the last seven or eight years we have
departed entirely from the ancient policy of this coun-
try; aye, that we have departed entirely from the very
policy which we adopted at the commencement of the
Revolution in France. Having done so; and the
departure having led to events which threaten the
security and happiness of these Kingdoms, I say that it
is indispensable that we pause and deliberate before we
determine what line of policy we will_henceforward
pursue. What was the ancient policy of this country?
To prevent the predominance of any indivdual power
----
1


46
THE WARNING VOICE.
on the line of coast opposite our own.. It had always
been the opinion of our ablest writers, and our wisest
statesmen, that if the whole of that extensive coast were
subject to one will, the security of Great-Britain would
be seriously endangered What I contend, my Lords,
is, that it is very immaterial whether this power is in
the hands of an individual or of a confederacy;
whether it is in the hands of the Holy Apostolical
Church of Rome, of the Grand Monarque, of Napoleon
Bonaparte, or of the Holy Alliance. The war, in the
early part of the French Revolution, originated in the
celebrated Decree of the 19th of November; that
Decree by which the National Convention held out a
promise of assistance to all people who were disposed
to shake off allegiance to their respective governments.
Why was this Decree obnoxious? because it maintained
a right of interference on the part of the government of
one state with that of another. It matters not what the
nature of the government which it is thus attempted to
oppose is. It may be a monarchy, it may be an aristo-
cracy, it may be a democracy, it may be the most
beautiful form that a happy union of the three could
constitute-yet, if attempted to be forced upon a coun-
try by foreign bayonets, the attempt is an aggression.
It is the domineering principle that ought to be resisted.
And yet it is this domineering principle on which the
Holy Alliance have proceeded. It is on this domineer-
ing principle that they have invaded a large and
powerful territory, and taken possession of it. It is
clear, my Lords, that there can be no difference in the
principle, whether acted upon by an individual, or by
a confederacy. It always was the object of this coun-
try to prevent the existence of such a state of things.
Whigs and Tories have united in this view of the
policy of Great-Britain. It was the policy of Lord
Somers;-it led to the wars of King William ;-ít led to
the wars of Lord Chatham.
But when, by that course of events which I shall always
consider most unfortunate, the King of France became
the mere nominee of that confederacy, the aspect of
affairs was entirely changed. What is the principle on
which the Holy Alliance is formed? "That those per-
sons who are now invested with power over mankind
should continue to hold it by their own will, without
any
responsibility for their actions." My Lords unless this
is their principle, their treaty of concurrence is a dead
letter. Το
prove that such is their principle, look at
their deeds. When first this new system made its ap-
pearance, it assumed the shape of an Autograph Treaty.
These Despots arrogated to themselves the character of
the Holy Alliance. The Secretary of State for this
country, Lord Castlereagh, at its communication, con-
sidered it as altogether harmless. He could not subscribe
to the fears of those who saw danger in such a combina-
tion. "There was nothing at all in it," said the Foreign
Secretary, and it was only because the Government of
this country was precluded, from the shape and form it
wore, by the Constitution (which prescribed that to every
act of connexion with a foreign power the signature of
a responsible Minister was necessary), that Great Britain
was not a party to it. This very objection, though
founded upon formality, involved the very principle of
the question. What Minister would have ventured to
have put his signature to such a document? At that
moment Ministers were not aware of its character and
nature. They never supposed that in its covert terms it
had disguised those objects which both admission and
practice have since realized. It soon began to disclose
itself. It was, forsooth, an alliance for the conserva-
tion of the Monarchical principle. Monarchical prin-
ciple! What was that principle? As understood then,
and since avowed by these conspirators, it was the right
of one man to govern millions, not with respect to their
interests or their opinions, but solely in the gratification
of his own will or caprice. Legitimacy they dared to
name, using the term, not in its true and hallowed sig
nification, of regard to those laws and precepts which
the reason of mankind had sanctioned, but upon the
wicked assumption that hereditary power was, under
every circumstance, and in every situation, to be upheld
and perpetuated, merely because there existed an here-
ditary claim; disregarding altogether the conduct of the
person possessing it, no matter what his misdeeds were
-no matter what miseries he heaped upon his unhappy
subjects his right to continue in his misrule was never
to be forfeited, and those whose happiness he had des-
troyed were to be assailed if they ventured upon that
natural remedy, a change of dynasty. Look at the
history of Naples [hear, hear!]-look at the advances
these wretched principles have made since the indepen-
dence of that country was violated! Then, indeed, the
light first broke in upon the Executive Government of
this country as to the real purposes of the Holy Alliance
then it was, that for the first time, the Minister for
Foreign Affairs, Lord Castlereagh, perceived that that
Autograph Treaty was not that very harmless, unmean-
ing, peaceful combination which he had at first imagined
and described He felt that it had given out tokens.
which left a British Minister no doubt that at least Great
Britain could not be a party to it. It was true that the
Noble Secretary did not even then manifest much desire
to contradict such pretensions; although he was at length
convinced that it embraced a rule of political action
with which the policy of that country could not be re-
conciled. The effort was consequently made, not to
oppose such a principle, but, if it were possible, to slip
out of the difficulty. There was, indeed, an appearance,
in some vague, indeterminate, general language, to
express a disapprobation of the principle, but this dis-
approbation was coupled with the exception that there
were peculiar circumstances in the relations in which
Austria stood with respect to Naples, in which that
principle was modified. There might exist some con-
siderations of that kind; but stil! I hold that when, for
the first time, we were called upon to pronounce an
opinion on such a principle, it should have been ree
from all appearance of ambiguity and misinterpretation.
We should have avoided the exhibition of persons, who
"Not accepting, did but half refuse!"
I trust I feel as strongly as any man the injustice of that
violation; I hold in equal abhorrance such wicked ag-
gressions on the rights of independent States, whether
the people of those countries be near or remote-whether
they hold a greater or a lesser rank amongst the nations
of the civilized world. The injustice, the danger, is in
the principle, and the attempt, under all circumstances,


THE WARNING VOICE.'
47
should be the object of reprobation. It is very true,
however, that in the case of Naples, there were peculiar
circumstances, as was truly stated by his Majesty's Mi-
nisters, which did not call upon this country for the most
active interposition, as compared with more recent
transactions. Naples, whether from its remoteness, or
its slighter connexion with this country, was, without
using the words in an invidious sense, in a state of com-
parative insignificance, as contrasted with our relations
with Spain. We had not time, besides, from the rapid
advance of the Austrian army to take an active course.
The military occupation of that country by Austria left
us no opportunity for remonstrance, or even an examina-
tion of their pretexts for aggression. No man could
view those pretexts with more disgust than I do; and
though I argue the question on the principle of policy
at this moment, I am as fully persuaded that in the suc-
cess of that invasion, the honor, the rights, and the
happiness of all independent States were but in jeopardy
[hear, hear!]. It is, however, admitted, that perhaps
there is no Power in Europe less calculated by any of
its movements to excite the apprehensions of this coun-
try than Austria; but despotic as that Power is, it is in
the principle that it has avowed and acted upon as to
Naples that every reasonable mind must discover the
danger. Naples having thus been treacherously and
unjustly invaded the success in that first essay next led
to the attack of the Holy Alliance upon Spain and Por-
tugal. Russia, at first covertly, but feeling its way, soon
made a declaration of its intention, nay, of the obligation
it was under to interfere with the revolution of Spain.
It is no part of my case to inquire what were the actual
feelings of the Spanish people as to the merits of that
Constitution, which that revolution obtained. I care
not what was the preponderating influence of parties.
I care not how numerous were the legions of fanaticism,
and it forms no part of the question with me, what and
how many zealots evinced a desire to restore the old
despotism, to perpetuate the system of arbitrary power,
and sacrifice to the domination of one the interests
of mankind. These are considerations wholly out of a
just view of the subject. Grant all that the opponents
of that Constitution assume, yet where in the divisions
of a people, on a question affecting the improvement of
their own Constitution, are these Despots to find a
justification for the attacks upon the rights of independ-
ent States, and the subversion by force, of those institu-
tions which were acknowledged by the organs of the
public will [hear, hear!]? I say again, I will not stop
to inquire how the people of Spain viewed the Revolu-
tionary Constitution. Whatever difference of opinion
prevailed, the armies of the Holy Alliance were not the
arbiters [hear, hear!]. The Despots thought otherwise;
they issued their anathemas against the people of Spain,
and they decided on the subversion of its consitution by
force. The Princes of the House of Bourbon, true to
the principles of that House, became foremost in the
crusade against the liberties of mankind [hear, hear!]
True, they first hesitated-they were alarmed at the
avowal of their own purposes; partly from the fear of
consequences, and not from any distaste of the princi-
ple itself, and partly from an apprehensive suspicion
that Great-Britain, in unison with her ancient policy,
would oppose the attempt, they remained apparently
undetermined. When, however, they got at the depth
of our policy, and by such knowledge these difficulties were
surmounted, the House of Bourbon at once put in execu-
tion principles congenial with their ancient character.
Aggrandizement, no matter what the object, no matter
what the pretext-and it is too true that they acted upon
a principle, the only one in which the people over
whom they have been forced, could unhappily be
brought to agree with them--aggrandizement was their
object [hear!] The materiel was in France. These
were the Ultra followers of these Princes, and worldly-
minded and fanatical priests, who never cease, if
possible, to realize their own objects, with a relay of
bad men of all parties, Republicans and Napoleonists,
who, following the impulse of the national character,
thought not, cared not for the desolation they effected,
provided their love of plunder, spoilation, and conquest
on an unoffending country was successful. Acting
upon that conviction, M. Chateaubriand hailed the
invasion of Spain as a means of producing national
unanimity. It was to be the recovering point for
Bourbon influence. They were to hand over the
independence of weaker but independent countries,
as a spoil for French soldiery, to recover a security
and a permanence for themselves [hear!]. "Domina-
tionem super alios ad servitium suum, mercedem dant"
[hear!] But why speak of freedom when talking of
the States of the Continent? Where over its whole
extent does freedom exist [hear]? No where through
that vast tract. Is freedom to be found in Russia,
Austria, or France? I deny it. Tell me not of the
semblance of freedom, in what we know to be the magis-
tratuum nomina in Chambers or Assemblies, where one
is at a loss to decide whether the profligacy of its
connivance, or the disgusting excesses of individuals,
N
more the subject of reprobation with every
enlightened mind. I ask again where freedom is to be
found in any part of Europe at this moment, but in
England? Is there a spot where any man would dare
to say the sort of things that I am saying now [a laugh,
and cries of hear, hear!]? It is probable that I am at
this moment speaking what the Noble Lord (Liver-
pool) does not approve-what is not pleasing (and
though I am persuaded that even were he a Despot, he
would neither send me to prison, much less to execu-
tion) [a laugh, and hear, hear!]; yet I tell my Noble
Friend, I feel a much better security in knowing that
he durst not, cannot [hear, hear!]. Surely, Noble
Lords must feel that they insult the sacred name of
liberty, when they venture to assert that the concerns
of the people form any part of the views of that combi-
nation that domineers over Europe-for where can
these concerns have a friend, where there is neither
recognized the liberty, the reason, or law? In my
general view of the distressed Continent of Europe,
I am most willing, on re-consideration, to except the
kingdom of the Netherlands. So far as its power and
its means extend, I sincerely believe there exists a
willingness and solicitude to extend the liberties of the
subject, and to increase the happiness of the people
[hear, hear!]. The Noble Earl at the head of his
Majesty's Government, in his speech has panegyrised


48
THE WARNING VOICE.
the Prince who commanded the French army in its
invasion of Spain. I am not disposed to dispute the
claims that that personage has to panegyric for his
immediate and personal conduct in the command of
that campaign; but I do declare that I listened to the
prediction, that those claims afforded future hopes in
his presumptive character, when, proceeding from a
British Member, with consternation [hear, hear!].
Is the Noble Lord not aware of what France has
affected, and by what means? Does she not, at this
moment, hold military occupation of the whole of the
kingdom of Spain, its fortresses and harbours? Has
she not a supreme ascendancy, not alone in Spain, but
in Portugal [hear!]. Are not her influence, her power,
and her ambition, upheld by a Priesthood, vehement
and eager to sustain and increase that ascendancy by
all those means which they know how to employ, and
which are too successful over the mass of mankind
[hear, hear Is not that ambitious Government sup-
ported also by a nominal Legislature, which so far
possesses the power of Representation as to be able to
lay at the feet of the Monarch all the resources of a
fertile and industrious country, without the virtue or
the ability to check the misapplication. Such is the
Government of France; the head, I would say; but at
all events, a Member of that wicked confederacy that
holds at nought all those principles and rights which
were, heretofore at least, acknowledged to be founded
on the laws of nature, and of nations. I ask then, is
that a state of the world that in a British Parliament
ought to be made a subject of congratulation [hear,
hear, hear!]? I ask the Ministers of the Crown whether
such a position can be satisfactory to themselves? The
character of our policy must be strangely altered if such
a state of Europe can be an object of gratification to an
English Government [hear! The Noble Earl has
reminded your Lordships of the fact, that he had
deprecated the invasion of Spain by the French Go-
vernment. I ask you also to remember the manner and
the tone in which he deprecated that invasion. What was
that way? Was it not that France would be the
sufferer that there was a great improbability of
success-that its Government did not contemplate not
alone the danger from Spanish resistance; but the more
imminent and more awful danger of hazarding its
security in France? Was not this the language of
every dispatch? Look at every document, at every
record placed upon your table, and then I ask whether
the amount of the Noble Lord's deprecation was not
that war was to be avoided by France, because it was
most likely that such war would be attended with the
most disastrous events to France. I appeal to the
Noble Duke near him (Wellington), who, I am sure,
would disclaim and spurn the imputation of having any
where used language which he did not feel to be true,
whether that was not the burthen of every diplomatic
communication. Was it not the admonition, the de-
hortation, if I may say so, of his every note and 'commu-
nication, when the project of violation was unfolded at
Verona [hear, hear!]? Disregarded as these admoni-
tions were, it was something beyond official assumption;
it was rather too much even for Parliamentary acqui-
escence, to be called upon to admit our proud attitude,
our commanding influence; amidst the nations of
Europe [hear, hear!]. Let us for a moment consider
the proofs of that ascendancy, of that ability, which our
successes afforded to arbitrate for the contract. Either
the invasion of Spain by France was a good, or it was
an evil. If it were a good it was accomplished without
our consent or our assistance. If it were an evil,
where is our boasted ascendancy, when the Ministers of
England, who take credit for our proud attitude,
bought at such unexampled sacrifices, admit, in the
same breath, that they themselves deprecated the
attempt, and that the result has been effected decidedly
against our remonstrances, and, as most men feel, with
consequence specially dangerous to British interests
[cheers]? I confess, for my own part, that I cannot
understand, much less acquiesce, in these causes for
self-congratulation. In reflecting on the state of
events, I can not, indeed, understand why England might
not have felt it politic to interfere in such a question;
but it forms, in my mind, no topic of congratulation.
I can understand that, crippled and exhausted by
efforts in a cause of a more ambiguous character, she
was no longer capable to sustain her ancient policy of
appearing as the Champion of the independence of
Europe [hear, hear!]. Her inability, from previous
efforts, I understand, and am ready to appreciate the
argument that might be formed on it. But I do not see
the propriety or the credit, to use the words of a most
eloquent Colleague of the Noble Lord's (Mr. Canning),
I say I do not recognize the propriety of our tricking
ourselves out in all the drapery of eloquence; to appear
in a character to which our own acts have lamentably
proved we have no pretensions. It is most preposte-
rous, and, again drawing upon the language of that
Right Hon. Gentleman, I think that though, according
to him, it would have been "an act of Quixotism to
have interfered in the Spanish struggle;" I still venture-
to hold, that having given up and surrendered all right
to that elevation of feeling and spirit of chivalry which
characterized the Knight of Le Mancha, there was
another quality of that renowned character which with
more propriety he and his Colleagues might have
exemplified-to wit, that altogether dropping their
vaunted and non-existing superiority, they should have
appeared with some claims to respect, from their
regard to decency, as Knights of the sorrowful counte-
nance [cheers, and a laugh]. These were the feelings
that became them, and yet it was difficult to reconcile
such conduct as they pursued with the impressions they
must have felt from the nature of the exertions which
Great-Britain had made for Europe [hear, hear!]. Wasa
disregard to her admonitions, to her remonstrances, the
fair return for all her sacrifices of blood and treasure,
and aye, of honesty too, in her dealings, as the Noble
Eart (Liverpool) has at length tardily admitted this
night, in reviewing our arrangements of Currency and
Finance? One would have expected, that when the
Holy Alliance refused to listen to the suggestions of
those Ministers who had recovered for some of them
their Thrones, and secured the tottering influence of
others, that the exclamation of the Noble Earl, at all›
events of the Noble Duke near him (Wellington) would
have been→→→


THE WARNING VOICE.'
49
O Peers of England! shameful is this league
Fatab this contract, cancelling your fame;
Blotting your names from books of memory;
Raising the characters of your renown,
Reversing monuments of conquered France;
Undoing all, as all had never been!"
In place of that natural feeling, uninfluenced by
those heroic sentiments at least we should have
thought, that disappointed by their former friends,
treated with ingratitude where gratitude was due, they
would have met the country with a natural, a becoming
feeling of humiliation. No such thing. They chuckle
at self-congratulation; and, making noodles and
doodles of us all, expect, that when the story is out,
we must all, as the writer of Tom Thumb observes—
"With Nature wear an universal grin."
But whatever different views Noble Lords might enter
tain as to the policy of our interposition, I do pray
them to reflect on the consequences of allowing the
despotic principle of one title governing the destiny and
the resources of the whole of Continental Europe.
Were this the proper time I could state a variety of
suggestions which the prospect or the chance of such a
state of things brings to my view. Is it possible that if
such a state of things was to be successful, that our
free constitution-our free Press and Parliamentary
discussions would not become an object of deep and
serious hostility? Great as are the resources of this
country, determined as is the love of independence,
and great as is the industry of the people, yet who
could pronounce on the result of a warfare waged by
Europe under one will, against that freedom which
those despots abhor? How can we tell, but that, if
even the Emperor of Austria was above all such recol-
lections, that courtiers in his Government would not be
found who would breathe a lasting enmity against that
right of public discussion which talked of despot bank-
ruptcy, and breach of imperial faith? Is it no conside-
ration for British Statesmen, that priestcraft and
fanatacism has had its triumph in that country more
directly convenient for extending the same principles
and practices where they were likely to meet adherents
in the more vulnerable part of our empire? Has not
our commerce, on which our prosperity mainly hinges,
been the object of the unceasing opposition of those
Sovereigns? View it on every point, it is our duty to
be decided. It may be a question, whether it should
be our policy to divide the constituent parts of this
Confederacy, and, by so doing, to nullify its purposes;
it may be our policy to place ourselves at the head of
vast liberal party existing in every country in Europe,
in a manner similar to the station England once held
at the head of the Protestant States; or, if crippled and
exhausted by our previous efforts, we should feel dispo-
sed to sever and separate from Europe, placing ourselves
in connexion with the New World-linked with the
United States, and looking out for those connections
with the emerging Governments of the Southern
districts of that Continent, which might compensate for
our alienation from Europe. These, I say, may be specula-
tions of policy-but all I say at present is, decide.
These various considerations are attended with difficul-
ty; but whatever may be the extent of that difficulty:
1
S
there is no time for delay [hear, hear!]. The election
must be made-any one of these decisions, I say, is
much better than the course we are now pursuing-bet-
ter, I repeat, any one of them, than no system of policy at
all [hear, hear!]. In the situation we now are, it is, in my
conviction, impossible to persevere without probable
disgrace and degradation, and perhaps without ruin
and extinction-a destiny which posterity with pro-
nounce we shall have deserved, if, with the means of
preservation in our power, we have suffered them to
remain in inaction.
I have quoted the above-mentioned wisdom and
judicious conduct of the United States, to prove the
folly of Great-Britain interfering with the French
Revolution. And is not that interference, and the loss
of our blood and treasure, and the risk we run of
being destroyed as an Independent Nation, a confirma-
tion of the wisdom of the United States of America, and
the folly of the ruling power of Great-Britain."
The French declared they had no objection to
Monarchical Government; they only wanted to regulate
and improve their affairs, for the good of the King and
People, and that they would have no offensive wars,
none but to defend themselves; and, with the consent
of the King and people, drew up a constitution, which
the King accepted and swore to; that, I consider, was
the end of the French Revolution. And, if we had not
interfered, it would have been so, and they would have
been a great, peaceable, free, independent and happy
Nation; as no other dared or would have attacked
their infant liberties.
But Great Britain sent her emissaries, and lighted up
the dying embers of the revolution, encouraged the
King to break his oath, and run away, which he did,
which drove them mad, and then they cut the King's head
off, and those of many others, and in the broil which
we caused, we were driven to the brink of ruin, which
we have not yet recovered.
Much as the world may admire the constitution of
America, and much as it may merit their admiration,
if the king and people will please to examine the consti-
tution of England, in its original state of purity, they may
discover beauties and perfections in it, such as no other
country in the world is blessed with.
May I here indulge the happy hope that the King and
people will unite without delay, and restore the con-
stitution to its original legitimate state of purity, both
in the House of Commons and elsewhere; that they may
have the pleasure and happines of admiring and enjoying
it in its original purity, and prevent this dear Country from.
being exposed to the above-mentiond danger, in future,
which would never have happened if the people had
been truly represented in the House of Commons.
The Marquis of Lansdown's, Lord Liverpool's, and
Lord Holland's speeches on the address in reply to the
speech of the King of Great-Britain the 2d February,
1824; the President's Message to the United States
of America, on the 2d December, 1823, together with
the remarks of the Leeds Mercury upon it, surely,
all together form one of the most valuable, intelligent,
and important documents that ever appeared in the
world; because I do hope they will open the eyes and
understandings, and remove the blind, bewildered,


50
THE WARNING VOICE.
infatuated state of Great-Britain, and all Europe, and
enlighten them all, and convince every LADY, and
every other individual in the British Empire, of the
necessity, expediency, comfort, and pleasure of a
reformation in Parliament; then, I say, who dare or
will be any longer against such a salutary, necessary,
and happy measure. I do hope and presume we shall
become unanimous, and every one will promote it.
And if we consider that America is the only Power
that appears, and has declared itself willing, ready and
determined to stem the present terrible, sudden torrent
of tyranny and oppression, and to protect, nourish,
and promote liberty, freedom, religion, and virtue all
over the world.
And if we consider that the Holy Alliance have con-
spired to destroy these virtues universally, and have
executed their machinations in France, Spain, Portu-
gal, Naples, &c. and commanding, controlling, and
influencing all Europe for these dire and dreadful pur-
poses, to the terror and danger of the freedom, safety,
commerce, welfare, dignity, and of all that is dear
and valuable to Great-Britain and all the world.
And if we compare the President's Message to the
King's, or rather the Minister's speech to the Parliament
of Great-Britain on the 2d of February, 1824, both of
which, I hope, will be well considered and compared,
by the King and People of this great and mighty
Empire.
Can a Nation be said to be great, mighty, happy, and
safe, which owes almost as much money as it is worth.
Then how wonderful that the K M of Great-Britain
have not yet expressed the least fear, suspicion, or alarm at
their country's above-mentioned danger, on the fall of
Spain into the hands of the Holy Alliance. Where
have they buried all their thoughts and attention?
What a mystery it must appear to every one, that our
watchmen and guardians, who are so extravagantly
paid for their small services, should appear to be
asleep or in a lethargy, when their vigilance and
attention is more called for than ever was known.
Surely they must consider themselves superior to the
King their master, and also the people.
True Loyalty, is true Wisdom, in true Britons.
My way of respecting my Sovereign, and proving my
loyalty, is by endeavouring to protect his dignity, his
empire, and his happiness. I evince my love of the
constitution, by considering it the guardian of all our
rights, and source of our freedom and pleasures. And it is
my humble opinion, all women and men should contem-
plate, study, and learn to know the excellence, virtue,
nature, and value of that inestimable constitution, their
liberty and freedom, as the source of every thing that is
dear to them, and that its preservation is the strongest
proof they can give of their true loyalty to their King.
And I presume they will find this the most entertaining
and interesting subject in the world, embracing true
religion, true loyalty, true love, and every thing that is
dear, pleasant, and estimable in this life. And I hope.
they will throw aside all their trifling talk and amuse,
ments, and substitute this for the good of themselves,
their King, their country, and all the world. And I
presume they will always find this the most entertaining
subject in the world, for true lovers who are truly loyal.
The following are perhaps the most prominent parts
of our incomparable constitution. The foundation of
this constitution is its laws, which are the rule of the
King's government, and of the obedience of the people.
By their own laws, Britons are free, as no law can be
made or repealed, but by their own consent, given by
their representatives in Parliament, which makes their
subjection to laws, not forced, but voluntary. By these
laws, no man can be imprisoned without cause shewn,
nor can be denied a writ of Habeas Corpus, to bring him
to trial, which cannot be, but by a jury of his Peers.
No taxes or loans can be levied in England, without the
people's consent; and none can be impressed for soldiers,
but such as acts of Parliament direct, upon particular
emergencies.
But here I beg leave to ask, how much is the constitu-
tion impaired, by the present practices of bribery and
corruption, by money or favors, bestowed directly or
indirectly, in sending our members to Parliament, and
their conduct therein, where it is too well known ;
the majority of them are under the influence of, and
represent and protect the ministers of the day, and not
the people, whom the constitution in its original state of
purity, intended they should represent and protect.
The Monarchy of Great-Britain is so limited, as to
secure the people's liberty, and not to diminish the
King's power, if all the other branches do their duty.
It is a mixed government of King, Lords, and Commons,
who are all three a check upon each other, and this
excellent form of government is now fixed on so sure a
basis, as nothing (under God) can remove, except that
baneful influence of bribery and corruption, which has
imperceptibly crept into the constitution, and like the
canker worm, knawing its vitals, and will cause its death,
if a speedy remedy be not applied, which dire disease
every thinking man is and will soon be alive to, and join
in the generous effort to eradicate and restore the dying
patient. And the leading object of this publication is
to awake the King and people, to a sense of the danger
of losing this inestimable treasure, the constitution of
England, which is of the most vital importance to us all;
and by the most cool and temperate reasoning, to induce
loyalty, and truest source of religion, liberty, safety,
them to restore and preserve it if possible, as the truest
comfort, greatness, dignity, pleasure, and happiness. I
am a whig, and this is my way of proving my loyalty to
my King, my love of the constitution, and my zeal to
preserve them both.
I take the liberty of telling, and soon prove to them they
All tories who I have the pleasure of conversing with,
are whigs in principle, but tories in practice will say
they love the constitution as dearly as me, and as anxious
way to preserve it, the conduct of the whigs or the tories.
to preserve it, then the point at issue is, which is the best
I here appeal to the latter, and have so much confidence
in the tories, and their good sense and good dispositions,
important case. But I shall challenge, or object to all
as to make them judge, jury, and witness in this most
such, as have anything to hope or to fear, to get or to


THE WARNING. VOICE.
51
save, from the pleasure or displeasure of the
because they have formed a phalanx, and established an
influence and power of their own, distinct from, and
superior to the King and people, and more dangerous to
both, and the existence of the constitution than ever was
known, and I hope to see the King and people soon
unite to extinguish such danger.
And if they will please to take an impartial view of
the operation of wealth and power, in the transactions
of the world, they may soon discover, they as naturally
curtail liberty and freedom, and increase oppression, as
the sparks fly upwards.
The true Whig, or true Patriot
Admires the constitution of England, as a treasure of
inestimable value, such as no people in the world enjoy
when in its original state of purity, but those of Great-
Britain. He is its anxious and steady friend and guardian,
the watchman of its safety, security, and welfare, and
considers it his first bouuden duty to hand it down to
posterity unimpaired, as his forefathers gave it to him.
He loves his King, the Peers of the Realm, and the House
of Commons, because they, with the people, constitute
this judicious, stately, inestimable, and wonderful fabric.
He is coolly and deliberately endeavouring to shew the
King and people, how much bribery, corruption, and
undue influence have imperceptibly impaired that inva-
luable and pleasant edifice, the constitution of England.
luable and pleasant edifice, the constitution of England.
He believes that all thinking men love justice, and ad-
mire this inestimable treasure of our own, as much as
himself; and will become equally zealous to join in
restoring it to its original state of purity.
He believes that all thinking men have as strong a
hatred of bribery and corruption as himself, on all petty
and private occasions, but when they see them two dire
enemies attacking with such violence, this darling babe,
the constitution of England, they will become deter
mined to join in their destruction.
.. He treats all men's opinions on politics, with modera-
tion, deference, and respect. He believes they cannot
differ upon this most important subject, if they will be
cool, candid, and respectful to each other. And con-
sider well that they have one common principle and one
common object only, the welfare of themselves, their
King and country, and all the world. He studies the
golden rule on all occasions. He doeth justice, loveth
mercy, and walketh humbly. He hates every species of
tyranny and oppression. He is a true protestant, and
truly religious..
"
1
1..
The King we all know is a true whig and true patriot,
and can do nothing politically wrong, if all the other
branches of the constitution do their duty.
Is there a peer in the realm, who in the presence of
the Almighty, will lay his hand on his heart and say, he
is not a true whig and true patriot?
t
Is there a member of the House of Commons, who will
appeal to the Almighty, lay his hand on his heart and
say, he is not a true whig and true patriot?
Is there a minister of state, who will appeal to the
Almighty, lay his hand on his heart and say, he is not a
true whig and true patriot?
! as
Is there an individual in the land, who in the presence
of the Almighty, can lay his hand on his heart and say,
he is not a true whig and true patriot?
Is there a tory in this empire, who will appeal to the
Almighty, lay his hand on his heart and say, his conduct
and practice has not a tendency to promote tyranny,
oppression, and the destruction of the heavenly con-
stitution of England, any of which I may venture to say,
he will hate in heart and conscien e to be guilty of,
whenever he considers well what he is doing?
Whig, Tory, and Courtier.
A true whig is a patriot, a friend to freedom, and his
country, it is a political name for the friends of liberty, in
opposition to tory.
tier is an attender of a court, one who sides with the
A tory is an advocate for absolute monarchy. A cour-
ministry, right or wrong, full of promises, without inten-
tion to perform.
A pecuniary saving to a man's self is a circumstance
likely to arrest the attention of every one, though in
truth, the saving of the constitution, is an object of more
importance, as it compriseth every other; for if the con-
stitution be subdued, our freedom will be lost, and with
our freedom, will perish our ingenuity, industry, com-
mercial enterprize, and our martial spirit; all the copious
sources of domestic happiness and national consequence,
will be choked up for ever. Mr. Cooper then resumed,
and continued to argue (on the authority of Lock, Mil-
ton, Lord Chesterfield, and other great names,) that free
discussion never produced mischief. Political discussion
was a benefit, because by attacking certain institutions,
it called forth able writers in their defence, and was to
a like cause, that we were now indebted to Lock's trea-
tise on government. Neither ancient Rome, Athens,
or the modern dynasty of France fell by the licentious-
ness of political discussion. They owed their fall to
corruption and degeneracy, and the absence of a free
press, to correct these vices. While he held the situa-
tion of representative in. Parliament, he was the zealous
supporter of the liberties of the country, and the eloquent
and watchful guardian of its independence, and the ene-
my of bribery and corruption, and he was convinced
that his son would tread in his footsteps.
Luxury, Oppression and Poverty.
PROLOGUE TO MR. COBBETT'S ADDRESS TO THE MEN OF KENT.
The manner of the following address I disapprove,
But the matter I think praise-worthy, because it is an
additional proof that the
-have played
the same game uniformly, above half a century past to
my knowledge, viz.-The game of bribery, corruption,
luxury, oppression, and poverty, which are the dire
enemies of all men and all nations, without regard to
any other game but keeping their places, aggrandizing
and enriching themselves, their friends, and adherents,
which impoverisheth, distresseth, and oppresseth all those
beneath them, in a greater or lesser degree, and spreadeth
discord, discomfort, and displeasure, through the land
where harmony, comfort, and pleasure should prevail.


52
THE WARNING. VOICE.
They played it in the American war, by which we lost
America, and much blood, treasure, &e. But liberty
and freedom to the Americans, rose triumphant out of
the contest which has become the land of independence,
charity, religion, and liberty, with the laudable, gene-
rous, friendly disposition, to help all the civilized world
to enjoy the same; an example which I hope will excite
the attention, and be followed by all the world. Being
the only way to make Nations, Kings, and people happy,
great, safe and strong, and to lead them to conclude,
the Almighty will bless and protect all such upright
nations. And that all governments were instituted for
the benefit, good and happiness of the King and people.
They played it in their attack upon the rising liberties
of France, and without cause, except to prevent a re-
formation in the English House of Commons, forced
our dear country to the brink of ruin, from which a
wonderful act of providence did preserve us, when nothing
else could, and I hope the whole nation doth rejoice in
hearty thanks to the Almighty, for its preservation, which
ended in the restoration of tyranny and oppression in
France, and the dissatisfaction of their people, at the
expence of many hundreds of millions of debt to us,
which hangs like a mill stone about our necks, and left
us in imminent danger, which now appears too obvious,
and will sink us and destroy our liberties, religion, and
commerce, if we do not unite with the King, and exert
our talent and wisdom, to prevent it.
They played it by joining the holy alliance, which
have united to extinguish the rising liberties of all
nations, and thereby astonished and terrified their own
country, and all the civilized world.
They have played it by their neglect to protect and
nourish the dawning liberties of Spain, and our most
vital interests and safety, and have thereby lost us a
certain and most powerful ally, the whole kingdom of
Spain, with the most important maratimeffortresses in the
world. By all which they, and their adherents, have
given birth to, and joined a confederacy of the tyrants
of Europe, not only dangerous to our liberties and free-
dom, and our heavenly constitution, but our commerce
and our very existence, as an independent nation.
EXTRACTS FROM MR. COBBETT'S ADDRESS
TO THE MEN OF KENT.
Cadiz is now in the hands of the French. This is no
Battle of Waterloo affair.
The most important maratime fortress in the world,
and in their hands it will, in effect, remain as long as
the English National Debt shall last. The newspapers
which give us an account of the fall of Cadiz, tell us
also that it is said at Paris, that the French mean to
keep possession of that fortress, as long as we keep
possession of Gibraltar! Good. My readers will
recollect that I said, before the French actually
marched into Spain, that, unless the interest of the
English Debt were almost annihilated, the French
would have us out of Gibraltar in three years.
Cadiz is worth fifty times as much as Gibraltar. It is
superior to it for every purpose whatever; and in
every respect it is beyond all measure more valuable.
There are the French in possession of it; and upon
what ground are we to object to their keeping posses-
sion of it. Temporary possession of that and all the
fortresses in Spain we shall hardly have the impudence,
I mean the modesty to object seeing that when we had
"conquered France," we insisted upon keeping posses-
sion of certain parts of France for five years, and of
taking certain fortresses away from her for ever as we
thought. Our pretext for these was, that our army
was pecessary to prevent the "hydra of revolution
from rearing its hideous head." And shall not the
French keep up an army in Spain, and take possession
of Spanish fortresses, and make the Spanish people pay
their army for the same purposes? Is there one law,
one gospel, one moral principle, one rule of right for
us, and are there others for them?
Has Mr. Brougham bothered us about the greatest
Captain of the age, until we, at last, believe in good
earnest, that we are to bind down all other nations by
the strict rules of moral rectitude, while we ourselves,
in our quality of the "greatest Empire in the world,"
are to plead an exemption from all rules whatever?
If we have brought ourselves to this belief, the French
will presently undeceive us; for they will keep posses
sion of Spain, and Monsieur de Chateaubriand will give
Mr. Canning some pretty rappings upon the knuckles,
if he shall venture to utter a word in the way of remon-
strance.
these fortresses? Why do you keep the Cape of Good
Will Mr. Canning say, by what right do you hold
Hope and the Island of Ceylon? You took them, not
when at open war against the Stadtholder; but when you
were professing to make war for the Stadtholder, ånd
while the Stadtholder was actually living in England.
Again, Why did you take and why do you keep Malta?
Malta belonged to the Knights of St. John of Jerusa-
lem. The French revolutionists took it from the
Kensington, October 15, 1823. Knights. You took it from the French; but did you
On the fall of Cadiz, and on the state of England,
compared with that of France.
Gentlemen,
Another of my 66 lying prophecies," now stands
before the public. From the very dawn of the French
project for the invasion of Spain, I warned my readers,
that the intention of France was to get possession of
the fleets and arsenals and ports of Spain, and, in short,
to make that country in effect a part of the French
dominions.
restore it to the Knights? Oh! no! At the peace of
Amiens you stipulated solemnly to restore it to the
Knights; but you went to war again, when you were
called upon to fulfil the stipulation, and your Ministers
openly declared in Parliament, that one of the objects
of your new war was to enable you to avoid the surren-
dering of Malta!
Will our Minister answer and say: "Aye, but these
things took place a long while ago; treaties have been


THE WARNING VOICE.
53
made since we took possession of the Cape of Good
Hope and of Malta; and these places have been ceded
and guaranteed to us by these treaties."-" Oh" the
French Minister will say, "is that all you want!
Morbleu! we will give you treaties enough! you shall
have half a dozen of them by the next post; one for
Cadiz, another for Corunna, and, if you wish it, for
every sea-port and fortified town in Spain; treaties are
cheap enough things. They do not cost above fifty
livres apiece, though made in the name of the Holy
and undivided Trinity. Six penny-worth of paper,
pens, ink and wax, and a day's work for a clerk,
makes Cadiz as lawfully ours as the Cape of Good Hope
and Malta and Gibraltar are yours.
However, it must be confessed that there is no
ground whatever for our keeping Gibraltar, which will
not equally serve the French as a ground for keeping
Cadiz; nay, they have a ground for keeping Cadiz,
and fair ground, too, which we have not for keeping
Gibraltar.
Our Minister will hardly pretend that Gibraltar is at
all necessary to the protection or defence of these
Islands. If he were mad enough to do it, the French
would need only to pull out a map of Europe to show
him how much more necessary Gibraltar must be to the
protection and defence of France !
If our Minister were to let slip out (and his discre-
tion is quite equal to it,) that it would be insulting and
degrading to the Spanish King and the nation, for the
French to hold this maratime fortress of Cadiz; if our
witty Foreign Secretary were, in the plenitude of his
discretion, to make use of such an argument, would not
the Frenchman exclaim, insolent, that you are, eva-
cuate Gibraltar or hold your tongue ?
-
What, then, does it amount to, Gentlemen? There
are two great maratime fortresses in Spain. We have
possession of the one and the French of the other.
Their title to Cadiz is as good as ours to Gibraltar
The very same motives that induce us to keep possession
of Gibraltar, point out to them to keep Cadiz.
This fall of Cadiz; this conclusion to the war in so
short a period and at such a season of the year, is a
body-blow to our Thing, to the boroughmongers, and
to the Jews, too. It is a stab into the bowels of them
both; and, therefore, matter of unmixed joy with me.
There are some men, and very good men, too, who
bave looked upon the cause of the Cortes as the
cause of liberty. Different men mean different
things when they talk about liberty. Does the reader
recollect a sentence passed by the Common Sergeant
upon one of Mr. Carlile's shopmen, about fifteen
months ago? That shopman, Mr. Carlile himself, his
sister, Mrs. Wright, are enjoying, according to this
gentleman, the blessings of liberty, which blessings,
however, we do not see in their true light, until we
view them in conjunction with what took place before
the Government's Police Justice, Dyer, with regard to
the Right Reverend Father in God, Bishop Jocelyn,
uncle of the Earl of Roden, and John Movley, a
soldier of the Foot Guards. Thus, then, when we look
at the sentence on Mr. Carlile's shopman, and at the
speech made on the passing of that sentence, we may
guess a little at what the Common Sergeant means by
liberty. So far, so good. And, now, as to the In-
quisition, the restoration of which is looked upon as
certain, and the horrors of which are dwelt upon by
our Protestant liberty-lovers with a sort of melancholy
hankering and delight. Curse the Inquisition, say I.
I would, if I could, stick upon it all the eurses contain-
ed in the 139th Psalm; but will Mr. Denman be so
good as to show, that the Inquisition has, during the
last thirty years, inflicted any punishment so severe as
those inflicted upon Mr. Carlile, his wife, his sister,
Mrs. Wright, the shopmen, and Joseph Swann? My
real opinion is, that the Inquisition in Spain has, during
the whole of the last thirty years, indicted no punish-
ments so severe as these.
There are, however, some good men, who look upon
it that despotism has now triumphed. To a certain
degree, and in a certain way, and in a particular quarter,
it has triumphed. But those are very much deceived,
who imagine that this triumph will be favorable to our
borough-mongers; and that is the thing which we
have to look after; that is our affair. We are not,
like Sir Francis Burdett, to look after the human race.
We are to look after ourselves; we are to see how
these events will affect our enemies; that is to say, the
borough-mongers, who are so delighted with Power-of-
Imprisonment Bills, and with Six Acts.
Well, then, the reader may be assured that these
borough-mongers and all their tools will be exceedingly
annoyed by the subjugation of Spain, and by the
occupation of her muratime fortresses by the French;
for they cannot but see that these events must lead to
great consequences. Until the French resolved to
march into Spain, our Ministers and their adherents
affected not to believe that they would march. After
the King of France had made his speech to the Cham-
bers, our Ministers, who are men of a very lively hope,
predicted that the French would not succeed. That
singularly wise personage, the stern-path-of-duty man,
who was made a Knight of the Garter along with
Castlereagh, very confidently predicted that the French.
would fail; that, after a long protracted warfare, they
would be compelled to retreat into France; and that
bright youth, Mr. Holme Sumner, observed, that
Charles V. had truly said, that if you invaded Spain
with a small army, you were defeated; if with a large
army, you were starved. Profound statesman! How
he has profited from reading history.
These instances alone would be sufficient to prove
that the Ministers, that their hangers-on, and that the
hare and pheasant tyrants all over the country, wished
the French to experience a great deal of trouble and of
loss. They wished the Spanish Constitution to be des
troyed, and all schemes of liberty in that country to be
marred and blasted.
marred and blasted. But they did not wish that the
French should profit from their enterprize. They
hoped that they would be a long and tiresome and
sanguinary affair, during which France would exhaust
herself a good deal, and would throw great disgrace
upon herself as well as upon the Spaniards; and that,
at last, the affair would end with the destruction of
liberty in Spain, but at the same time, without leaving
the French any thing to boast of. And they hoped, at
the same time, that they might be called in as media-


54
THE WARNING VOICE.
tors; and that thus they should keep disguised from the
world, their utter inability to go to war. These hopes
are now blasted. Gatton and Old Sarum have now got
a stab; and if nobody else can see how this is, I can..
When the Meeting took place in Kent, only just
about fifteen months ago, which of us could have
thought, that in only fifteen months from that day, the
French nation, whom we so recently boasted of having
conquered, would be in possession of Cadiz, with
resolution to keep it (as is said to be the case), as long
as we keep possession of Gibraltar? One of my argu-
ments in support of the proposition which I had the
honor to submit to the meeting at Maidstone, was this,
that without a reduction of the interest of the debt, this
country never could go to war again. The words which I
addressed to you upon that occasion; that is to say, in de-
fence of our Petition, which had been so rudely attacked
in the House of Commons by John Smith, Mr. Calcraft,and
Knatchbull, the brother of Captain Charles Knatchbull,
English Consul at Nantes, of whose works in prison in
London we read of the other day; these words, or at
least, a small part of them, I cannot refrain from
repeating here:
L
1
.
I
This leads us to another and larger and more
terrific view of the consequences of this all-corrupting,
all-corroding, all-crippling, and all-ruining Debt.
Well have the Petitions of the Hundred of Tapping in
Norfolk called it a mill-stone, dragging down the
British nation; for it is dragging us down, and down
we are going at a greater rate than nation ever yet fell!
Are we secure from the hostility of our neighbours?
Yet it may now be said of England, that she dares not
think of war; that she dare not even to be providing
against it, while her enemies are growing to gigantic
strength. My wishes can avail nothing; but my sincere
opinion is, that if your prayer be not heard; if the interest
of this debt be not reduced, this nation is doomed to.
become one of the most contemptible upon the face of
the earth The American statesmen, I know, regard
our Debt as their best security. They rejoice at its
existence and at the obstinacy of our Government in
adhering to the system they have so long pursued.
In France, I question not, the same sentiments prevail.
Both those nations disentangled themselves from their
Debts. They both took care to get rid of the crippling
load; and while we are adhering to the enfeebling
curse, they are growing strong. by the migration
to their shores of the capital, the industry and the
genius of Englishmen."
2
and the French Government is quite convinced that our
Government dares not attempt such reduction. This is
my own opinion, too; for, Daddy Coke and Suffield, and
the rest of that crew, would now seem to be begging for
eternal execration, if they were to demand that which
they have called me a villain and a spy for recommend-
ing. Thus the thing is most gloriously beset; it has the
Jews on one side of it, and it has the French on the
other. Here stand we Radicals looking on; we see them
tearing and pulling at the thing.
Our aristocracy and their understrappers, our par-
sons, and the whole tribe of tax-eaters; these are
continually talking to us about the horrors of the French
revolution. They never say a word to us about the causes
of it. The French were, under the old Government,
most cruelly oppressed by the aristocracy; and to this
oppression we ought to ascribe the far greater part of
the horrors of the revolution; but, great as these
oppressions were, France might have remained for
centuries without a revolution, if it had not been for
the effects of the funding system; a system quite
infernal in itself; but at last like most other evils,
producing its own cure.
!
And, indeed, besides the point at Gibraltar, who can
believe that the French nation, regenerated, reinvigo-
rated, and full of warlike means, will much longer
submit to the insult offered it in our possession of the
Islands of Guernsey and Jersey? These Islands almost
touch the French land. The only use of them is to
make France look little in the eyes of Englishmen and
of the world. A very good use; an use that I would
still have them put to; but, it is to be believed, that, if
we cannot keep the French from occupying Cadiz and
Corunna, we shall be able to keep them from taking
back Guernsey and Jersey?
back Guernsey and Jersey By war, we might, in
spite of steam boats; but, without war, does any man in
his senses believe, that this can be done for another five.
or six years? And, if the interest of the Debt be not
reduced, we cannot go to war, and, such reduction
is neither more nor less than Radical Reform, and what
its enemies call Revolution.
The French, once in quiet possession of Spain, will,
beyond all doubt, endeavour to bring back to subjec-
tion the South American Colonies. And, if she do this,
will she not take part of them to herself? Can we pre-
vent this? By war we might; but, is it not madness to
suppose, that we could do it without war? Or, is there
yet a man left to believe, that we can stop the march of
the French by noisy speeches and paragraphs? The
very same reasons which rendered our prayers of no
avail in the case of Spain, would render them of no
avail in the case of her colonies; and, with what face
are we, who have grabbed Malta, the Cape, Trinidad,
Demerara, Ceylon, the Mauritius, Pondicherry, and
other matters; with what face are we, who grabbed all
these, during our wars againstoff Jacobins, Usurpers,”
and "for the liberties and independence of Europe;"
with what face are we to object to the French getting a
slice of South America as a reward for their putting
down “Jacobinisın” in Spain, 1992
1
And, now, then, we come to this: Are we ready for
wan, rather than suffer the French to possess Mexico or
Peru? Are we ready for war? That is the question. No:
One would almost think, that I had received intimation
before hand, from some supernatural agent, of all that
was going to happen during the next sixteen months.
Our friend Lord Darnley, would not hear of any reduc-
tion of the interest of the Debt. He was too honest a
man, he said. Wise Coke of Norfolk, and no less wise
Suffield, whose name is Edward Harboard, and whose
father-in-law left him five thousand pounds to purchase
a seat in Parliament. These men abused me as if I had
been a thief, and the latter compared me to Oliver or
Edwards, and was followed in his example by Parson
Smythies of Hereford; because I had proposed a redu,
tton of the interest of the: Debtor Yet, without such re-
duction; Gibraltar must go! That is my real opinion;


THE WARNING VOICE.
55
they must have Mexico and Peru too, and give one of them
to Russia, or a great island to Prussia: they must do just
what they like; for go to war we cannot without blowing
up the debt, which we cannot blow up without blowing
up the church establishment and the boroughs! Oh, no:
we shall not stir. Our government will be as fertile in
pretexts for peace as it formerly was in pretexts for war
The nations all know our state well. They see, that
what we have got and grabbed, we have bought with the
money that we have borrowed; and they see, that we
must now pay back this money, three for one, or blow up
our whole thing; for, as I have often said, I do not
know what name to call it by. The French know our
state well; they describe it in their public papers; they
say we cannot stir; and, can any one believe, that they,
who are freed from debt, who are rich and really prosper-
ous, will not take advantage of this our state of weak-
ness' After having, by means of borrowed money, got
together bayonet men of all nations to "conquer France,"
we, now that we have the money to pay, are as helpless
as babies. The weakness of paper-money is on us. And
will the French let slip this opportunity of regaining that
which we, by means of troops hired by our loans, wrested
from them? The short and long of the matter is this: we
have been purchasing conquests and glories with paper
money; and, being unable to pay for them, we shall, in
due course of proceeding, be obliged to give them up;
and, as is usually the case under circumstances of a
similar nature we shall, in the end, be compelled to give
up a great deal more than we purchased with our paper
money.
By resolute measures we might save ourselves; but, as
these include a great reduction of the interest of the
National Debt, and as Daddies Coke, Suffield, and
Wodehouse and Gaffer Gooch will not hear a word of
such reduction, on any account whatever; as Lord Darn-
ley will not hear of it; as Mr. Galcraft will make us
"ride off," if we mention it; as Knatchbull, brother of
Charles, Esquire, our gracious Sovereign's Consul at
Nantes, calls it roguery to propose such reduction; as
this is the case, we can have no reduction; and must,
of course, surrender our "glories," though, in rewards
to one single man, they have cost us seven hundred
thousand pounds already! Alas! But, let us take com-
fort; for, we shall, in spite of the Duc d'Angouleme,
have "Waterloo Bridge," and " Wellington Boots."
For whole weeks the newspapers of London con-
tained the most outrageous abuse of a proposition to
lessen the interest of the Debt. The French Govern-
ment wanted no more than this. "Keep you your
Debt," said they, "and we will get and keep Cadiz and
Corunna." By this time there cannot be a single
politician in France unacquainted with our state.
Every man of them must now see, that our Government
no more dares to talk of war than it dares to make a
Radical Reform. Such facts can never be secret long.
There can be no war; no, though the French were to
attack the Isle of Wight; there can be no war without
a blowing up of the Debt; and the Debt cannot be
touched without first touching the church and putting
down the boroughs, There cannot be another "Bank
Restriction Bill," and another game like the last A
nation plays such a game but once.
P
Curious affair, Gentlemen! The thing's people bor-
rowed hundreds of millions of pounds in order to hire
and pay bayonet men to prevent the example of the
subjects of the Bourbons from working injury to the
thing: and, now, those Bourbons are insulting and
kicking the thing, merely because the thing owes those
hundreds of millions of pounds.
With this I, for the present, leave the occupation
of Cadiz and Corunna, and indeed of Spain, by the
French, to be contemplated on by Lord Darnley, his
son, Knatchbull, Calcraft, John Smith, Daddy Coke,
Suffield, Parson Smythies, wise Wodehouse, and
Gaffer Gooch. But, mind, Gentlemen, they will have
no reduction of interest of Debt; mind that: that they'
are to stand to.
Epilogue to Mr. Cobbett's Address to the Men
of Kent.
SIR ROBERT WILSON AND THE ARMY.
The above-mentioned, with many others, are an ad-
ditional proof, and complete confirmation of the merit,
courage, wisdom, judicious, patriotic, and praise-worthy
conduct of the good, the brave, the great, Sir Robert
Wilson, whom his few enemies allow, is one of the
bravest warriors of the age; and perhaps been one of
the most vital instruments in the hands of providence,
which saved our country from being ruined by the
misconduct of our-
-and the power of
Bonaparte, which entitles him to the thanks and praise
of his own dear country, and all the world, for this
wonderful act in war, his great and amiable qualities,
and his voluntary courage and example in going to fight,
with some other brave English officers, in the cause of
liberty, and his countries freedom and safety in the late
Spanish contest in Spain.
And exhibits a most striking and true picture of the
reverse, in the conduct of-
-on this im-
portant question to the safety, commerce, and liberties
of our country and the world, who have used this ines-
timable brave officer so extremely ill, by depriving him
of his rank, honors, and emoluments in the army, with-
out a hearing; all or most of which he gained by his
prowess, and reduced him from competency and com-
fort, to poverty; because he dared to be honest, and
speak the honest sentiments of his heart, like many other
good and thoughtful men.
There are many good,
thoughtful, and excellent men, but none that think and
act for the good of their country like him, and still fewer
who are out of the way of the resentment of
or the hope of their favors.
They did by one of their most evil and vindictive acts,
reduce the inestimable Sir Robert Wilson, from com-
petency, comfort, eminence, and fame, almost to as low
a state of degradation, imbecility, and misery, as they
have reduced the brave and valiant refugees of Spain.
(The brave champions of freedom and our safety, who
have a claim to the pity and relief of this country, and
all the world,) by their neglect to protect and cherish
their liberties, and our safety, which they might have
done with a turn of their hands, or the use of their voice;


56
THE WARNING VOICE.
had they said to the French or the Holy Alliance, the
invaders of Spanish liberty and our safety, at your peril
you do so, they dared not have done it, and it would
have united Spain, and they would have defended them-
selves, become victorious and happy, and been our
powerful, grateful, independent friends and allies, with
the first maratime fortresses in the world. Then we
could have bid defiance to the confederacy of Europe,
without the necessity of going to war with our exhausted
treasury and unbearable load of debt, which we now
appear likely to be compelled to do, by the unpardon-would ruin your country for ever?
able neglect of--
And I do most sincerely hope, the above-mentioned,
with many others, will be the cause of the whole nation
petitioning the King, in favor of injured suffering, in-
nocence, bravery, and merit, and pray that his Majesty
will be graciously pleased to restore Sir Robert Wilson,
to all his rank, honors, and emoluments which he has
been so unjustly deprived of, as a just reward for his
great merit, suffering, and services. And also to pre-
vent the brave, the noble English army, and the whole
nation from suffering in their feelings at the present
time, or by the dire example in future, because Sir
Robert was denied a court martial, or a candid hearing,
which he and his friends solicited most ardently.
This pusillanimous and weak conduct in the
regarding the invasion of Spain, by the French, or
rather the Holy Alliance, has reduced us and our liber-
ties, to a state of unexampled mystery, difficulty, and
danger, and either proves as Mr. Cobbett prophesied,
that we dare not go to war, or that we are so implicated
with the Holy Alliance, that we dont know how to
extricate ourselves, or both, but I fear both.
Why did the French, or the Holy Alliance invade
Spain, I answer to extinguish her dawning liberties, and
to get possession of her maritime fortresses, to increase
their power, and to destroy the rising liberties of the
world.
Are not we all one common family from Adam'
For the sake of all that is good and sacred, let us consi-
der and enquire of each other what we are doing, a d
guard against the wrath to come. With a turn of our
hands we may soon make ourselves the happiest and
most secure Nation under the sun.
Reform, Slavery, or Revolution.
I know some Merchants, Manufacturers, and others,
who have long been labouring like me for a Reform in
Parliament; they have given up the just and necessary
cause in despair, and leave it to chance, and say that
a revolution is inevitable. But I wish them, and every
one in this mighty empire, to hear me say, oh! horror!
horror! guard against it by every means you can all
devise. Whenever a revolution happens you will
all become a mass of beggars, unable to help yourselves
or others; and a prey to each other, tearing each other
to pieces. What can you do, when your capital, the
funds, your heavenly constitution, all social order, and
your government are in ruins? Consider that other
Nations are seeking to rival you, and by a revolution
you will be an easy prey. What will you do when you
have lost your great local advantage, your capital, the
funds; and your mercantile enterprize and your indus-
try paralized; and your machinery and your coaches
rusting and decaying? I send forth this humble
warning voice to this now mighty Nation, to warn them
against such evil to come, and to tell them that they
would never recover it.
Would you restore and preserve your constitution ?
or would you sink under the slavery of the Holy
Alliance and Roman Catholic Religion? or would you
hazard the necessity of a revolution, by which you
I say again, will you wilfully and thoughtlessly con-
tinue to allow the before-mentioned to entail upon your
King, your Children and Children's Children? Slavery
or the miseries of a Revolution.
"
Do not be any longer alarmed by the false alarms
and hypocrisy of the
or infatuated by the
poisonous bribes which many of you have so long
received from its hands, directly and indirectly. Do
not wait till they involve you in another ruinous war,
which their actions prove they are contemplating as the
only way to keep their places.
I beg leave to ask the Merchants of Great-Britain to
consider well what they have been doing, by supporting
these ruinous measures so long, against the welfare of
their King, themselves, and country, and why they have
been so?
The Almighty Hand of Providence having, by a
miracle, saved us from being ruined by a Foreign enemy
in the late revolutionary wars, let us pray that the
inspiration of the same Almighty Power may unite the
King and people in the will to save themselves from
being destroyed by domestic enemies. Do not any
longer be afraid of nobody knows what.
Foreign enemies never can or will hurt us, if we can
only effect a complete annihilation of our domestic
ones.
It is a prominent article of our political creed, and one
of which all history affords illustration, that timely
reform is the surest preventive of revolution.
Sir Isaac Coffin said, that his idea of reform was, that
no man should sit there that did not possess either
talent or property; the sooner the House was weeded
of such men as himself the better.
The British Constitution.
Cicero was of opinion that the best Government
would be one in which all the three simple forms of
government should to a certain degree be mixed and
combined. Such a government the British Constitu-
tion has secured to these realms We have a monarchy
in the King; we have an aristocracy in the House of
Lords; we have a democracy, on the system of repre-
sentation, in the House of Commons. These are the
three branches of our legislature; and in our Constitu-
tion, they mutually and naturally check the encroach-
ments of each other. So that we enjoy the advantages
peculiar to each of the three simple forms of Govern-
ment with the fewest possible of the disadvantages of
every one of them. Nay, we moreover enjoy advanta-
ges that belong to no one of them separately; but that


THE WARNING VOICE.
57
result from the peculiar mode of their combination in
our Constitution. In confirmation of this assertion, it
needs only be observed here how essential it is to
liberty, that the whole power of making laws, and the
whole power of executing them should not be lodged in
the same hands; for otherwise we might have laws
made for tyrannical purposes and executed in a tyran-
nical manner;-calamities that can hardly happen
where the Sovereign, to whom the whole execution of
the laws is intrusted, has but a comparatively small
share in framing them; and where they are framed
chiefly by men interested that they be not tyrannical.
Accordingly with us, though the whole executive power
rests with the King, yet is the King but one branch,
out of the three branches of the legislature, and that in
general not the most considerable.
Thus does our Constitution provide, as far as any
human contrivance can provide, that our laws be just, and
that their execution be regular. And what more can we
ask from any Government for the security of our
liberties, than that we be regularly governed and by
just laws? But what is liberty? "Civil liberty, says
Dr. Paley, is the not being restrained by any law, but
"what conduces in a greater degree to the public
"welfare." And what is law?" Municipal law, (the
"law of the land) says Judge Blackstone, is a rule of
"civil conduct prescribed by the supreme power, in a
"state, commanding what is right and prohibiting what
is wrong
Our Constitution too has wisely provided
for the religious instruction of every part of these
realms. At the same time it has secured an enlightened
toleration to all persons who shall chuse to dissent
from the established worship.
""
Magna Charta.
The English Constitution was long inclosed in a
feudal trunk; and upon its escaping from this bondage,
many of our ancient laws and regulations necessarily
became obsolete. Magna Charta principally referred
to this feudal system, being enacted when that system
existed in its full luxuriance. Many of the Provisions
therefore of the Great Charter are, at this day, wholly
without interest; those which concerns us at the
present time are as follow:--
1. A Freeman shall not be amerced for a little
offence, but according to the manner of his offence;
and for a great offence he shall be amerced according
to the greatness of his offence, saving his contenement,
&c. and none of the said amercements shall be affeered,
but by the oath of good and lawful men of the vicinage.
2. No Freeman shall be taken, nor imprisoned, nor
disseized, nor outlawed, nor exiled, nor destroyed in
any manner; nor will we pass upon him, nor condemn
him, but by the lawful Judgment of his Peers, or by the
Law of the Land.
3. We will sell to none-we will deny nor delay to
none Right and Justice.
Such are the clauses of the Great Charter which
concerns us at the present day; and thus anxious
were our ancestors to bring within the pale and protec-
tion of positive Law, with the never-failing assistance of
Juries, the Life, Liberty, and Property of every
Citizen-It was their first struggle to shut out arbitrary
and anomalous tribunals, and proceedings against the
subject otherwise than by the laws, foreknown and
declared, and Juries impartially collected.
Magna Charta was confirmed no less than thirty
times: indeed the first act of every succeeding King
was to swear obedience to this Charter.- Both Houses
of Parliament stood as a fence around it, to guard it
from ravage, spoliation, and the decay of time; and the
people ever looked up to it with veneration, as em-
bodying and republishing those ancient rights and
privileges which they derived from their German
ancestors.
British Freedom.
But if our constitution be really so free, so just, so libe-
ral, why does it not admit all its subjects indiscriminate-
ly, of whatever religious creed or persuasion, to a full
participation of the offices, the honors and the emolu-
ments, of the state? Why? Because, it would then
but arm those that have the will, with the power to
effect its overthrow. Why? Because almost all
religious societies, like almost all others, naturally
aspire to a superiority over all other similar societies; A Song on Liberty Hall, that Noble Edifice of
so that the state can bave no possible way of adverting
the fatal effects of their competitions, but by rendering
one of them decidedly superior to all the rest. Why?
Because, among the rest, that nominally religions
society, which most desires, which most labours, which
most cabals, to supplant the prevailing one, will always
be found the least deserving to occupy its place.-Such
briefly, and very briefly indeed, is the British Constitu-
tion, the work of ages, the boast of our land, the envy,
the admiration, the astonishment, of the human race.
Against this are those detestable hypocrites, the
jacobins, indefatigably and perpetually plotting; aiming
their blows at the civil part of it through that which
is ecclesiastical.
A BRITON.
Old Homer, but what have we with him to do?
Such heathenish heroes no more I'll invoke,
What are Grecians or Trojans to me or to you?
Choice spirits assist me, attend hearts of oak.
Sweet peace, beloved handmaid of science and art,
Unanimity take your petitioner's part;
Accept of my song, 'tis the best I can do,
But first may it please you, my service to you.
Perhaps my address you may premature think,
Because I have mentioned no toast as I drink ;
There are many fine toasts, but the best of them all
Is the toast of the times, that is Liberty Hall.
That fine British building by Alfred was framed,
Its grand corner stone, Magna Charta, was named;
Independency came at integrity's call,
And form'd the front pillars of Liberty Hall.


58
THE WARNING VOICE.
That manor our forefathers bought with their blood,
And their sons and their sons' sons have proved their
deeds good;
By that title we live, by that title we'll fall,
For life is not life out of Liberty Hall.
In her mantle of honor, each star-spangled fort,
Playing bright in the sunshine the burnish of gold;
Truth beams in her breast, see at loyalty's call,
The genius of England in Liberty Hall.
Ye sweet smelling courtlings of ribbon and lace,
Ye spaniels of power and beauties disgrace;
So pliant, so servile, so passive ye fall,"
But passive obedience lost Liberty Hall.
But when revolution had settled the Crown,
And natural reason knock'd tyranny down;
No frown cloth'd with terror appear'd to appall,
The doors were thrown open of Liberty Hall.
See England triumphant, her ships sweep the sea,
Her standard is justice, her watch-word be free;
Our King is our countryman, Englishmen all,
God bless him and bless us in Liberty Hall.
Oh! vere is des Hall Monsieur vants to know,
"Tis neither at Marlê, Versailles, Fontainbleau ;
'Tis a place of no mortal architect's art,
But Liberty Hall is an Englishman's heart.
*
Alfred the Great.
He died in the year 900, in the fifty-second year of his
age, after a reign of twenty-eight years and six months,
the greatest part whereof was spent in wars and trou-
bles, and the rest in peace.
We have the sum of his character given by a great
man, to the following effect:-O! Alfred, the wonder
and astonishment of all ages! If we reflect upon the
devout part of him, he seems to have lived always in a
cloyster. If on his conduct and exploits in the field,
one would think he had spent his days in a camp. If
on his writings and studies, one would conclude the
university had engrossed him. And lastly, if we
regard his prudence and skill in the administration of
government, he seems to have made law and politics
his whole study.
He used to examine the causes tried in his absence,
and in case he found any injustice done out of favor or
interest, he punished the judges severely. If they
pleaded ignorance, he sharply reprimanded them, and
asked how they durst presume to take a commission
to determine about life and property, when they knew
themselves so wretchedly unqualified! and ordered
them either to know better, or quit their posts. Thus
Earls and great men, rather than be turned out of their
office with disgrace, applied themselves to study.
King Alfred, the British worthy, is recorded to have
divided the day and night into three parts; eight hours
he allotted to eat and sleep in; eight hours to business
and recreation; and the remaining eight hours to study
and devotion.
FORM OF ASSOCIATION
Agreed to by the General Meeting of the County
of York, held the 28th of March, 1780.
Whereas during the present expensive and unfortunate
war, the trade, manufactures, and land-rents of this
kingdom have been greatly diminished; the public
burdens grievously augmented by the annual imposition
of new and additional taxes; the national debt
enormously increased; and the undue influence of the
crown extended to an alarming degree by these very
circumstances, which threaten the utter impoverish-
ment of this country: and whereas in these times of
National difficulty and distress, a just redress of
grievances can only be expected from a free and
uncorrupted Parliament; and measures tending, in a
legal and peaceful way, to restore the freedom of
Parliament cannot effectually be supported but by a
general union of independent men throughout the
kingdom.
We whose Names are under-written, considering an
œconomical reformatiou in the expenditure of public
money to be a most essential and necessary measure for
restoring the freedom of Parliament;
And considering also, that the representation of the-
people in Parliament is become extremely unequal,
insomuch that a great majority of members is returned
by decayed and indigent boroughs, which are either at
the command of the Crown and a few great families,
or else open to general venality; whence support in
Parliament may be obtained for the measures of any
administration, however ruinous they may be to the great
landed and commercial interests of this kingdom,
contrary to the true intent and use of the insitution of
Parliament; which unequitable distribution of the
right to elect representatives in Parliament is now a
principal cause of our numerous public evils, to which
no radical cure is likely to be applied, till a more
adequate representation of the people hath been
established by law.
And considering further, that when the fund of
corruption hath been in some competent degree re-
duced, and a more equal representation of the people
obtained, more frequent elections might be restored,
not only to the great content of the people, but with
certain advantage to the honor and integrity of
Parliament itself, without the mischievous consequence
of exposing independent gentlemen to vexatious con-
tests with the dependents of any administration.
We do declare our assent to
1. The œconomical reform requested by the petitions
of the people; that plan of strict and rigid frugality
now indispensably necessary in every department of
the state; that most important regulation for reducing
the unconstitutional influence of the crown.
2. The proposition for obtaining a more equal
representation in Parliament, by the addition of at
last one hundred knights, to be chosen in a due
proportion by the several counties of the kingdom of
Great-Britain.
3. The proposition for members of the House of


THE WARNING VOICE.
Commons to be elected to serve in Parliament for a
term not exceeding three years..
a
And in order more effectually to promote this
laudable plan of public reformation, by our joint
assistance in a 'pacific way, we do associate for that
express purpose, and we do testify the same by our
signatures respectively. And we do resolve, jointly
and separately, to support these necessary regulations
to the utmost of our power, by every measure that may
he perfectly agreeable to law and the constitution.
More particularly we do resolve, and do mutually and
most solemnly engage, that until a reasonable reform in
the expenditure of public money hath been obtained, and
until regulations for returning at least one hundred
additional County Members to Parliament, and for
shortening the duration of Parliament to a term not
exceeding three years, have been established by law,
we will support, with our votes and interest, no
candidate whatsoever at the next general election, or
at any future election, to represent this county, or any
other county or place in Parliament, from whose known
integrity and attachment to our free constitution, and
his assent to these constitutional improvements, declared
by signing this association, or in such other 'mode as
to each candidate may seem most eligible, we shall not
be first fully satisfied that he will give his utmost
support in Parliament to the following propositions, or
to such part of the reform proposed thereby, as shall
not then be accomplished, viz.
I. For one or more bills to correct profusion in the
expenditure of public money; to regulate the manner
of making all public contracts, and the mode of
keeping and passing public accounts; to reduce exor-
bitant emoluments of office, and to reform the abuses
of sinecure places, and pensions unmerited by public
service.
}
2. For a bill to establish greater equality in the
representation of the people in Parliament, by aHowing
the several counties of the kingdom of Great-Britain to
elect, in a due proportion, one hundred knights at
least in addition to the present number.
3. For a bill to shorten the duration of Parliaments
to a term not exceeding three years.
Richard Milnes and Mr. Pitt were both members of
this association.
Is it not wonderful, that the borough-mongering
system, and bribery and corruption, hath governed this
country so long?
To the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy and Freeholders
of the County of York."
consider as conduct base, cowardly, and criminal.
Having been very long, and, since what has passed
during the present Session of Parliament, more than
ever convinced, that nothing can extricate the country
from her difficulties but an efficient Reform in the
representation of the people, I feel most anxious to
communicate with those persons in the County of
York, who entertain sentiments similar to my own op
this most important and vital question.
Gentlemen, a public debt, more enormous than that
under which any nation ever before crouched, and a
consequent overwhelming, ruinous, and now nearly
intolerable load of taxation, are the causes of the
frightful prospects which present themselves to our
view. From these grievances we never can expect to
be relieved, unless that vicious and unconstitutional
system is annihilated, which has been the cause of the
one, and which is deeply interested in the maintenance
of the other. Parliamentary Reform, therefore, I
conscientiously believe, is the only measure which can
effect our present salvation, and give us security from
future misrule.
•
Gentlemen, you will doubtless expect to hear from
me what plan of Reform I should wish to see adopted!
I answer, without hesitation, though I conceive the
mode of operation must be left to that assembly, to
which alone it can be referred, that the country ought
not to be satisfied with any scheme of Reform, which
would not provide for the abolition of that undue and
unconstitutional influence, which has so long prevailed
in the House of Commons, keeping both the Sovereign,
and the Subjects in thraldrom.
Such a Reform as would make the Members of the
House of Commons, to use the language of Sir Edward
Coke," General Inquisitors of the Realm, receiving
their Commissions from the people to consult on
public Affairs-to advise the Crown-to control the
Acts of its Ministers-to enact Laws-to audit the
public Disbursements, and to assess the Contributions of
their Constituents.
a
Such a Reform as would make elections what the
delivering Prince of Orange, in his famous declaration
for restoring the laws and liberties of Englaud, pro-
claimed they ought to be;
"Free-to be made with an entire liberty, without
any sort of force, or the requiring the electors to
choose such persons as shall be named to them. In
order that the persons thus freely elected may be
enabled to give their opinion freely upon all matters
brought before them, having the good of the nation
ever before their eyes, and following in all things.
solely the dictates of their consciences." Denouneing
as unconstitutional those Parliaments in which elections
shall be carried by "force or fraud," as not legally
chosen, since they must be composed of such persons as
evil councillors shall hold themselves assured of, in
"In the present very alarming and critical situation of which all things will be carried according to their
the country, I think it needless to offer any apology direction and interest, without any regard, to the good
for the step I am about to take. I have been long or happiness of the nation.
known to you as the advocate of Parliamentary
Reform; and not to make another struggle in its
behalf, especially when the people seem to be somewhat
aroused to a sense of their altered condition, I should
Gentlemen,
"
|
+
"
Such a Reform as would render the bill of rights
something more than a dead letter; which would, in
the memorable words of the late Mr. Pitt, make the
Members of the House of Commons" the faithful


60
THE WARNING VOICE.
66
stewards of the interests of their country"-" the
diligent checks of the administration of the finances"-
"the steady and uninfluenced friends of the people"-
"which would give us the benefit of upright and able
ministers, while it would prevent evil and incapable
ones from doing us any more mischief'-which would
invigorate that branch of our constitution, which, from
the incessant change in human affairs, 'is now become
inefficient to the uses for which it was intended; which
would finally remit to the people of England the right
of the British Commons to be represented in full,
free, and frequent Parliaments."-This is the language
of the bill of rights:-however, to prevent all miscon-
ception with respect to my own views, I think it
necessary to state, openly and fairly, (though it is for
principle alone I publicly contend) that they do not.
extend beyond the extinction of those boroughs in
which the electors ought to be considered as too few in
number, and the extension of the elective franchise to
householders. With respect to the duration of Par-
liaments, Triennial Ones I should consider as the best
mean between the two extremes.-That duration with
which Mr. Pym was contented in the 17th century, and
the framers of the Triennial Bill in the last, I must own
will abundantly satisfy me.
+
Sach, Gentlemen, is my humble view of this greatsubject
and should there be any persons in the County of York
who concur with me in opinion, I hope shortly to afford
them an opportunity of making their sentiments known.
propose, therefore, to be at Mr. Etridge's Hotel, in
in
York, on the Thursday in the ensuing Race-Week,
when if a sufficient number of persons do me the honor.
of meeting me, it may be considered what may be the
most efficient future means to forward the great object
we have in view.
i
Whatever may be the result of my appeal, I can
venture to assure you, Gentlemen, that a more dis-
interested one was never made-I have no party views
to serve, for I am a man of no party. I have no
expectations in view, of any sort or description, either
public or private. I have no political animosities to
to
avenge. "I have no other motive, so help me God, for
the step I have taken, but a sincere and most anxious
wish to restore the liberties, and so to promote the
security and prosperity of my country.
1
Should I succeed, Gentlemen, in arousing my native
County to a sense of her consequence, and to a
recollection of the manly and proud attitude she assu-
med at the end of the American War, when, greatly
through her efforts, a former ministerial reign of
misrule, intolerance, folly, and profusion, was put an
end to—I shall be richly repaid for the trifling exertions
I am able to make.
YORK COUNTY MEETING,
Wednesday, Jan. 22, 1823.
The Meeting of this great County which had been
anticipated by the whole empire with great interest,
took place this day in the Castle-yard, at York. The
attendance, was much larger than could have been
expected at this most inclement season. The hustings
which were capable of holding six hundred persons,
were crowded with Gentlemen of the first consequence
and respectability in the County, and the persons.
assembled in the spacious area below, at the most.
moderate computation, may be estimated at five thou-
sand persons.
sand persons. Amongst the distinguished persons
present we noticed Lord Milton and Mr. Stuart
Wortley, the County Members, G Strickland, Esq.
J. W. Clough, Esq. Christopher Wilson, Esq. Sir Wm..
Pilkington, Bart. James Hammerton, jun: Esq. T. W
Tottie, Esq. John Brewin, Esq. Ottiwell Wood, Esq.
Hon. E Petre, Hon Sir R. L. Dundas, Hon. G. H. L.
Dundas, Thos. Benyon, Esq. G. F. Barlow, Esq. Wm.
Lee, Esq. Sir William, Ingilby, Bart John Wharton,
Esq. M. P. Hawkesworth Fawkes, Esq. Wm. Walker,;
Esq. M. Wyvill, Esq. M. P. George Baker, Esq.
Francis Cholmeley, Esq. Joseph Wood, Esq. John
Egremont, Esq. John Hague, Esq. Sir F. L. Wood,
Bart. W. B. Wrightson, Esq John Hutton, Esq...
Thomas Meynell, Esq. John Lee, Esq. Thomas Raw-
son, Esq. Walter Fawkes, Esq. R. M. Beverley, Esq.
Rev. W. Wharton, Arthur Heywood, Esq. G. W.,
Wentworth, Esq. J. C. Ramsden, Esq. M. P. W. R.
Crompton, Esq. Benjamin Flounders, Esq. Henry
Witham, Esq., W., A. Busfield, Esq. Richard Sykes,
Esq. Sir John Ramsden, Bart. Robert Chaloner, Esq.
M. P. The Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, Sir Charles
Wolseley, Bart, Charles Howard, Esq. S, W. Waud,
Esq. R. Beilby, Esq. Alderman Dunslay, Fountayne
Wilson, Esq, &c. &c.
T
The High Sheriff, attended by the Under Sheriff,
came upon the hustings at eleven o'clock, and the busi
ness of the meeting was almost immediately commenced
by the Under Sheriff reading the requisition, which had
been signed by upwards of two thousand freeholders.
The Requisition having been read by the Under.
Sheriff,
RICHARD BETHELL, Esq. the High Sheriff,
addressed the Meeting in the following terms
"Gentlemen. In consequence of the requisition
which has just been read to you, I felt it to be my duty
to afford you, with as little loss of time as possible, an
opportunity of exercising your most undoubted right of
discussing all measures in which your, welfare and that
Should I fail-I have only again to retire into the of the country is involved. The subject of the Reform
bosom of my family, but I shall carry with me a feeling of Parliament, on which you are now called upon to deli-
of inestimable value to me the grateful consciousness-berate, is one of the very highest importance; and I trust
a recollection which will cheer me under every future
circumstance of my life that, in the day of her peril,
I did what I conceived to be my duty to my Country
I have the honor to be, Gentlemen,
Your most humble and devoted Servant,
WALTER FAWKES.
Farnley-Ila!l, July 5th, 1832, to end? I
ཝཱ་།
that, whatever animation may be called forth in the
course of the discussion, your feelings will be tempered
by moderation, and controled by a proper respect for >
the laws and institutions of the country, And as you
value the rights, of free discussion, I trust that you will
give to every Freeholder, an opportunity of being fairly
heard, however much he may oppose your own views.


THE WARNING VOICE.
61
By adopting this line of conduct, you will stamp upon
this meeting line of conduct,
this meeting a character, worthy of the great and
enlighted county of which you are freeholders.'
99
of
Mr. FAWKES rose and said, "Gentlemen, it has
frequently fallen to my lot to have the honor of ad-
dressing myself to you within these walls-But, under
no circumstances did I ever present myself to your
notice so truly momentous, of such vital importance to
the country, as the present. Gentlemen, on this day,
no effort will be required to rouse your manly and
patriotic feelings to resist the insolent menace of foreign
aggression [hear, hear.] You are not to be urged, on
this occasion, by your tone and decision, to add confi-
dence and strength to the arm of executive government,
to save your country, your altars, aud your homes,
from a foreign yoke. You are not assembled to sway,
to give higher authority to the votes and voices of your
representatives, by a formal and solemn expression
your will, which the law of the land authorises you
publicly to declare, whenever you conceive the situa-
tion of the country requires your direct interference-
on any common occasion, to induce them to oppose
this or that unpopular impost- or, to withdraw their
support from some undeserving, but, perhaps, favourite
minister. You have not to put yourself on your guard
against Malice domestic, or foreign levy.
No,
Gentlemen, you are assembled for another and
loftier purpose-one with which all pitiful party politics
have nothing to do-one from which all the baser
passions,
passions, which too commonly sway our nature, are, I T
trust, entirely excluded-one in which prejudice,
favouritism, and factious oppression, have nothing to
do. [hear, hear.] And did I not assert this, sure I am
I should not be doing justice to the of T
see before me, who have pressed forward from every
35 every
A
a

tinge the cheek of every genuine Englishman, when he
considers that his country that Great-Britain, hereto-
fore, on all occasions, the asylum of liberty-that the
country of Elizabeth and William has held any commu-
nion with the despots of the Continent, who have
conspired to crush the rising liberties of mankind, and
who have, in their vile note, had the audacity to
declare that they conceive the efforts of those gallant
and oppressed descendants of the men who bled at
Marathon, and fell in defence of their country at
Thermopyle, to emancipate themselves from the fero
cious, cruel, and bloody rule of the Musselmen, as a
criminal effort: (Loud and reiterated, cheers) In a
host of idle placemen, sinecurists, and pensioners,
wallowing in luxury, while thousands of their country-
men are steeped in poverty to the very lips in the
workings of spies, hired to stimulate the people to the
commission of outrages, which they had manifested
every disposition to avoid-[Hear, hear. In the
restraints put upon the liberty of the press, by the
modern practice of Westminster Hall; and in the visi
tation of all those who have dared to oppose themselves
to its baneful effects, with every sort of aggravated fine
and imprisonment, capital punishment, and unconstitu-
tional oppression..
have been very long known to you, both by word of
7401 ling, 000,
my on the subject under consideration
mouth and through the medium of the press, Iwill not
be guilty of tautology, I will not trouble you with a
repetition of them on the present occasion, But,
indeed, what need to recur to them3d Political know
ledge has of late been diffused with rapidity and
success; and who, Gentlemen, in your situation of life,
can be at this day ignorant, that the great Charter of
your liberties, and the Bill of your Rights, declares that
one of your Rights, and that by far the most material
one, is the Right to be represented in a Free Parlia-
ment.-[Hear, hear, hear.]
but to ruig,
"Touching a question, such as that under our
discussion, facts, stubborn facts, carry more weight
with them, than all the periods of the brilliant and
fascinating oratory; and should I
you of the absolute necessity of a very material change
De able to convince
in that branch of your government, to which is intrusted
the protection of your liberties and property it will
give me more satisfaction, because I shall then be
assured that your conviction rested
Conviction rested on a more solid
10 9048
$95
edi
flou-
rishes, which a subject so fertile and popular might
enable me to display to you. [Hear, hear] Gentle-
men I have that
that the evils which the
country is enduring, and those with which it is menaced,
are in a great measure owing to a debt, hangme like a
mill-stone about the neck of
of the county
the
arising from
an expenditure, so profuse, so unheard of, that it would
be considered as a fiction, if it were not clearly and
A few words on this head,
undeniably demonstrable.
and then let us seriously consider whether such a com-
plete abandonment as I conceive will be apparent, of
for the
interests of the on
the part of their representatives, be not attributable to a
defective system of representation; whether in short,
the members of an assembly, sympathising with those
111
part of this exe county, to enge in the stora-
of all causes--to save a sinking country, by the restora-
tion of her liberties, through the constitutional assertion
of their own invaluable and inalienable rights.
corrupe of the last reign, by means of foundation than all the declamatorytorical
You are called here to-day seriously and strictly to
consider, and to denounce (unless you hear arguments
to silence our propositions,) not the actors simply, but
the corrupt and unconstitutional system on which all
public men have so long and so fatally acted. That
system must be got rid of which has enabled one set of
men--a cabal, to rule, without almost any control, for
near balf a century, under a determination unknown,
until the beginning of the last reign, by means of
in that assembly, emphatically called
Yours," the Commons' Chamber. A system under
which the country, has been loaded with burthens, from
which, if some relief be not speedily afforded, one, por-
tion of the community, and that the largest and perhaps
out of an
extravagant expenditure the public money, so
enormous, that it would be incredible, if it were not
proveable. A system under credible, if it were not
rights have been deeply and permanently invadical
wholly abandoned whenever the executive called for
the surrender of them. A system, which is seen in an
almost universally prevailing venality in large, and, as
our ancestors thought, unheessary standing armies in
time of peace.-A, system seen in the blush which must
the most useful, must inevitably s arising. Perhaps
our


69)
THE WARNING VOICE.
who deputed them, would ever have suffered the
ministers of the crown to place the country in that
state of imminent danger and financial embarrassment,
which now appals the stoutest hearts among us; a state
from which, great must be the skill, and comprehen-
sive, and vigorous, and fertile must be the mind, that
restore us, and regain for us our happy and
blissful state."
"I dare not trust wholly to my memory, in calcula-
tions so astounding as those I am about to submit to
you. I have, therefore prepared some tables, which
will point out, I trust intelligibly, the point I wish to
establish-And, Gentlemen, if they make the same im-
pression on your minds as they did on mine when they
first met my view, all that I can say is, that my errand
here will be very nearly accomplished. Will it not
astonish you, when I tell you, that in one King's reign
of 59 years, three times, the sum has been expended,
which the nation had expended during the reign of all
its previous sovereigns, thirty-one in number, from the
Conquest, and in a period of 700 years? [Hear, hear.]
Fifty thousand guineas, placed side by side, will not
extend above a mile; but the sum squandered would
reach twice round the whole world in guineas-a dis-
ance of nearly 48,000 miles. [Hear, hear.]
Spent in 622 years..........
M………
.....£244,000,000
On an average £400,000 a-year. The nation ineur-
ring not one shilling of debt-all expences paid within
the year and at the close of each year every man's"
property unincumbered.ooo of lion tad boobi
At the close of the reign of George II. kad 9b5
spent...
£795,060,347
…………………………… £129,000,000
With a charge of £8,000,000 a year for
ads and
expences of the government. hon 4 soy to sc
Such was the situation of things in 1760,000
In the single reign of the late King,
spent
Debtor
In the
110
Toy
£2,307,000,000,
Three times the value of the whole kingdom.
Debt...
..£1000,000,000
A greater sum than all the land in the country is
worth, if every acre was sold at 25 year's purchase, on
the annual rents-[Hear, hear.]
"During the period of the late King's reign, the
price of the produce of the kingdom in the articles of
food and clothing, according to the most moderate.
computation, has increased from 100 to 200 millions
per year which excess of 100 millions, added to the
increase of our taxation, makes the enormous, sum of
150 mill ons a-year additional cost, to be, paid by the
millions
subjects this realm, more than was paid at the period
of the Tate King's accession to the throne-a sum equal
to five times the amount of the rental of all the land in
England Hear, hear.]
of
Let me now ask what description of the community
it is, that is called to pay the interest of this enormous
accumulation of debt. Who pay millions a-year for
their beer and porter? millions for their breakfasts?
millions for all those articles which swell the amount of
the customs and excise?-not the higher orders, but the
bulk of the people. I have seen a calculation in which
it is stated, that our population, consisting of about
17,000,000 souls, embraces about 3 million of heads of:
families, containing, from 5 to 6 persons in each-of
these seventeen millions, those who are maintained
without labour amount to less than one-thirtieth. It
therefore follows, on an equal division, that the indus
trious classes of the community pay in the proportion
of 145 millions to 5 millions paid by the higher classes,
and yet a pitiful fraction of these latter classes have
usurped and claim as their right, an almost exclusive,
privilege of imposing taxes on the whole. I mention
these calculations, with observations I have superadded,
to show that the gentlemen around me, and who have
called you together, have not done so in the hopes of
obtaining any benefit to themselves-that they feel for.
the burthens of the whole community-and that they
only call for Reform because they are satisfied that it
will be of advantage to all the inhabitants of the
empire.
LE THOY
"I shall proceed to point out to you how the House:
of Commons is at present constituted, with refereuce to
those whom they are supposed to represent." Mr.
Fawkes now read extracts from Lord Grey's petition.
According to this petition from the friends of the
people, presented to the House of Commons May 6th,
1789, it appears that a majority of the members is
returned to the House of Commons (for England and
Scotland) by less than 15,000 electors. [Hear, hear.]
ENGLAND.
Members.
Returned by 35 places, where the election is a
mere matter of form.....
70
By 46 places, in none of which the voters ex-re
ceed fifty
By 19 places, in none of which the voters ex-
ceed one hundred.....
90
de i
37 998
ex-q
52
By 26 places, in none of which the voters ex-
ceed two hundred....
Total for England.
SCOTLAND.
By 20 counties, with less than 100 voters each
By 10 ditto, with less than 250 voters each
By 15 districts of burghs, with less than 125
voters each
Total for Scotland.
For England
Total
20
10
1401702 edi
151809
249
25
294
Being 14 more than a simple majority of the house.
Mr. Oldfield's statement. (Hist. of Burghs,
2nd Ed.
416.)
Members returned by 87 Peers in England and
Wales,
By 21 ditto in Scotland
By 36 ditto in Ireland
......
..་
218
SL
51.
Total returned by Peers ......... 300
ned by
Members returned by Commoners in England
and Wales
.............137
..
By 14 Commoners in Scotland
By 19 ditto in Ireland...........
Nominated by Government
wil en donde dould sdi af m
16
1.
187
Total...


THE WARNING VOICE.
63
Total number returned by Nomination ...487
Independent of Nomination
..171
658
Total number of Members
Lord John Russell's Statement.
The Votes of the English Borough Members upon the
Reduction of the public Establishments, when analysed,
stand thus:
.. .....
..
*.*....
In 33 Boroughs, under 1,000 inhabitants each 12
la 35 ditto, under 2,000.......
15
In 76 ditto, under 5,000
In 25, under 10,000
In 31, above 10,000... .
"Such facts as these require no comment!
The Act of Settlement, which was made for the
greater security of the King and his subject, enacted,
that the better to secure the liberties and property of
the latter, no placemen or persons holding situations,
who might thereby be influenced by the Ministers of
the Crown, should sit in the House of Commons. The
table I am going to submit to you, and about which
there can be no cavil, will exhibit to you, how much of
late the patriotic spirit, to say nothing of the letter, for
a part of it has been repealed, for reasons I leave you to
guess, has been adhered to. Mr. Fawkes then read an
extract from the Report of the Committee of the House
of Commons, in these terms:
....
...
…………..
..
• ...
FOR AGST.
44
45
93
27
38 21
.....
48
22
The Committee report to the House, that 57 Mem-
bers of Parliament hold offices under the crown; the
net emoluments of which are £108,565 11s. Od.
That there are 13 Members of Parliament holding
offices in the appointment and at the pleasure of public
othicers, tie emoluments of which are 28,107. 4s. 2d.
That there are 7 Members of Parliament holding
oices or pensions for life, under grants from the
crown, the emolument of which are £9,658. 8s 10d.
That there is one Member of Parliament holding
office for term of years, under grant from the crown, or
other public office, the emolument of which is £15 9s 1d
That there are 4 Members of Parliament holding
offices for life, under appointments of the Chiefs in the
Courts of Justice, or from other public offices, the
emoluments of which are £10,036 11s. 3d.
That there are 5 Members of Parliament holding
pensions or sinecures, or offices chiefly executed by
deputy, &c. the emoluments of which are £7,478.
That there are 2 Members of Parliament holding the
reversion of offices under the crown, after one or more
lives, the emoluments of which are £6,489.
The Committee further report, that there are 79
Members of Parliament holding naval and military
commissions, 59 of whom hold other offices, and are
included in the preceding classes.
Thus we have 89 members of the honorable House
of Commons receiving from the pockets of the people,
the sum of £170,343. 14s. 4d. To which should be
a 'ded 30 from the 79 members, who hold Naval and
Military commissions, not holding other places, making
together 109 members, who are more or less dependent
on Government. And to the sum of £470,343 4s. 4d.
should be added the pay of the 79 officers, which if
taken at 500 a year for each of them, will amount to
£39,500. making a total sum of 1209,843. of the public
money, received by 109 members of the House of
Commons.
"But, Gentlemen, this is not all. I shall now show
you what the families and patrons of those who are
placemen and pensioners, and sinecurists, &c. in the
House of Commons, receive from the public purse.
Gentlemen, where I might be in an error on the
slightest point, I will not mention the precise sum to a
fraction; but on the most careful analysis, it is found to
exceed considerably one million of money.
"After making these communications to you, I feel
satisfied I should only weaken the effect they are so well
calculated to produce, by adding any observations of
my own. If they do not satisfy you of the necessity of
Parliamentary Reform, no additional arguments of
mine could be of any avail; you would scarce be con
vinced, though one were to come from the dead.
a
蒙
​"As Mr. Canning did me the honor to notice my
feeble exertions in his celebrated attack upon the cause
of Parliamentary Reform, at Liverpool, I must take
this occasion to attempt to make some reply to his
remarks-(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, though I always
had the misfortune to be opposed to Mr. Canning, as a
politician, still I must say, that there are few men to
whom I have listened with more satisfaction and.
delight. His speeches always appeared to me com-
pounded of talent, learning, eloquence and wit, and I
only regret that so much vigour and intellect have not
been employed in a better cause. From a man so
gifted, however, commendation must always be accept-
able, and I wish him to believe that I was far from
being insensible to the opinion he did ine the honor to:
say he had formed of me. I trust, therefore, he will
give me credit, when I say, that my present observa-
tions are made without any tincture of personal ·
hostility. I shall ever admire Mr. Canning as an
admirable orator; but as a logician, I must still take
the liberty of differing from him. In his late speech at
Liverpool, Mr. Canning stated, that he considered our
Government as a limited Monarchy, and that an inde--
pendent House of Commons was incompatible with its
existence. Now, Gentlemen, I consider Mr. Canning's
major proposition as false, and therefore his premises
to be decidedly disputable.
to be decidedly disputable. Our Constitution, if all
public writers and commentators on our form of
Government are not mistaken, is not one limited
Monarchy, but a compound of three limited estates:-
1 A limited Monarchy-2 A limited Aristocracy-3.
A limited Democracy By what logic, then, does it
follow, that because each branch is limited, one branch
should be impure to its construction? If this reasoning
is just, why should not a hundred Commoners be thrust
into the House of Peers, on the score, that a pure
Aristocracy is incompatible with the existence of a
limited Monarchy? Why should not even the King
have associates given him on the plea, that power
lodged with one individual is incompatible with the
existence of deliberative assemblies?
"How simple, Gentlemen, is truth-into what errors,
perplexities, and difficulties are we not plunged, when
we wander from her paths. Why not consider our
Constitution as composed of three different estates, as
all its ablest expositors have represented, each pure and
R


64
THE WARNING VOICE.
perfect in its nature, but of opposite tendencies when in
action, kept in their places by alternate attraction and
repulsion; and, like the planets, preserving their
motions and completing their orbits, on the unvarying
plan of harmony and order? This opinion, Gentlemen,
seems to have been forced on Mr. Canning, by an idea
he has formed, that the Government could not be
carried on, unless the executive had a control over the
people in the House of Commons. But whence this
But whence this
novel doctrine I would ask-that institutions intended
for the benefit of the public, can only be maintained by
the existence of abuses? In my view, this is downright
and absolute tyranny in disguise; for whatever may
be said of the benefit of a control over the people,
through the medium of the House of Commons, may
be said, and has been said, of the benefit of absolute
despotism, in the hands of a single individual!
"This, however, Gentlemen, is the boasted system of
virtual representation, which is no more than a pitiful
modification of no representation at all-a plan to
impose upon the weak, for the benefit of the interested
and the cunning. It is the same thing, whether the
pretended representative body be influenced by one
man or two hundred; in the first place, it is a disguised
tyranny; in the other, an odious and dangerous
oligarchy.
"Mr. Canning, however, Gentlemen, says, that this
oligarchy-this government of the few, cannot be dis-
turbed, because it would be an act of arbitrary injustice
to disfranchise the close boroughs. But I would ask,
how would an act of injustice be thus done to the pro-
prietor? That law must first be shown to me, which
gives one man a title to as much weight in the councils
of his country, as all the inhabitants of Westminster, or
of this county, consisting of 4,100,000 souls If his
borough were disfranchised, he would still have a vote
for his county, and that, I contend, is all the right that
belongs to him. But, Gentlemon, if these vested rights,
as they are called, are to be preferred to the safety of
the country, what are we to think of the despotism of
James I He was an hereditary King-had he nc
vested rights in the proudest possessions upon earth?
Yet, when it was considered that the safety of the state
required it, this was no plea, his subjects at once com-
pelled him to abandon his throne-nor did they either
think it necessary to make him [any compensation for
the loss of it; for they sent him to beg (Hear, hear.)
Oh! St. Helena! with all tuy native and all thy added
horrors, what a paradise, what a bed of roses thy rock
must have been in comparison !-they sent the infatuated
tyrant to beg his daily bread from the bitterest enemy of
his country!
"The imminent dangers incident to the change are
next put forward dressed in all sorts of exaggerated
horrors to alarm you. But surely you must recollect
But surely you must recollect
that more serious alterations have occurred in your
history than those you now call for, and have been
carried into effect without in the slightest degree
endangering the safety of the community. What think
you of the reformation and revolution? what of the two
unions with Scotland and Ireland? when two distinct
and ancient legislatures were not reformed, but posi-
tively subverted- (Hear, hear.) Were not members
given to Chester and Durham, when they complained
they were not represented, without any body urging
the absurdity of virtnal representation? Have not
Shoreham, and Ailesbury, and Cricklade, and Gram-
pound, been disfranchised, without any body uttering a
whisper of complaint, without the slightest appearance
of danger? (Hear, hear.) What should prevent then
the extinction of other rotten and close boroughs similary
circumstanced? But Mr Canning says, he would
sacrifice Grampound to save old Sarum; that is, he
would throw a tub to the whale now and then, provi-
ded the mass of these places, giving Government a
control over the people, were so preserved intact:
(Hear, hear,) because he says a popular parliament
would do now what a popular parliament did before,
subvert the Monarchy, and decapitate their King. In
proof of this, Mr. Canning quoted the resolutions of
the long parliament. Now Gentlemen-I do not
accuse Mr. Canning of garbling these résolutions,
but there is one most material fact he forgot to state,
which overturns the whole of his reasoning, and gives
ten-fold weight to mine; which makes his balance as
light as a feather, and fills mine with damning proofs of
the mischiefs of the system I have been attempting to
expose. He forgot to state of what description of
members this parliament was composed. (Loud cheers)
The Resolutions voting the House of Lords and the
Kingly office useless, were passed Jan. 4, 1649.
On the 22d of January 1643, fifty Members of the
House of Commons were expelled (Vid. Journals.) for
deserting the service of the House.
i
On the 29th of June, 1644, by an ordinance, two
hundred members, who had adhered to the King, were
disabled from sitting in Parliament, during the existing
Parliament.
And on and after the 5th of December, 1648-by
Pride's Purge, one hundred and forty-three Members
were secluded or imprisoned.
The remaining Members, eighty-nine in number—
Sixteen County Members-Six Citizens-Sixty-seven
Burgesses, arrogated to themselves the Sovereignty of
the Nation, and voted the resolutions alluded to by
Mr. Canning, Dec. 4, 1649.
*
Now comes the jet of my argument, out of these
Eighty-nine Members, Sixty-seven were returned for!
what Bishop Burnett called the Rotten Part of the
Constitution-the Close Boroughs. Such were the
proceedings of the Rump of a Borough faction in the
year 1649. (See Mr. Colman Rashleigh's able and
admirable letter to Mr. Canning.)
Is the same combination now a days impossible,
improbable, or hypothetical? Have we forgotten the
intrigue in the case of the India Bill, when this faction!
coalescing made the House of Commons vote contrary
to the feelings of the King and the wishes of the
People? What if the King and a majority of this
powerful body should unite, what upon earth could save
the Country, but the measure we advocate?
"I have now Gentlemen, as far as in me lies, done
my duty to the great cause I have so long and ardently
espoused. Let me again exhort you to lift up your
powerful and constitutional voice, to rid the country
of that system in which you can view nothing but
"


THE WARNING VOICE.
65
misery and perhaps national convulsion, the inevitable
ruin of the landlord and the tenant, the dilapidation of
the cottage, and the extension of the workhouse. Let
the system be changed, and you will at once exchange
the rule of those men who may have ruined you, and
who have most assuredly deluded you-who have ascribed
your distress to almost every cause but the real one-who
have, for the last seven years, been dinning in your ears
that your privations would only be temporary(Hear,
hear.) That the sum of your prosperity was, indeed,
behind a cloud-but that it would only be obscured for
a moment-when the fact is-that the gloom has been
gathering deeper round us from the moment this pre-
diction was made. (Hear, hear.) Call again, I say,
for this change, not of men but of measures; and in the
great storehouse of the talent and natural and acquired
intelligence of your country, you will, depend upon it,
find rulers, who, governing in justice and equity--to the
spirit of conciliation and sympathy with those whose in-
terests are entrusted to their care-will have no other
object than to "scatter plenty o'er a smiling land ❞—and
who would think themselves richly repaid-in reading
their history in the expressive eyes of a happy and
grateful country.
Mr. Fawkes concluded, amidst the loudest applause,
by moving the resolutions.
The HON. EDWARD PETRE, in presenting himself
to the meeting said, "I should be wanting in that candour
which I hope will always govern my public conduct, if
I did not come forward and avow that I am a recent
convert to those views which have been advocated this
day; and however I may regret that such a declaration
will compel me to differ in opinion from many Gentle-
men, whose opinions I respect, yet, when I see the arm
1
of power extended, not for the purpose of contributing
to the happiness of the people but to oppress them;
when I see and witness these things, I feel that it behoves
me to renounce my error, and to advocate the doctrines
to which I have formerly been opposed, I am now
convinced that nothing short of a constitutional reform
ean restore that sympathy, which, to use the words of a
great statesman, ought to exist between the representa-
tives and their constituents, and be an effectual safeguard
against a renewal of those destructive measures which
have been so long pursued. Powerfully impressed with
these sentiments, I beg leave cordially to second the
resolutions.
Mr. WORTLEY.-" Gentlemen, I fear I shall be under
the necessity of asking for a great deal of your indul-
gence. I come here impressed with feelings entirely
different from those which have been expressed by my
two honorable friends. [Loud disapprobation, which
continued till Mr. Fawkes came forward and entreated
the meeting, as a favor to himself, as well as for the
sake of impartiality, to give a fair hearing to his honor-
able friend. I know perfectly well that many of the
things which I shall advance are entirely repugnant to
your feelings, that many of those who hear me are
undoubtedly very adverse to the opinions I hold in
politics, and particularly to my opinions on this sub-
ject. I have, however, a duty to perform. You have
done me the honor to place me in a high situation; and
if I have any opinions on political subjects, I have never
shrunk from expressing them before you. (Hear, hear)
Although they may be unpopular, I throw myself on
your candour, on your good nature; 1 ask of you to
listen to me with patience, while I endeavour to point
out to you what I conceive to be the fallacy of the ar-
guments that have been used by my honorable friends.
I also beg of you not to take it ill, if I should use such
words as "fallacy," if I should tell you you have taken
wrong views of this matter, and that you are now in a
situation to be duped by specious arguments (Mur-
murs.) I know very well that expressions like these
may be so applied as to irritate the feelings; that how-
ever is the furthest thing from my intentions; but if I
speak at all, I must speak boldly. I am quite sure that
from all those around me I shall meet with the most
perfect silence while I address you; I know their can-
did minds, and that of no man more than the honorable
gentlemen who moved and seconded these propositions.
I will not speak of the eloquence of the honorable
mover, but I will say that he has put his arguments in
as candid and fair a manner as I ever heard in my life.
If he be right in his premises, I perfectly admit his con-
clusions; if it be true that he has described the constitu-
tion as it was in the best times of our history, you have
a right, and are perfectly justified, in calling upon Par-
liament to reform itself. But I deny his premises, and
I shall endeavour to make out to you, that he has taken
a wrong view of the constitution as it existed at that
time, to which we look back as the period when it was
completely formed. I say, that for four hundred years,
the house of Commons has been what it is now. If I
shall be successful in proving this-if I shall convince
you that the present state of the House of Commons is
not a state of usurpation, either on the part of the aris-
tocracy or the crown, I think I may fairly put it to you
what has been done during this time; and I may ask
you whether, during these four hundred years, the
nation has enjoyed great blessings?-(Laughter.)—
Now, Gentlemen, in the first place, I say, that whatever
may have been the constitution of Parliament previous
to the time of Henry VIIIth and Queen Elizabeth, that
from that time forward direct influence was always used
in the House of Commons both by the aristocracy and
the crown. Previous to that time, undoubtedly, Parli-
ament assembled for special purposes, and could not be
I called the same description of assembly it is now; but
from the time of those Monarchs I have mentioned, I
will say that many of the boroughs now under the influ-
ence of the aristocracy have been so uniformly. It has
been stated, in the famous petition from the friends of
the People, that this was an usurpation, and that these
places had fallen into a state of decay. I will state
some some facts in refutation of this assertion; and to
begin with Old Sarum.
begin with Old Sarum. I should be glad that any ho-
norable gentleman would point out to me the period
when Old Sarum was any other than it is now, when it
was a prosperous and populous place, and when there
were popular elections in it. I do not believe that can
be pointed out to me; and several other boroughs that
are now called rotten, have for the same period been
precisely in the same state. My honorable friend who
moved the resolutions has pointed to a speech made by
Mr. Canning at Liverpool. Now there is another
1


-66
THE WARNING VOICE.
speech of Mr. Canning's, to which I beg to refer you,
made in the House of Commons on the motion of Lord
John Russell for reform. He there stated that as long
ago as the end of the 16th century, the Earl of Essex,
not only nominated both the members for the county of
Stafford, but wrote to the High Sheriff to return the
members in every other single borough in that county.
The same fact is stated concerning both the county of
Norfolk and the borough of Malden, by the Duchess of
Norfolk; and I shall cite a few other instances to the
same effect. It was shown to you that the state of
things now existing, be it bad or good, has been part of
the practice of the constitution for many hundred years.
I find that Gatton, which is now a rotten borough, was
made a borough by Henry VI. in the 29th year of his
regn; and so soon as the time of Henry VIII. there
was only one inhabitant in that borough: it was in pre-
cisely the same state as at present. (Here considerable
disapprobation was expressed by the meeting )—I am
perfectly aware that the circumstances I am relating
must appear tedions; but as I contend that in point of
fact my honorable Friend is wrong, I am bound to
prove it by fact. I will go to another borough in the Isle
of Wight, Newton; in the first of Elizabeth, the mem-
bers for this borough were nominated by the Steward of
the Lord of the barony of Newton, (Mr. Wortley's voice
was here drowned by loud and continued expressions
of disapprobation. Mr. Willan, of Dewsbury, now moun-
ted the rail of the hustings, and moved his white hat to
procure silence, but the tumult was rather increased than
diminished by his presence, and he therefore withdrew.
Soon after silence was obtained, and Mr. Wortley.
proceeded -
66
"I will not attempt to tire you any longer by these
tedious recitals of fact, but I challenge my honorable
Friend, at any time and in any place, to the proof that
the constitution of this country has been different for
the last four hundred years, as to the influence of the
aristocracy and the Crown in the House of Commons.
In what I have further to say, then, I shall take for
granted, as far as my argument goes, and for the sake
of argument, that I am right in this position.-(Laughter.)
That being the case, I will now put to you a few
questions; I ask if this Government, as it has been
carried on-(I am not speaking of a party Govern-
ment)-if the Government of England, such as I have
stated it, has not secured to the people a great number
of blessings? I would next beg leave to refer, Gentlemen,
to the speech of Lord John Russell, when he moved
his resolutions in the last Session of Parliament, in
reference to that period to which we all look up as the
brightest in our annals-the Revolution of 1688, and
the abdication of James II. Undoubtedly there never
was a period in the history of any country in the world in
which the persons engaged in a great political transaction
so decidedly covered themselves with the brightest of all
glories that of having saved their country. At that
time our liberties were fixed, and I find it stated in the
Edinburgh Review, that this was the era in which the
reign of influence and of practical liberty began. Look,
then, upon the avowal of Lord John Russell, that if we
had then had a reformed House of Commons, that event
would probably never have been brought to pass;
because the influence of certain individuals in the House
of Commons made that House act contrary to the sense
of the people.
I do not mean to say that generally a representative
body is to speak a language different from that of the
country. On the contrary I contend, that the House of
Commons does actually speak the sense of the people
(hear, hear,and laughter) This is entirely a matter of op-
nion, but I must beg leave to bring to the recollection of this
assembly some particular instances in which the House of
Commons did strictly speak the language, the opinions,
and the feelings of the generality of the people. What,
in point of fact, have been the two great occasions of
the immense load of debt now laid upon the country?
The one was the American war, the other was the war
commencing in 1792. First, with respect to the American
war; I must confess that I for one am utterly astonished
that a country like this should have such difficulties
brought upon it by so gross an act of impolicy; it is to
me quite incomprehensible, that this country should not
have had more wisdom than to act as it did on that
occasion. But I put it to any body who has read the
history of those days, whether that war was not emi-
nently popular? There is a celebrated speech of Mr.
Burke's, on the loss of his election at Bristol, which
shows him to have been unpopular in that city on ac-
count of his having been opposed to the American
war. I have a right then to assert, that that war in the
beginning of it was a popular war; and to a certain
extent, if we are loaded with debt by that war, the blame
is not to be laid altogether upon the House of Commons.
But it is asserted, that before that war was concluded,
it did become unpopular, and that it was carried on
longer than it would have been, if the opinions of the
people had been consulted I am quite ready to admit
that-(hear, hear,) but at the same time I say, that, once
engaged in war, it is not for persons who are not direct-
ing the war, and who have not quite in view all the cir
cumstances of the case, to say what is the best mode and
time of con luding it. I wish that the people of England
would on all future occasions consider for a moment
before they enter upon war, the difficulty of putting an
end to it; and, when they have entered upon it, whether
we may not by hastening the conclusion of war, do more
injury than good to the interests of the country. There
is no occasion on which I have not held the same
language, and I am ready to hold it again if my honor--
able friends think it likely that we shall be drawn, either
by the wishes of the government or the people, into the
present differences among the powers of the Continent.
I look with as much horror as they can do, and I
have expressed the same sentiment in my place in the
House of Commons, upon the opinions put forth by the
Sovereigns at Verona. (Cries of hear! hear!) I have as
great an abhorrence of the language of their Circular as
any one can have-(hear, hear,) I am anxious to preserve
the liberties of my own country, and perfectly abhor
their doctrine of interference, (Bravo!) Having said
thus much on the American war, I now refer to the
French war. The greatest number of us can remember
the commencement of that war, and I think no man on
earth can doubt that a vast majority of the people of
this country went along with the government at that


THE WARNING VOICE.
67
time in wishing for a war with France (No. No.) We
have upon this subject an authority which a great number
of you will admit, without hesitation-that of Mr. Fox.
He more than once declared, that he had become
unpopular by opposing that war. Again, when the war
was renewed in 1803, no man can doubt that it was
popular. My honorable friend himself at that time
excited and aroused our feelings against the enemy.
(Hear, hear, from Mr. Fawkes.) I am therefore
entitled to assert that that war was undertaken with the
——
their objects are of such a nature, that if they are to be
brought about by a reform of Parliament, such reform I
will, to the last moment of my life, and to the last drop
of my blood, resist. (Hisses.) Nay more, whenever
those objects may be proposed, I will endeavour to
draw upon them the opprobrium of public indignation.
Nothing less has been proposed, as the effects of this
reform, than national bankruptcy, and a breach of faith
with the public creditor. (Here the hisses and vocife-
rations of off, off were renewed, and continued in
spite of many efforts on his part to be heard. Mr.
Wortley retired to the place which he had occupied
before he began his speech, and put on his blue cloak,
apparently in despair of being further heard. Lord
Milton then appeared in front of the hustings, when the
tumult immediately abated. Several persons then called
upon Mr. Wortley to proceed, and in compliance with
this call that gentleman threw off his cloak and resumed.]
it.
Gentlemen,-Ever since I began my connexion with
this county, I appeal to you all, whether, if I have an
opinion on political subjects, I have ever for one
moment withheld it from you. If I am an enemy to
any of your opinions, I have always candidly avowed
I do not ask of you to listen to me as a friend, but I
think myself placed in a situation which entitles me to
ask of you a hearing. (Hear, hear; a voice from the
hustings said "be brief." I am told by some person to
be brief; I will be as brief as I can, and I should have
been much more brief if I had not met with interrup-
tion. But the misfortune is, that on an occasion of this
sort I have a difficult part to play; I have a reluctant
audience, and if that audience interrupt me, it must ne-
cessarily lead to great delay. There is nothing so very
agreeable in the situation I occupy, (laughter) to induce
me to detain you one single moment longer than is
necessary. I was going to say, that I am not left ic
conjecture what the objects are for which several per-
sons demand a Reform in Parliament, because they
themselves publicly declare them. Their objects are
totally unworthy, and would reflect the utmost disgrace
upon the country; and, I repeat, that to the last hour of my
life, and the last drop of my blood, I will oppose them.
66
consent of the people. I say then that on these great
occasions, which in point of fact are the great cause of
the burdens which are laid upon you, the House of
Commons did act with the people, although it is con-
tended that they do not represent the people. But
again I ask, has the House of Commons done nothing
for the country? (A voice from the crowd exclaimed,
Yes, passed Six Acts") Have we no institutions in
this country, which have been fostered and cherished
by that House? Are we not in possession of personal
liberty? Have we not an administration of laws, which
is not only pure, but unsuspected? Do we not stand
almost a beacon among the nations of the world?—
(Yes, of debt, cried a voice from the crowd.) Am I
not addressing a people one of the greatest that ever
existed on the face of the earth? Let the House of
Commons be constituted as it may, I put it to you,
whether the people are not in fact well governed.
When my honorable friends talk of reform, I have a
right to point them to the past history of the country.
I do not believe that they will deny that the government
has some merits; that we have at least an assembly, in
which there is no proposition whatever, but would
meet with persons ready to bring it forward and argue it.
There never was in any country such an arena for politi-
cal discussion, in which so much ability has been dis-
played, as in the House of Commons. That at least
[Here Mr. Wortley was interrupted by manifestations
of impatience and disapprobation, which did not
subside till the High Sheriff entreated the assembly, if
they attached any value to free discussion, to listen to
Mr. Wortley. There are many persons in this coun-
try, continued Mr. Wortley, and I declare myself to
be one of the number, who are of opinion, that great
advantages have accrued to the people from the present
system, and we have a right to ask, what change is pro-
posed in it?
We cannot be asked to join in a declara-
tion, that the House of Commons is unfit to govern
this country, when it has hitherto governed it advanta-
geously? We have a right to ask, what kind of reforma-
tion it is to which we must give our consent. The real
fact is, that my honorable friends cannot agree among
themselves on any plan, although the present system
appears to them so clearly to be bad. Are they prepa-
red to say that all rotten boroughs ought to be suppres-
sed?-(Loud hisses, and shouts of off, off!) Almost all
those who propose a reform of the House of Commons
would keep some portion of that influence against
which they declaim. I must beg to say, that, however
pure may be the intention of my honorable friends,
I know that there are several persons in this country
who have different motives. I do not attribute to them
any opinions which they do not avow; but I say that
S
-
"Gentlemen, I would say a word or two, before I
sit down, on the subject of placemen in the House of
Commons. It is true that we have, in the House of
Commons, a body of eighty-nine placemen, but they
have, in point of fact, been reduced of late years, as
there were two hundred placemen in the House half a
century ago. If a place bill had been introduced into
the House of Commons, that would have been some-
thing definite, and I should have known the extent to
which the plan of reform would go. But I cannot join
my honorable friends in saying, that the House of Com-
mons is such as ought not to exist. I am very far from
contending that every thing in the election of members
is correct. I think that great amendment may be made
in the mode of electing members of Parliament; and I
am more likely to join with my honorable friends, to a
certain extent, for the attainment of this object, than
they would find some other persons now listening to
me. I never will consent to pass any resolutions crying
down the House of Commons as unfit to take its sha e in
carrying on the government, although I may consent to


68
THE WARNING VOICE.
some regulations-I will not call it reform, (laughter)
because you would expect from me more than I mean
to give. I do not say that there are no faults or blots
in the mode of election; no human institution is free
from imperfection; but I cannot hold up my hand for
There is one point on which I will
say a word or two. I must contend against my honor-
these resolutions.
be made plainly known on this most important of nati-
onal questions. During many years-(it is now 16
years since I was first returned to serve you in Parlia
ment)-during a large portion of this time I was a deter-
mined opposer of every thing like Parliamentary Reform.
If there is any value in consistency, it is now my duty
to explain to you the grounds on which my opinions on
this subject have been changed It is many years since
I first began to doubt the correctness to my early opini
ons on Parliamentary Reform. I then imparted my
doubts to those nearest to me, and in whose friendship
and kindness I reposed perfect confidence; but I thought
you, Gentlemen, the last of all others to be acquainted
with them. If Caesar's wife must not be suspected nei-
ther must the character of the representative for this
county be suspected. I have not been biassed in my
change of opinion by personal considerations. I must
not be subservient to your opinions: if I am not subser-
vient to the court, neither must I be subservient to you:
if I should be subservient to you, you have no security
against my subserviency elsewhere. (Hear, hear)
Therefore although the last time you did me the honor
to elect me your representative, the suspicions I had en-
tertained were almost ripened into opinions, I did not
suffer the slighest hint on this subject to escape me.
The time is now come when I must give to you the
In
grounds on which I have changed my opinion.
the first place then the transactions of the year 1817,
the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act on pretences
obtained by the meanest and most scandalous proceed-
ings (Hear, hear)-by sending spies amongst the peo-
ple for the purpose of exciting them to tumult, then taking
advantage of that tumult to raise
and the success which those delusions had in the House
of Commons, first induced in me the suspicion, that the
inferior classes of the people at least were not those who
could look for protection to the House of Commons. In
1819, when the country was trying the great experiment
of returning to cash payments, the difficulties attending
which measure the minister must have seen if he were
fit to govern the country-the imposition at such a time,
when the nation was crying aloud for reduction and re-
trenchment, of three millions of fresh taxes, increased
the suspicions which had been previously raised in my
Lord Milton presented himself, and was received with mind. The memorable 16th of August, and every thing
great applause: he spoke as follows:-"Gentlemen, I am which grew out of it-the Six Acts, (Hear, hear) which
happy to have heard the speeches which have been ad- converted the last year of his Majesty's reign, that ought
dressed to you on this occasion and I am glad that you have to have been a year of jubilee, into one of indelible
listened to them, for it will be to the interest of us all to disgrace, and which have destroyed in many material
hear the speech of my honorable friend, and that of any parts the constitution of the country-the facility with
other person, because our great object is truth, and the which the House of Commons lent itself to those mi-
attainment of truth is impossible unless we have the nisterial measures, by which personal liberty was res-
means of balancing arguments on the one side against trained, by which (and the Act yet stands in the statute
arguments on the other. For this reason I think you, Book) magistrates have a right to search private dwel-
as an impartial body, have done right in hearing my lings for arms-the passing of these Acts, I say, con-
honorable colleague, and if I address you as favourers firmed my suspicions. Last of all, let me call your
of the propositions that have been read, I think you attention to those transactions, which more than any
have also done right, because from my colleague, with other in my recollection, and perhaps in the history of
all his historical knowledge and acuteness of understand-the country, excited the feelings of the people-the
ing, you have heard every thing that can be advanced transactions relative to her late Majesty: I desire you
on that side of the question. I have been a party in will bear those in mind. (Loud cries of hear, hear.)
calling you together here because I think it most desira- For, although the propositions against the Queen never
ble that the opinions of the people of England shouldwere agitated specifically in the House of Commons, a
able friend, that the influence of the Crown is less in the
House of Commons than it was half a century ago.
(A voice from the crowd-" Mr. Wilberforce says that
the influence of the Crown is too great.")—I have the
greatest respect for Mr. Wilberforce, but I cannot take
my opinions from him or any other man. The greatest
source of the influence of the Crown has been cut off
within my memory-I allude to that which arose from
its direct revenue; that source has been entirely cut
off, and it happens to me to know to a certainty that that
certainty that that
has materially diminished the power of the Crown in
the House of Commons. The public press has also
very considerably diminished the influence of the Crown.
Look back at the means of information which existed in
this country thirty years ago-our fathers and grand-
fathers saw a newspaper once a week, but now, every
individual in the village informs himself on all political
matters. Is it possible to suppose that this has not great
power in counteracting the influence of the Crown?
The regular publication of the debates in the House of
Commous has taken place within these thirty years;
during the American war they were published by
stealth.
But I will not detain you one moment longer; I have
endeavoured to state the reasons why I cannot agree
with my resolutions;
honorable friends in the and I
have endeavoured to do it with temper and respect for
my audience. Whatever may be your resolutions,
I have my own line of duty direct before me. I do think
that the House of Commons is able to do its share in the
government of this country, to the advantage of the
people; I do think it possible that the three Estates
should be completely and perfectly independent of
each other; and, as the House of Commons possesses
the greatest share in legislation, I think that the Crown
should have some influence there.-(Much disappro-
bation.)


THE WARNING VOICE.
69
motion was made in the beginning of the year 1821, by
Mr. John Smith, praying that the Crown would order
her Majesty's name to be restored to the Liturgy. I ask,
if that question had been entertained in this castle-yard,
how many hands would have been held up against
it? (None, none.) But what was the case in the
House of Commons? Not the slighest impression
was made, no persons voting for this motion except those
who may be called the regular opponents of the present
administration, Not a single individual—at least I shall
be perfectly safe in saying, that not five individuals
voted for this motion, who are not in the list of the
regular opposition. These things show that the opi-
nions of the people at large have not that influence in
the House of Commons, which I say they ought to
have. (Hear, hear.) I will not go the length of say-
ing that every opinion which may be accidentally and
for the moment entertained by the people at large ought
to act upon the House of Commons, so as to be adopted
by them implicitly. But when opinions are deliberately
and universally entertained by the people-as in the
case of the prosecution of her late Majesty-(I ask you
if your opinion has undergone any change on that sub-
ject? and if not, it was not a hasty opinion)-when
opinions, I say are so formed, they ought to have an
influence upon the House of Commons. It seems to me,
indeed, that a House of Commons on which the opinions
of the people have no effect, is no House of Commons
to any useful purpose. (Hear, hear.) I will read to
you the opinions of one of the wisest men this country
ever saw; but who did not enjoy during the latter part
of his life that popularity which I think throughout his
whole life he deserved:-
"A vigilant and jealous eye over executory and
judicial magistracy; an anxious care of public money;
an openness, approaching towards facility, to public
complaint: those seem to be the true characteristics of a
House of Commons But an addressing House of Com-
mons, and a petitioning nation; a House of Commons
full of confidence, when the nation is plunged in despair;
in the utmost harmony with ministers, whom the people
-regard with the utmost abhorrence; who vote thanks,
when the public opinion calls upon them for impeach-
ments: who are eager to grant, when the general voice
demands account; who, in all disputes between the
people and administration, presume against the people;
who punish their disorders, but refuse even to inquire
into the provocations to them; this is an unnatural, a
monstrous state of things in this constitution. Such an
assembly may be a great, wise, awful senate; but it is
not to any popular purpose a House of Commons." Now
then I ask, resumed his lordship, whether there is any one
allegation which I have read to you, that may not be
predicated of the House of Commons, you have now
before you? I ask you, if they have had a vigilant
and jealous eye over executory and judicial magistracy!"
if they inquired into the conduct of the magistrates and
yeomanry of Manchester! (No, No.) I ask, if they
had "an anxious care over public money," when they
voted the Duke of Clarence the arrears of an annuity
which he had rejected? Have they had "an openness,
approaching towards facility, to public complaint?'
Did not they heap upon the state those infamous acts,
""
even after the pretences on which they were grounded
had passed away? Have unt they, "in all disputes
between the people and adminisiration. presumed against
the people?' Have not they presumed that the people
of Manchester must have been wrong, and the magis-
trates and yeomanry right? I ask if the House of Com-
mons to which I sit does not answer to the description
I have read to you?
I have read to you? And again, I ask you, if that is
not "an unnatural a monstrous state of things in this
constitution?" (Loud cries of hear, hear.)
Now, gentlemen, my hon. friend and colleague has
asked-"Why do you not purpose certain specific
plans?" I answer, that a meeting of this description,
unaccustomed to deliberate, and not capable of entering
into the details necessary for carrying any plan of re-
form into practice, is not a fit place for the proposal of
plans. We say that things are not as they ought to be,
and we refer it to an assembly, where the subject must
be examined with great labour and patience, by persons
capable of historical research and calm deliberation, to
provide the remedy. All we want is, to impress upon
that body (if any thing coming from the people can be
impressed upon it) that this is a matter into which they
ought to inquire. My hon. friend has asked again, if
the three estates in the constitution must not neces-
sarily act upon each other? Undoubtedly, they must.
You might as well suppose of the different planets which
travel round the sun, that each must not have some
effect upon the other, as that the King, Lords, and Com-
mons must not have a mutual influence. But there may
be circumstances affecting one of these bodies, which
it is necessary to enquire into, and to remedy.-Gentle-
men, most extraordinary doctrines are held on this sub-
ject. It was said the other day, in the House of Com-
mons, that the influence of the Crown was necessary to
counteract the increasing intelligence of the people.
When I hear this said by a minister of the crown, and
by a man as amiable and honest as any that exists (though
I never agreed with him on a public question in my life)
the brother of my Lord Grantham-it becomes me
to look about, and see what will be the consequence of
the country acting on principles like these. My hon.
friend and colleague desires us to look at the influence
of the press.
But why? There are two sides of the
press (Bravo) I ask my hon. friend if he ever heard
of a certain paper called "John Bull." (Laughter)
A great many of the arguments which he has used are
no arguments at all when you come to examine them,
and especially this as to the press. Undoubtedly a great
deal more information exists among the people now
than there did half a century ago; but I ask why the
influence of the publications on one side may not be as
great as on the other? When one sees some of the
papers which come from the especial patrons of social
order-(laughter)-when I see the John Bull prying
into the secrets of private families in order to maintain
the purity of the press,-I cannot but have some suspi-
cions, that if the gentlemen who use these arguments
were to think soberly and impartially on the subject,
they would be of the same opinion of which this meeting
seems to be. (Hear, hear.)
Having stated to you, gentlemen, the reasons which
have made me a convert to the cause of what is called


70
THE WARNING VOICE.
parliamentary reform, and observed on some of the
statements of my hon. colleague, I proceed to notice
others in which there is a great deal of historical truth. What
he has told you with respect to the long existence of
boroughs is undoubtedly true: and I must agree with
him, that under the present system the country has on
the whole enjoyed a great share of prosperity-an
argument certainly very powerful on his side of the
question. But when my hon. friend stated, that the
Earl of Essex sent a mandate to the High Sheriff of
Stafford, to return the members for that county, he
ought to have shown that the reign of Elizabeth, in
which the fact occurred, was one in which the country
enjoyed a great portion of liberty In that reign there
was a great portion of external glory, but it ought to
have been shown, to make the argument availing, that
there was also a great share of liberty.
For those reasons, then, gentlemen, which I have
stated, I have become a convert to Parliamentary Re-
form. For that other reason which I have urged, lam
for pursuing our object with the greatest moderation,
but not without equal zeal. (Hear, hear.) I have now
nothing further to say, gentlemen, than to thank you
for the great indulgence with which you have listened
to me. (Great applause.)
Marmaduke Wyvill, Esq. M. P.-"I should not on
almost any other occasion have come forward, after the
powerful arguments which have been so eloquently urged
in support of the resolutions which have been offered
to your consideration; but I owe it to consistency to
the opinions I have ever maintained on this most im-
portant subject, to offer a few observations upon it.-
The Hon. Gentleman who preceded the Noble Lord
who has just spoken, contends before you, that because
Gentlemen, if I have any advice to give on this occa- abuses has existed in the House of Commons for 400
sion, I advise moderation. Great causes have seldom years, that they have ceased to be usurpations, and in
been carried by heat. In all our conduct as reformers, fact ought not to be removed. But I think it is much
we should act upon the precept of scripture-" be wise more reasonable to draw a very different inference from
as serpents, and harmless as doves. (Hear, hear) these premises. The long continuance of the evil seems
We must have no gall mixed up with our zeal; we must to me to furnish a powerful additional reason for remov.
have no eye to person-let no personal feeling entering it. But though the Hon. Member admits and jus-
into our minds. We must cast aside all prejudices, and tifies on the ground of long usage, the existence of a
have in view only such measures as will be advantage- foreign influence in the very construction of the House
ous to the public, and such as are capable of being car- of Commons, he still contends that upon all great occa-
ried into execution without difficulty, without danger,|| sions, that House, as at present constituted, speakes the
and without confusion:-without difficulty, because we sense of the people. It were easy to disprove this asser-
onght always to proportion our efforts to our means; tion by an appeal to numerous facts, but it will be only
without danger, because, if there is something bad in necessary to remind you of the facility with which the
the constitution, I agree with my honorable friend that House of Commons passed the Habeas Corpus Suspen-
there is much good, and we ought not to hazard the sion Bills upon the most futile pretences, and to the
latter in our attempts to amend the former; without proceedings relative to her late Majesty, which were at
confus on, because that is of all things the worst. Con- direct variance and in open opposition to the univer-
fusion is bad in itself, but it is worse because it invariably sally and loudly expressed opinions and feelings of the
leads to tyranny: a state of anarchy always ends in tyranny people. This marked discrepancy in opinion between the
We have seen this in our own times, and in all ages. In House of Commons and those who ought to be their
the middle of the 17th century, when the remains of the constituents, can be referred to no cause but that of a
Long Parliament, usurping the functions of the whole, corrupt and overwhelming influence, of which the
threw the country into confusion by their violent safety and prosperity of the country requires the exter-
measures, this confusion was succeeded by the pre- mination.-Gentlemen,-The honorable Member has
dominance of the army and of Oliver Cromwell. We urged as a proof of his assertion, that the House of
have seen the same thing within our own day in another Commons speaks the sentiments of the people, that the
country; and, depend upon it, if the same experiment American war was popular in its origin; let us see what
were to be repeated here, it would be attended with the the object of that war was, and what were the causes
same result. Forthese reasons, gentlemen, I recommend which produced it. It was a wicked and barefaced
that you should temper your zeal with moderation, that attempt to enforce taxation without representation.
you should not aim at what it is beyond your means to Such was the American war, and yet we are to be told that
attain. Whatever is in my power, I undoubtedly shall it was in accordance with the popular feeling And as to
do; and, in the present state of the country, I do the war with France in 1803, to which the honorable
belive that a reform in parliament is the only measure Member has also referred, in support of his proposi-
which can prevent the establishment of a government tions, I have no hesitation in asserting, that it was
something like arbitrary. Indeed, it is not possible to undertaken to prevent a reform, similar to that you are
establish a tyranny more odious, and at the same time now seeking. It was the strenuous exertions made by
more safe to the tyrant, than when the forms of a free the friends of the people to effect this great object,
constitution become the instruments of despotic power; which induced the Ministry of that day to plunge the
(Hear, hear!)-because tyranny of such a discription nation into that most sanguinary and ruinous war.
has nothing in it which excites a people to resistance. So much for the argument drawn by the Hon, Member,
In a tyranny carried on under the form of liberty, there from the popular character of these wars. It has
cannot be entertained even that sort of desponding hope been said that if you remove the rotten: Boroughs you
(if I may use the term), that the nation will rise and will have no men of talent to represent you, and that
destroy it.
you will drive all men of ability out of the House of


THE WARNING VOICE.
71
Commons. But is this a base and groundless aspersion
upon the people of England, who, I am sure, have both
the virtue to prefer, and the ability to select men of talent
and of integrity to protect their rights, and take care of
their interests in Parliament. But it is further contended,
that reform at present is unnecessary, because forsooth,
the influence of the Crown is diminished. In reply to
this assertion, I oppose the following plain facts:-In
the year 1793 the whole sum raised by taxes was 17
millions; the poor rate was about 2 millions. In the
year 1821 this country paid in taxes 60 millions; and
the amount of the poor rate was then raised to 7 millions.
Now I think that no person who considers the effect
which taxation has upon the patronage of the Crown,
can, for a moment doubt, whether that influence has not
been greatly increased. Gentlemen, I will not occupy
more of your time; I will only in conclusion say, that
if any person should demand of me to what extent I
would go in reducing this influence, my answer is-
until the whole of its corrupting influence is completely
eradicated. (Loud and continued cheers.)
|
illegal, because it had been "absque generali senatus
et populi Angliæ consensu."-"without the general
consent of the people and parliament of England"--
(hear, hear,) a clear proof that the consent of the peo-
ple and the parliament united were considered essential
in those days; though in these days such an opinion is
unfortunately not muchi in vogue; and it would take up
too much time to wade through all the tyrannies of
English history to prove how that right had been lost in
the halcyon days of liberty and happiness under Henry
VIII. This appeared a miserably inauspicious æra on
which to found the origin of the present perfect system
of corruption. Henry VIII. was by most people consi-
dered one of the most execrable and merciless tyrants
that had ever sat on the throne of any country under
Heaven, that tyrant who had killed two Queens and broken
another Queen's heart; for whatever the hon. member
for Yorkshire might think of this founder of the blessings
of corruption, he (Mr. Beveriey) could never think that
the freeholders of the county of York, were too fond of
any King that had broken any Queen's heart.--(Loud
cheers, and cries of "No, no.)
R. M. Beverley, (of Beverley,) Esq. in a maiden
speech, which was listened to with profound attention, But this argument, drawn from the antiquity of abuses,
and received with the warmest expressions of public might have been used, and indeed always has been used
approbation, said that he had determined not to take a against every reform, and every alteration of abuses,
part in this day's discussion, and nothing could have however gross, profligate, and abominable. This was
made him alter that determination but the extraordinary the argument that was used against Christianity, and
arguments that had been brought forward by the hon. this would be the argument used against that first and
member for Yorkshire (Mr. Wortley), which, from their best of all reformers-the founder of the Christian
peculiar weakness had encouraged him, incompetent as religion; if he now were to appear amongst us, for the
he was to enter the lists against him. If any thing could first time in the kingdom of England; and to preach
have strengthened him in the determination of silence those unpalatable doctrines of radical reform, in which
he had previously made, it was hearing the splendid and all present professed to believe; and if it could be sup-
magnificent eloquence of the hón, mover of the address, posed, that the House of Commons were all Pagans
for it ill became him to be harnessed in the car of reform instead of Christians, there is very little doubt but that
with so stately and proud a steed as the ungovernable the Gospel, if now produced for the first time within
rhetoric of Mr. Fawkes:-
the walls of St. Stephen's, would be voted false, scandal-
ous, and seditious.-(Laughter.) It should not be for-
gotten that there never was a greater reformer than
Christ-the poor man's friend, the advocate of universal
liberty, the enemy and the opposer of aristocratical
pride, profligacy, and corruption. (Hear, hear.)
"That mighty courser of etherial race
"With neck in thunder clothed, and long-resounding
pace."
But when he had observed that the noble lord had
omitted answering some of the arguments of the hon.
member for Yorkshire, he could not resist the temptation
he felt of himself answering that hon. speaker, seriatim,
and following him step by step through the bog of cor-
ruption, at last come to the firm ground on which he
rested his own principles.-(Loud cheers.) And he felt
confident that even his weak hand and feeble breath
could throw down the tinsel fabric that hon. speaker
had reared.
The hon. gentleman had founded his arguments mainly
on the antiquity of the abuses, and seemed to plume
himself prodigiously, that they were as ancient as the
time of Henry VIII.; but if the antiquity of the thing
were an argument in its favour, he (Mr. B.) had a much
better weapon supplied to him by that very argument;
for he could go so far back as the time of William the
Conqueror he could go back near a thousand years,
and remind the hon. gentleman that when William of
Normandy demanded the kingdom of the lawful
monarch, Harold, and founded his demand on an old
will that nobody knew any thing about-Harold returned
answer, that if such a will was genuine, it was utterly
T
The hon. gentleman had talked a great deal about the
blessings we had enjoyed of late years under the present
system; but it would seem that different people had
wonderfully different opinions of the meaning of a
blessing, hé (Mr. B.) could not rank the six aets and
the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and all the
minor afflictions and mean oppressions of the ministry,
amongst blessings; he never could reckon that celebra-
ted lawgiver, the late Marquis of Londonderry, as a
blessing, nor could he consent to enrol amongst the kind
dispensation of providence, that other wonderful patriot
and prodigious statesman, fately dropped down from
Heaven, into the shoes of the Marquis of Londonderry,
he means Mr. Canning. So that what some people
thought blessings, others, by a misnomer, perhaps, would
call curses.-(Loud cheers and laughter.)
The hon. gentleman had stated on some writer's
authority, that if the House of Commons had been re-
formed and had expressed the wish of the people at the
time of the revolution, that glorious event never would
have taken place, as the mass of the people were dect-


72
THE WARNING VOICE.
dedly adverse to changing the lawful dynasty; that might || diminished." What would the hon. gentleman say to
be true; but it should never be forgotten for an instant,
that the cause of a revolution could never have occurred
under a reformed House of Commons: (Hear, hear,) the
tyrant James II. would never have dared to attempt to
overthrow our laws and our religion, if awed by the
voice of the people expressed in a pure parliament; and
though the revolution would not have happened, that
would have previously happened preferable to a thou-
sand revolutions, namely a reform of the House of
Commons, and for which we have been labouring and
toiling ever since the revolution. (Applause.)
this? Surely he would not set his opinion against that
of the House of Commons, whose proper corruption and
excellent system of bribery he so much admired? (Hear,
hear.) If he did so, it was lamentable to see two such
friends at variance-it was distressing to see a difference
and a contention between the great fountain of truth
and its chief apostle. (Loud applause and laughter.)
The same answer would apply to that more specious
and more hackneyed argument, used by the hon. gent.
"that we cannot in justice accuse the House of Commons
of burthening the country with the increase of the na-
tional debt, when that increase was caused by the
American and French wars, that were so eminently
and notoriously popular; for we should endeavour to
speculate how the proposal for war would have been
received in a really reformed House; there might have
been great enthusiasm and a great clatter about glory
and all that specious nonsense, but a little cool reflection
would have shown the real representatives of the people
that they could not pay for their glory, and after a
sufficient parade of threatening speeches, it is certain
they would have sat down, preferring economy and
safety, to extravagance, bankruptcy, and renown.-
(Hear, hear)
The hon. gentleman had further observed, that if the
influence of the crown had increased, there might be set
against it the force of popular sentiments, and the means
of conveying those sentiments in the public newspapers;
but what, in the name of truth, was a newspaper, or ten
thousand newspapers, if the spirit of liberty was wanting?
(Hear, hear.) The spirit of newspapers might pos-
sibly be the most glaring proof of slavery and despot-
ism; in no country is a newspaper published with greater
accuracy than in China; the Pekin Gazette comes out
with great pomp and solemnity every day, and is read
with avidity among the three hundred millions of that
enormous empire, and yet in spite of this popular
newspaper, there is not a more rascally, bare-faced, and
intolerable despotism under the canopy of heaven, than
the Government of China; for where the rights and
liberties of mankind are wanting, the public voice is of
no use, and the press and its blessings are then like
rain on the sands. (Hear, hear.) In praise of the
House of Commons, the Honorable Gentleman argued
that it was a great arena of eloquence; but what was
the eloquence of the parliament compared with the mag-
nificent and eternal rhetoric of Cicero and Demosthenes
The eloquence of the English House of Commons could
no more be compared with the great standards of Grecian
and Roman oratory, than a farthing candle can with
the sun; and for this plain and well-known reason, that
where the voice of the people is not all powerful,eloquence
can never go beyond a certain point, there can reign a
false and specious sort of rhetoric; but so far and no
farther, and till the wishes of the people are unrestrained,
perfectly free and absolutely predominant, we can never
expect to hear oratory farther advanced than its infancy,
or perfectly beyond its rudiments. The Noble Lord, in
answering his honorable colleague, had alluded, perhaps,
somewhat too learnedly, to the course of the planets
around the sun, and there was one planet whose motions
he had said ought to be strictly watched, lest it should
disturb the harmony of the system; without entering
into astronomical explanations, it might be conjectured
that this heavenly body was not one of the regular
planets, but rather a violent and outrageous comet,
flaming in eccentric orbits through the frightened realms
of space, adding nothing to the beauty, but much to the
terror of the system, and shaking from its horrid head
pestilence and war. This was the body that ought to
be watched; this was the dangerous cancer of corrup
tion that jeopardized all it approached, and which ought
only to be removed and annihilated, that the whole
system might be perfect in its harmony, undeviating in
its rules, and fearing nothing from too much attraction,
or too much violence. (Loud cheers.)
-
There was one part of the hon gentleman's speech
which he would advert to with more satisfaction, or to
speak more properly, with a'hope of satisfaction, since
the language in which the hon. gentleman had couched
that part of his speech, had been involved in so much
obscurity and mystery, that he did not feel himself enti-
tled to speak with decision in its explanation, he alluded
to that part of the hon. gentleman's speech in which he
had talked of co-operating with the views of the reform-
ers, if they only went so far as preventing all placemen
from sitting in the House, and abolishing all unnecessary
places-in which he had said, that he perhaps would
joia in urging a "Place Bill in the House," (here Mr.
Wortley denied he had ever said or meant so, and after
some desultory conversation, Mr. Beverley proceeded
to say) "if the hon. member for Yorkshire speaks un-
decidedly on this subject, let us know his real views on
this disputed point, for it is very difficult to get at his
real intentions and wishes; and if he will propose a
Place Bill in the House, then I think we shall feel satis-
fied in his conduct, and approve of one part of his
political career at least.
But of his decided and unhesitating opinion of another
subject we can have no doubt, since the hon. gentleman
most plainly and distinctly stated, without any modifica-
tion, that he did not think the power of the crown had
increased of late years; it would not be necessary to
bring more than one answer to this, when it was remem-
bered that that very House of Commons itself, that
purely modified, that perfectly constituted collection of
senators gifted with all wisdom and all virtues, the praise
and glory and envy of the universe, had itself declared,
at the end of the American war, that the "Power of the
Crown had increased, was increasing, aud ought to be
Having thus discussed the principal positions of the hon-
orable gentleman, there was one more argument that
ought to be alluded to, because it appeared to have more


THE WARNING VOICE.
73
weight, than any that the honorable gentleman had
brought forwards: It is not uncommon to hear it said, in
answer to the cry for parliamentary reform, that our
demand is plainly superfluous, for if we have any
grievances, we have three means of redress; if your rights
and liberties are invaded, say they, go to the courts of
law, and you will be reinstated by the usual course of
justice; but if that should fail, then appeal to the House
of Commons; should a parliamentary application fail,
the voice and unanimous cry of the people in your favour
will bring you redress, and heal your wounds. Let it be
answered to this, that except in the ordinary cases of
meum et tuum the courts of law are as suspicious and objec-
tionable places to expect to find equity in as any in the
kingdom; for if it be some case of particular and extraor-
dinary importance, such as the case of the Manchester
plots or the Manchester murders, or whatever it is proper
to call them, you must be out of your senses to hope to
have justice done you by the lawyers; that sly race of
mellifluous orators, who, having well emptied your purse,
and exhausted your patience, lead you through a maze
of error, disgust, and disappointment, and leave you to
bewail your misfortune or to sink into despair; for with
the lawyers and the judges, power has too much influence;
and having talked so much of our sovereign lord the
king, it is to be feared they are inclined to act for him
also. (Cheers) From the courts of law you hurry
with a petition to the House of Commons, confident
that the representatives of the people will listen to your
prayer and be feelingly alive to your grievances; but
there your petition is received with respect indeed, and
having gone through some little mock solemnities, it is
-ordered to lie on the table, in the blessed hope of
everlasting rest; or if more than usually importunate, it
is voted a seditious performance, and sent out into the
streets by a large majority. (Hear, hear) As a last
resource, you go with your melancholy story to the
people, that high and enthusiastic, and generous people,
the people of England, who give you their sympathy,
their energies, and their good wishes: But what more
can they do to help you?-For you are called seditious,
and asked why you do not go to the proper place, the
courts of law? Thus we are bandied about without
hope or help, every one strikes us off with his racket,
and tells us to go to somebody else; that other person
begs we will go to the proper person; that proper
person cannot be found for love or money; and thus
having wasted all our energy to arrive at the fountain
of justice, we are compelled to give up the pursuit, and
become the victims of apathy and despair-Your final,
though distant hope then, said Mr. Beverley, is in a
system not yet come; a system in which truth and justice
will be strictly attended to, when your grievances will
be listened to, when your rights will be cherished, and
your prayers and petitions, your hopes and your wishes,
no longer despised; and no longer insulted;—all which
alone can come to pass in a thorough and radical reform
of the House of Commons, of which I am proud to own
myself a zealous though inadequate advocate." (Loud
and reiterated plaudits.)
Mr. Wooller immediately stepped forward and said;
"Gentlemen, on presenting myself for the first time to
the freeholders of Yorkshire, and on the discussion of
the most important question that can agitate the subjects.
of a free state, it would perhaps be necessary that I
should offer some apology for the liberty I have taken?
but, it is by the consideration that the voice of every
freeman is requisite to swell the aggregate effect of
public opinion, that I have been induced to offer
myself to your notice, not merely on my own behalf,
but on the behalf of numbers in this county, who have
requested me to attend this meeting, and to bear test-
mony to their ardent devotion to the cause of Radical
Reform. In this cause I should be as unwilling as any
man to perceive the effects of union destroyed by any
captious dispute about terms, provided that the great
object of a Reform, commensurate with the evils to be
redressed, is constantly kept in view. And though I
am free to confess, that if I had drawn up the resolu-
tions which have been read to you to-day, I should have
employed other language, and bad recourse to a more
detailed view of the subject; there is nothing in the
resolutions to which I can object, provided the terms
used are permitted to bear their natural signification,
and their unsophisticated meaning. They contain a
plain declaration that the House of Commons as at
present constituted, represents neither the wishes nor
the interests of the people; and they demand a speedy
and effectual reform, as the only remedy of which the
evil admits An effectual reform must be one that shali
go to the root of the evil; and effectually eradicate even
the germs of latent corruption-and this effectual
reform is all that the most ardent Reformers require.
With respect to the Constitution, of which we have
heard so much to-day, I have merely to observe, that I
can find no traces of its existence at all, except in such
public meetings as the present (Hear, hear.) I was
taught in my youth to venerate it as something almost
exceeding the perfection of mortal wisdom; but I have
found it in more mature years, to be little more than a
creature of fancy, an imaginary bird of paradise, said to
have been seen here, and heard of there; but assuredly
not existing in the sanctuaries which have been supposed
to be its peculiar residence.--(hear.) Yes, in public
assemblies some traces of its ancient lustre may be seen;
and I trust it will be fostered there, until the latent
flame revives in every bosom, and reanimates a droop-
ing land. Peor, indeed, would be my estimation of that
Constitution, if it were what the Gentleman on my right
hand (Mr. Wortley) has depicted it. His argument
that you should continue slaves, because you have been
slaves for 400 years; and that the length of an usurpa-
tion sanctifies the tyranny, is something rather more
candid than I should have expected at his hands.
I admire candour above all things; but there is one
remark in his observations which I think he will
regret himself he has made, when he sees the inference
to which it leads. He said, against certain modes of
Parliamentary Reform he would contend to the last
hour of his existence, and to the last drop of his blood,
The first part of this declaration is praise-worthy; for
an honest man would constantly oppose what he deemed
to be erroneous, with all the pertinacity of a steady
adherence to the truth; but when he talks of opposing
opinions to the last drop of his blood, he betrays that
temper which disgraced the Inquisition of Spain, and


74
THE WARNING VOICE.
which has been the concomitant of despotism in all
ages. Every man has the right (and its exercise is the
criterion of his freedom) to promulgate his opinions,
fearlessly and freely; but no man can have the right to
suppress, or to promulgate opinion, by any species of
compulsion. The Gentleman is, however, eutitled to
our thanks, for his exposition of the Constitution, since
he has avowed he only values it for its defects; and that
its abuses are sacred in his eyes because they have
existed four hundred years-(loud applause.) To this
it may be replied by a simile, which has been used
before, but which is not the less valuable on that
account. Suppose it were proposed to put a stop to
murder or robbery, which might have been frequent at
any given place, would it be any answer to show that
the place had been the resort of robbers and murderers
for a great length of time? Or, rather, would not the
Or, rather, would not the
notoriety of the abuse, be the great reason why it
should be suppressed, and its agents punished?-(hear,
hear.) This Gentleman has led you to imagine, that if
any instance of usurpation could be pointed out, he
wou'd concede that it ought to be remedied. I will
give hin one-the first legislative encroachment upon
the ighs of the people, with which I am acquainted,
namely: the statue of Henry VIIth, disfranchising all
freeholders under a certain annual amount, because it
was apprehended, as stated in the preamble to the bill,
that their attendance at elections might be inconvenient
This was a gross act of arbitrary power, for which the
Monarch ought to have forfeited his head, and the
Legislature to have been banished from the possibility
of doing further mischief--(Loud and long cheering.)
That there have been since equally gross encroachments
on the liberties of the people is equally notorious, but
that they form any ground for the defence of corruption,
is a ridiculous and a contemptible fallacy-(Cheers.)
The Gentleman on my right hand (Mr. Wortley) seems
to think this the age of blessings; and, amongst other
topics of congratulation, he appealed to the liberty of
the press, as a proof of the existence of something like li-,
bertyin this country. But he should have added, that if the
press is free, it is free, not by the permission of the faction
which governs the country, but in despite of it. He
should have added, that the courage and perseverance
of the independent part of the press, had enabled it to
triumph over laws that were intended to bind it in
eternal fetters; and that it is not by legislative enact-
ments, but from a determination to do its duty in
contempt of them, that the press remains free-(Long
and continued applause.)
The hon. gentleman stated that the age of practical
liberty and parliamentry influence began together.
They did so. But we shall find an inquiry into the
reason, and the farts, to be but little favorable to the
principle of parliamentary influence. What are the
facts? It was discovered that an open tyranny could not
prevail in England; that when the sword of barefaced
depotism was drawn against the rights of freemen, a
thousand and ten thousand swords were ready to leap
from their scabbards to defend them. And when the
era of practical liberty began, the principle of parliamen-
tary influence was devised to undermine the growing
liberties which it had been found unsafe openly to
attack. The battlement of the fortress, which could
not be taken by storm, were assailed by this influence;
and what had resisted all the force of open despotim
fell before the more wily snares of this parliamentary
interest, which Mr Wortley contends ought to exist,
because it has existed, and to be perpetuated, because it
has been introduced-(Cheers.) Against this absurdity
I protest; and say, that if it should be persisted in,
until the people are reduced to the necessity of vindi-
cating their own rights, the fault will not be with those
who have been continually warning them not to venture
too far, but with those who have provoked public
patience beyond endurance.-(Applause.) For the
country, in such a crisis, there is nothing to fear.
Neither its inhabitants will be swept away, nor its soil
be destroyed: but those who have been the instruments
of producing the public mischief, will be the sufferers;
and to them will justly be referred the responsibility of
hazarding public rights, to secure private emoluments.
The reformers have been accused of disloyalty; but
those who are aware of certain notorious facts, will be
compelled to admit that the faction which misgoverns
the country has bound both the king and people in one
common thraldom; and that the reformers have been
only anxious to break the fetters which disgrace them
both. Those who want facts may have this striking one,
that the ministry has, within the last few months,
plucked the brightest jewel from the prerogative, in
forcing the admission of Mr. Canning into the cabinet,
as a minister of the king, in contempt of the royal
antipathy to such a measure. And here let me inciden-
tally remark, that the assertion of the honorable gentle-
man, that the honorable house of which he is an
honorable member, has generally been in unison with
the wishes and interests of the public, is just as true as
that his sentiments are in unison with the almost unanimous
feeling of this meeting against them. And let me add, that
a claim from him for a spe ific plan of reform was at best
but an idle quibble, since we want no one to inform us
that no sort of reform would suit him, and that his
objection to every species of reform would be the same,
namely, that he did not like it. But we are much too
far advanced in our determination that reform is
essential to the salvation of the country, to care for
such trifling as this.
When the time arrives that the question of what
reform shall be necessary, shall be fairly agitated, if I
have any voice, I, for one, shall have no hesitation in
declaring, that when it can be pointed out to me that
God has stamped the exclusive mark of slave on the
forehead of one man, I will admit that he is not entitled
to the exercise of the elective franchise; but until that
shall be the case, I will not allow the right of any
boroughmonger to place his cloven foot upon the
breast of any freeman, and mark him for exclusion from
the common right of the species to which he belongs.
I have before said, that I would not have couched the
resolutions of this day in the terms in which they have
been submitted to you; that although I should have
deemed it necessary to have embodied a distinct recital
of the evils we have suffered, and the specific measures
which would have afforded us the requisite relief,
though it might have required all the parchment in the


THE WARNING VOICE.
75%
which he had to the wording of the petition to this great
object. I am glad also that the word physical force,
country to have engrossed the sum total of our com-
plaints; yet, under ail the circumstances of the case,
and being disposed to give full credit to the declara-which sometimes creeps into discussions of this kind, has
tions of those who are converts to the justice of our
cause, I cannot avoid recommending that union,
which, if it can be obtained upon principle, is essential
to the progress of the cause of reform, I cannot but
recommend an adoption of the present resolutions;
convinced that if the gentry of the county who surround
me in such great numbers, will but give full effect to
their spirit, by a corresponding energy of mind, the
benefits of the meeting of this day will be remembered
and felt, long after every individual here present lies
mouldering in the tomb. (Plaudits.)
Mr. Wortley explained. I wish to reply to one thing
that has been said by the last speaker. He says he ap-
he ap-
proves of my stating that I was ready to contend against
the propositions to which I alluded to the last moment
of my life," but objects to the expression "to the last
drop of my blood." When I spoke of those resolutions,
I meant propositions which would reduce the country
to a state of bankruptcy, and would occasion a breach
of faith with the national creditor. Such resolutions, I
believe, could not be carried into effect without a revolu-
tion. I entreat the people to remember, that every
revolution, every thing of that kind most dreadful, has
always been brought about by acts of national bank-
ruptcy. I will therefore resist, so long as I have power,
any attempt to throw the country into that state.
The resolutions were then read and put separately to
the meeting, by the sheriff, when all of them passed
unanimously, except two or three, against which Mr.
Wortley and Mr. Fountayne Wilson held up their
hands. We noticed that Mr. Wortley did not hold up
his hand against the 4th resolution.
never been used. It is a term which ought never to be
used in reference to this subject. The only force we
can use is the moral force of public opinion, and which
I have no doubt will ultimately subdue every prejudice,
and triumph over every opposition. (Hear, hear.) Mr.
Burke has said that the desires of the people of England
ought to be a law to the House of Commons. I would
ask my honorable friend, whether we are to go back
300 or 400 years in civilization-whether we are not to
profit by the discoveries of science, and the greatest
degree of illumination which has broken in upon the
present age, and not to be governed by what was done
2 or 3 centuries ago? The British Constitution is not a
picture to be hung up to be mellowed by time, but an
edifice to be repaired from time to time, repaired, en-
larged, and improved, and made comfortable to the
existing generation who are to inhabit it. (Hear, hear.)
Gentlemen, I will conclude with stating that the petition
which I have read has in all essentials my entire con-
currence, and I move that it be adopted by this meeting.
Mr. Strickland rose to second the petition, and said,
However anxious I may have been to express my opi-
nions upon the great cause upon which we are assembled,
I should think it quite unreasonable to detain the meet-
ing for any considerable time, after the long, the patient,
and the anxious attention which has already been given
to the business of the day. (Cries of go on, we will hear
you all night.) In the very few observations which I
shall make, I beg leave to direct your attention to that
in which has consisted the principal difference of opi-
nion; to that in which the only fear seems to have
existed of any interruption to the most perfect harmony
and agreement; I mean to the question whether the
resolutions should contain only general expression of
the necessity of a reform of the Commons House of
Parliament, or should describe more minutely in what
[Here the honorable baronet read the petition] such reformation ought to consist. Gentlemen, this
Sir F. Linley Wood then resuming his speech, said, I great cause is not a new one; it has agitated men's minds
shall only make one observation on the argument used for nearly a century, and we are not now to be asked,
by my honorable friend, the member for the county, what is meant by the term Parliamentary Reform?-its
against reform-a friend with whom I have differed on meaning is written in the distresses of the country, in
no subject but that on politics, but on that subject we characters so clear and so distinct, that they who run
have differed so uniformly and long that I despair of can read. (Hear, hear.) There is one observation I
ever agreeing with him. However plausible the argu- would make, so peculiarly marking out the necessity of
ment of my honorable friend drawn from ancient records an improvement being effected in the state of the repre-
may appear, it labours under one, and that a fatal objec-sentation-that so strongly is the public mind impressed
tion; it proves too much and is of course good for
nothing. (Hear, hear.) His argument is that the House
of Commons has always been under undue influence. If
this be the fact it would only prove the inveteracy of
the evil, and the consequent greater necessity of refrom.
(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I trust we shall not be de-
graded by any, of those dissensions and intemperate
resolutions, which have been adopted at a public meeting
elsewhere; that being all united in the great question of
reform, we shall not suffer minor differences as to any.
specific plan of reform, to interrupt or endanger our
unanimity. I am rejoiced to find that a freeholder who
has just addressed you, and who has travelled 200 miles
to attend this meeting, has sacrificed some objections
Sir F. Linley Wood.-"I rise to move a petition
founded upon the resolutions which you have passed
with almost an unexampled unanimity: before I make
any observation upon it, I will read it throughout.
U
with a belief of its decay and imperfection, that we are
now 'presented with this strange anomaly, that before a
division of the House of Commons is considered by the
people as expressing the opinion even of that assembly
itself, much less through that assembly, of the public at
large, it is becoming a custom to strike out from every
ministerial majority 80 or 100 votes, as being dead votes,
under an unconstitutional influence, and therefore de-
prived of their deliberative character. (Hear, hear.)
As I have already said, it is not now necessary for us
to inquire minutely into the extent to which a reform of
the representation ought to be demanded; we may
safely leave such discussions to the Houses of Parlia-
ment themselves, and if they do not meet our expecta-


76-
THE WARNING VOICE.
down to future ages, as it long has been, the best example of
liberty to the whole world." Mr. Strickland concluded
by seconding the petition.
tions, to those future County Meetings which, in the
exercise of our ancient, our undoubted, and constituti-
'onal rights, I trust we shall frequently hold in this
'place (Cheers.) Many persons, and those whose Mr. Baines said, "Mr. High Sheriff, I wish to address
names bear with them high authority, viewing the rapid to you one or two observations, arising out of the
progress which corruption and extravagance have made proceedings of the day. I have witnessed with great
in the affairs of the state; arguing likewise from the admiration the independant conduct of both our repre-
well known and tremendous consequences to which sentatives, but I wish particularly to remark on the
such things have invariably led in other countries, have conduct of that Honorable Gentleman who has been
imagined that they see only, in the future increased opposite to us, and to draw one inference from the
separation between the government and the people, situation in which he stands. I do not say that the
convulsions and revolution. For such an opinion County of York is now assembled in this place, but you,
I need not quote the well known expression of the Sir, have invited the County to assemble here; and
great Lord Chatham, as to what may be apprehended what is our situation? From the place where I stood,
from a refusal of a timely reformation. A living writer I saw only one hand held up against the resolutions,
has said, that he considers such a revolution to be and that was the hand of an Hon. Gentleman who
inevitable, "That ministers may exult over the suppres- claims to be our representative in Parliament! This
sion of petty tumults, these are but the receding waves faet ought to be a lesson to the Honorable Member--
broken and repulsed against the shore, while the great (hear, hear.) In what esteem should he hold the opi-
tide is still rolling on and gaining ground with every nions of those who absent themselvs when a vitally
breaker." Gentlemen, let me not be mistaken: I state important question like this is to be decided upon by
this opinion not as coinciding in it, but under the hopes the country? Are the sentiments of those persons worth
of refuting it. Could I, indeed, for one moment representing? The state of desertion in which the
believe, that extravagance, profusion, and misrule could Hon Gentleman stands before his constituents, ought to
continue their progress, with gigantic strides, unchecked set him a thinking, and if he gives a due scope to the
and uncontrolled by the public voice: could I believe operations of his own candid mind, I am not without
that that corrupt influence, which, in the words of Mr. hopes that when we next assemble in this place, we shall
Wilberforce," meets every man every where," would have the happiness to have two representatives converts
go on undiminished, then, indeed, I should join and to the cause of Parliamentary Reform-(Laughter.) I
concide in the most gloomy anticipations. But I rest had no fear that the Tories would assemble this day and
my opinion upon the well known character and energy out vote us; their patriotism is not of that glowing kind
of the people of England; I rest it upon their increased which fortifies against the inclemency of the weather.
intelligence, upon the history of my country. For the Some persons wish to go" to Heaven in silver slippers?
greatest part of the last 30 years we have been engaged and the anti-reformers are in polities, what those persons
in never ceasing, arduous foreign warfare; we have had are in religion. It is not hence to be inferred, that
no breathing time, no opportunity of looking into our Toryism is dead; it will never die while we have taxes
internal situation; but the time has now indeed come to collect, and to dispense to the amount of 60 millions
when every man learns, and knows, and feels the a year. The genius of Toryism is, however, in a languid
embarrassments which surround him; and in that very state in this country, and if the High Sheriff should have
British valour which has fought the battles of Europe, occasion to report where it is this day, he may in the
and been victorious, I see grounds for hope and confi- words of some of his own writs safely write-non est
dence-I read better times for England. For the secret inventus." (Loud Laughter.) Mr. Baines then paid a
of those victories is told in few words-in slavery is tribute to the manly conduct of Mr. Wortley, which
cowardice; freemen only are brave. In these events, appeared so striking in contrast witir that of his friends,
then, I see fresh proofs of that determined love of and proceeded to express the satisfaction which he felt
freedom, which has long been the boast, the happiness, in seeing so many freeholders assemblied, who had come
and the glory of this country; and a sure earnest that from various and distant parts of the country, in spite of
we shall never submit, in indolence and in apathy, to have the severity of the season. to perform a great publie
our properties wrested from us, and exhausted to duty. He concluded with the following remarks:-We
"unlimited boundless' taxation; or our liberties trampled have before us to day a noble spectacle-a great assem-
to the ground by an overwhelming corrupt influence.bly, sacrificing their small casts of opinion and uniting
(Hear, hear, hear.) No, Gentlemen, I believe the time
is not far distant, when the people of England will be
prepared to present universal petitions to the Crown
and to the Houses of Parliament, expressed in terms so
temperate, but at the same time so firm and so deter-
mined, that the House of Commons itself will not be
inclined to turn a deaf ear to our prayers. And when
the desired reformation shall have taken place, confi-
dence will be restored between the people and the
government; and, as all government is founded in
opinion, the king will be seat: d more securely upon his
throne, and the British Constitution will be handed
Let
in one general call, for the measure of Parliamentary
Reform. They have not, like some foolish persons in
other places, divided themselves into factions, and
thereby injured the cause they professed to serve.
the celebrated maxim be remembered-" Union is
strength, and then success is certain. One freeholder,
who has travelled far to attend the meeting, and from
whom some opposition was apprehended, has nobly
sacrificed minor differences to the public good. His
example is worthy of general imitation. Unanimity and
perseverance are alone necessary to secure success; of
this truth, we seem all convinced, and I feel assured


THE WARNING VOICE.
77
that the day of final triumph is not far distant.-(hear,
hear.)
The petition was now read by the Under Sheriff, and
carried with the same unanimity as the resolutions.
F. Cholmeley, Esq. now, in a short address to the
meeting, proposed the 8th, 9th, and 10th resolutions;
which were immediately seconded and adopted.
The business of the meeting being thus brought to a
conclusion, Lord Milton, ( amidst loud cheers,) propos-
ed a vote of thanks to the High Sheriff, for his readiness
in calling the meeting, and for this dignified and impar-
tial conduct in the chair. The motion was seconded by
Mr. Wortley, who, with very good humour, remarked
that, although he had previously met with a little opposi-
tion from the meeting, yet he hoped that in support of
the last motion of his honorable friend and colleague,
they would all be of one mind! (Laughter and cheers.)
The vote was then carried with great applause.
The High Sheriff returned thanks. He remarked that
whilst he felt that he had done no more than his duty,
he could not refrain from observing, that no meeting
could possibly have conducted itself in a more orderly,
peaceable, or dignified manner, than that over which he
had now presided.
To Walter Fawkes, Esq. Farnley Hall.
Netherton Hall, near Wakefield, Yorkshire,
3d March, 1823.
Most Excellent Sir,
The nations thanks and praise are due unto the
reform meeting held at York, on Wednesday the 22d
- of January, 1823, and every voice should offer its
thanks and praise.
The writer is a humble individual, who was a member
of the Reform Association held at York, when the Rev.
Christopher Wyvill was chairman; and has, from that
period, zealously, uniformly, but moderately endea-
youred to promote that universal and heavenly cause of
religion, charity, and humanity;, the cause of all man-
kind and all the world.
1
He can no longer resist the impulse of expressing
his joy, that the present time hath produced so many
bright luminaries of wisdom and prudence, overjoyed
in the hope that their wisdom and-prudence will correct
the attention, and gain the ear of the whole empire and
the whole world; and he has the happiness of knowing
many are already converted thereby.
those of all the world, by her unanimity in declaring she
will unite in resisting the tyrants, the enemies of
liberty and the rights of mankind.
I do thank you and rejoice with you; allow me to
rejoice with you, my country, and all the world, at
these very important and auspicious proceedings.
I have the honor to be, most respectfully,
You, Sir, have the first claim to our thanks and
praise, as the author and leader of the great work of the
auspicious day. Long may you live, and happy may
you be, to enjoy the fruits of your honest, faithful and
truly patriotie labour.
It is the cause of every one, and every thinking man
must be converted by the wisdom and prudence of this
great and respectable county.
The World and Great Britain may rejoice that she is
not only become the protector of her own liberties, but
Sir,
Your most obedient and obliged humble Servant,
RICHARD MILNES.
RICHARD MILNES read a speech of Sir ROBERT WIL-
SON'S to his constituents in the borough, which pleased
him so much, that he wrote him a letter of thanks for
his very excellent speech, and sent him his second
above-mentioned letter to the nobility, &c. and the
following is Sir Robert's answer, which R. Milnes has
published, to prove to the world in addition to what
they know of him, that he is one of the most amiable
of men.
R. M. did not know the least of Sir Robert till he
wrate him the above-mentioned letter of thanks.
DEAR SIR,
I feel very much flattered by the expressions of your
approbation. The language of your address to those
who should act as the guardians of the public liberty
and welfare, proves the possession of a benevolent
patriotism and philanthropy, which justifies the senti-
ments of pride that your commendation has excited.
I trust that my actions through life will correspond with
those opinions which are in unison with your own, and
that I shall always make the happiness of mankind the
steady object of my humble though zealous efforts. If
the more fortunate classes of society will but adopt the
wise council you have so feelingly and therefore so elo-
quently expressed, the enemies of our political and
social system will indeed be driven away "as-chaff before
the wind," and the impending hurricanes will be dis-
sipated by the blessings of a grateful and always well
disposed, however ill directed people. I am willing to
contemplate the tragic calamities inevitable from a
rejection of your advice.
I sympathize, most truly in your domestic misfortune,
but still the memory of departed virtue consoles the
mind.in some measure, that it inflicts, and when you
think on the magnitude of your loss, you cannot but
feel joy in the recollection of those qualities which
render it so great.
I cannot conclude without adding, that it is peculiarly
gratifying to me, that I should have the satisfaction of
seeing my public proceedings approved by an inhabitant
not only of Yorkshire, but the neighbourhood of Leeds;
for my family came from that city. My grandfather
having been a considerable cloth merchant, and occupier
of Mill-House, but owing to misfortunes, principally
from sea losses, that property was sold from the family,
still I cannot help retaining heriditary affection for a
county and city which gave birth to a father, who could
only leave what is now called a very small fortune amongst


78
THE WARNING VOICE.
a numerous family; but who bestowed on me an educa
tion, and left me an example, which, if I do not abuse,
will entitle me whenever leave this world to the esteem
and affectionate remembrances of relatives and friends.
With sincere hope that you may long enjoy your
health, and the reward of your benevolent labours, by
peace and prosperity being restored to the county.
I remain,
Your obedient and obliged Servant,
R. WILSON.
Charles-Street, Berkley-Square,
October 8th, 1819.
The Military Life and Honors of the Sovereigns
of Europe bestowed upon Sir Robert Wilson.
As the name of Sir Robert Wilson has been of late so
much before the public, a brief sketch of his life may
not be uninteresting to such of our readers as are amused
by biography, without entering deeply into the political
events which are often interwoven with individual actions.
the Irish rebellion, Sir Robert served in that country
as Aid-de-camp to General St. John. On the expedition
to Holland he again embarked on foreign service, and
on the 2d of October, 1799, he distinguished himself at
the head of the corps by a gallant charge upon a body
of five hundred French Cavalry, and the recovery of
some British guns in their possession. When Sir R.
Abercrombie was preparing, in the Mediterranean, the
expedition which afterwards went against Egypt, Sir
Robert was appointed to a majority in Hompesch's
regiment, in order to take the command of the detach-
ment ordered for that service; but as he went by land,
and was detained at the Austrian army some time, he
did not join Sir Ralph Abercrombie until after the
arrival of the British fleet at the Bay of Marmoricae.
He brought with him an earnest request from General
Beliegarde for the English army to be employed in
Italy; but General Abercrombie could not deviate from
his instructions. In Egypt Sir Robert was the officer
who arranged the capitulation with the commander of
the French convoy in the desert. Living intimately with
General Abercrombie and the present Lord Hutchin-
son, as well as with the Captain Pacha, Sir Robert
appeared in several conspicuous situations throughout
the Egyptian campaign. On the surrender of Alex-
andria, he embarked with General Cradock upon a new
service, the accomplishment of which was said to have
been prevented by the signature of the preliminaries of
peace. He then went to Toulon, where, in the Lazaretto,
he was understood to have collected those materials
which he used in describing the personal conduct of
Bonaparte in his work upon the expedition to Egypt.
Sir Robert was not at that time content that the charges
he adduced against Bonaparte should feel their own way
in his book, but he delivered to the late King, and also,
we have heard, to the Emperors of Germany and Rus-
sia, copies of his work, and chivalrously offered to prove
his charges before any public tribunal. It was on his
return from Egypt that he purchased the Lieutenant
Colonelcy of his regiment, which, however, soon after
the peace was restored. Sir Robert from that time
remained on half pay, until the beginning of 1804, when
he was appointed inspecting field-officer of the volunteer
and yeomanry corps in the western district; but when
the Act of Parliament passed which precluded him from
having any command of the volunteers or yeomanry,
even in case of invasion, he resigned that appointment,
and soon afterwards wrote his pamphlet, entitled "An
Inquiry, &c. into the present state of the Military
Force." In December, 1804, he was gazetted on full
pay, as Lieutenant Colonel of the 19th Light Dragoons.
From that period Sir Robert Wilson remained with
his corps at the several stations allotted to it, until the
commencement of the Peninsular war gave new oppor-
Sir Robert Wilson was born in London, in the year
1778. He is the son of the late Mr Benjamin Wilson, a
gentleman well known in the scientific world as having
been in his time a member of the principal learned socie-
ties in Europe, and still more perhaps remarkable for
his controversy with the celebrated Dr. Franklin respect-
ing the superiority of pointed over blunted lightning
conductors. Sir Robert was educated at the public schools
of Winchester and Westminster. At the early age of 15,
having a strong predilection for the profession of arms,
he went to the Continent, where the Duke of York was
then engaged on service, and his Royal Highness was
pleased, out of respect to the memory of his brother-in-
law, Colonel Bosville, of the Guards, who was a short time
before killed at Lincellis, to appoint young Wilson to a
cornetcy in the 15th Light Dragoons. In that corps he
served during the whole of the campaign of 1793 on the
Continent, and had the good fortune of being one of
those officers to whom the Emperor of Germany gave a
gold medal, and subsequently the cross of Maria Theresa,
with the dignity of Baron of the German Empire for
their condnet at the affair of the Villers en Couchie,
where, with about 300 men, they defeated the left wing
of the Fench army, with great slaughter, and saved the
Emperor from falling a prisoner into the hands of the
enemy. Sir Robert had also the eommand of the ad-
vanced guard of that patrole which passed through the
columns of a French army then in march and penetrated
to the head quarters of General Pichegru, from whose
house the Aid-de-camp and English Interpreter to Gene-tunities for displaying the prowess of the British arms
ral Vandamme and two Gens d'armes were taken, and in Spain and Portugal. Sir Robert Wilson appeared in
whom they brought safely to the head quarters of the his military capacity in both countries; but in Portugal
Duke of York, notwithstanding their pursuit for several he had an appointment in marshalling the newly-raised
miles by three regiments of French Hussars.
Portuguese militia, or levies, drawn together for the
defence of their country; and he acquired considerable
credit for the state of discipline to which he had brought
them, and for the consummation of which, at a sub-
sequent period, Lord Beresford acquired such just
In the year 1797 Sir Robert returned to England
with the British Cavalry; and in the following year
married Jemima, the daughter of Colonel Bedford, and
niece of the late Sir Adam Williamson. In 1798 during


THE WARNING VOICE.
79
celebrity. After the battle of Talayera, which, however
well fought, was immediately followed by a retreat under
unfavourable circumstances, the French General, Victor,
adyanced through Estramadura, intending to cut off the
retreat of Lord Wellington, His movements were said to
have displayed consummate military skill, and extraordi-
nary activity in their progress. It fell to the lot of Sir
Robert Wilson to encounter the advance of Victor's
corps, which was of considerable force, with his small
body of Portuguese, then denominated the Lusitanian
Legion. Sir Robert stopped Victor for several days at
the pass of Banos, and thereby performed an important
service to the British retreating army, Lord Wellington,
in his despatch, alluding to that exploit, paid a high tri-
bute to the gallantry of Sir Robert, whom, however he
styled "a partizan officer"-a name since that time often,
applied to the gallant individual in question..
We do not hear of Sir Robert much in the Portuguese.
campaign subsequently to the brilliant affair at Banos,
and soon after he returned to England, not to remain
inactive, but to attend the head quarters of the allied
Monarchs, about to change the scenes of hostility with
Bonaparte,from the shores of the Mediterranean to these,
of the Baltic and the Elbe. Sir Robert, in the capacity
of Military Correspondent to the British Government,
was present at the several desperate conflicts between
the Russian and the French armies in the campaigns of
1811 and 1812, and in many instances volunteered his
services in so distinguished a manner as to receive re-
peated marks of favour from the sovereigns in the field.
On one occasion he was invested with an order of honor,
by the Emperor Alexander, on the field of battle.
Sir Robert Wilson, soon after the disasterous retreat
of the French army from Moscow, was recalled, and his
place supplied by General (now Lord) Stewart, brother
of the Marquis of Londonderry. Since that period Sir
R. Wilson has been unemployed, and has mixed much
in the political societies of Paris and London, and de-
voted himself to the politics of the parties who are in
opposition to the administration. He has occasionally
He has occasionally
employed his pen upon topies connected with the military
politics of his country: his last work was upon the policy
and the power of Russia, and calculated to call the atten-
tion of England to the ambition and enterprize of that
great northern power..
Sir Robert's chivalrous, but, according to the opinion
of many, indiscreet aid in the escape of Lavalette, is not
the least interesting part of his history. With the sub-
sequent events of Sir R. Wilson's life, our readers are
well acquainted, from their local and recent occurence
among them.
It is remarkable that he purchased all his commis-
sions but the first. His pecuniary fortune is said to be
small.
Lady Wilson has for many years lost her sight owing
to an opthalmic affection., We have heard that another
of her family, equally accomplished and interesting, la-
bonrs under nearly a similar misfortune.
Sir Robert has (or had) a son in the navy.
The following is an extract from the speech of Mr
Dupin, the advocate of Sir Robert Wilson in the affair
of Lavalette, in which the military reputation of Sir
Robert Wilson is eloquently described :-
L
"Now, Gentlemen, you will be astonished to find,
that this man, who has been represented as the enemy
of all Europe, is one of those individuals of whom Europe
has most reason to be proud, and who has rendered the
most important services to the good cause. It is time
that I should explain to you the hieroglyphics of honor
which he wears on his breast. Wilson is not one of
those dishonest possessors, who, when interrogated re-
specting the cause of their possession, can only reply, I
possess because I possess: possideo quia possideo. He
can render an account of all his rewards, because he can
render an account of all his services. He wears the
decorations of the Red Eagle, St. Anne, St. George, and
Maria Theresa, the Tower and the Sword, the Crescent,
&c, &c. because he has served with honor in the campaigns
of Flanders and Holland, Ireland, the Helder, Egypt,
Poland, Portugal, Spain, Prussia, Russia, Germany, and
Italy; because he has been charged with important mis-
sions to Constantinople, St. Petersburgh, &c. &c. Wilson
fought in Spain against Bonaparte, whose progress he
powerfully contributed to impede, by recruiting the
Portuguese Legion, the forming of which had such an im-
portant influence on the fate of the Peninsula. It was
in the Spanish war that he knew Marshal Ney: he does
not fear to avow that he was defeated by that commander;
but, in his defeat he had to congratulate himself on the
generosity of the conqueror; and thus originated that
interest, which has since been attributed to political con-
siderations, though it had its source in the purest gratitude.
When Moreau was struck by a bullet, Wilson was near
that General, and he was the first to raise him and offer.
him assistance. Wilson has rendered services to all the
Sovereigns of Europe; he has even had the good fortune
to have been servicable to the King of France; and
surely that Monarch, whose heart is so mindful, has not
forgotten him. To render you more fully acquainted
with the character of General Wilson, that enemy of the
repose of Europe! and to prove to you the high esteem
in which he is held by the Allied Sovereigns, permit me
to read some of the letters, in which those Sovereigns
themselves deign to render homage to the noble qualities
which distinguish him. Here is my evidence for the de-
fence; Kings are the witnesses! [After reading the
letters, M Dupin resumed.] This last letter bears
evidence to Wilson's goodness of heart, and the testimony
is justified by facts. In 1808 some French prisoners were
threatened at Oporto by Portuguese soldiers, and infuria-
ted armed peasants, to the number of 40,000. Wilson
opposed the outrage of the latter with a small party of
English troops, and a portion of his legion. He repressed
their violence by holding out to them the fear of a rupture
with England, in case they should presume so far to
violate the law of nations; and after thirty-six hours of
imminent danger, having been reinforced by a spanish:
division; he succeeded in securing to the French pri-
soners a free, passage to the port At the battle of
Tarutina, near Moscow, Wilson saved the life of the
nephew of the Duke de Feltre; he kept him at his quar-
ters, showed him the greatest attention, provided him
with money, and offered to procure his liberty. The
nephew of Prince Talleyrand, who was then Aid-de-
camp to General Oudinot, having been made prisoner
The letter of Prince Metternich, dated January 4,1821..


80
THE WARNING VOICE.
at the passage of the Beresina, and been in misery, Wilson
provided him with half of his own money and clothes,
and saved him the journey to Siberia. When M Des-
genettes, physician in chief to the French army, recovered
his liberty at Wilna, he was solely indebted for it to the
ardent solicitations of General Wilson. M. Desgenettes
was the only prisoner to whom that favour was granted.
Not satisfied with this, Wilson presented him with two
hundred ducats, to be distributed among the unfortunate
French. Independently of this general benevolence,
his humanity was manifested, during this campaign, by
numerous private acts of service, rendered particularly
to Generals Normand and De la Houssaye, to M. Fon-
tanges, to M. Durfort of the house of Duras, &c. &c. I
only speak of the act of benevolence, of which French-
men have been the object, because they are of a nature
to interest you more: but Wilson has not shown himself
less generous towards the unfortunate of other nations.
An unfortunate person, whoever he might be, had a right
to rely upon his heart. Wilson is much as I have des-
cribed him-brave, humane, and liberal."
Sir Robert Wilson in Spain.
Vigo, May 5, 1823.-On the 1st instant arrived his
Britannic Majesty's packet Stanmer, bringing Sir
Robert Wilson, Colonel Light, Captain Erskine, two
French, and two German officers, all for the purpose of
joining the Spaniards against the French. They were
received with enthusiasm, and a discharge of artillery
from all the ships and batteries; at night they were
serenaded, according to the Spanish custom, and the
town was illuminated.
On the following day, they
attended, by particular request, at the Convent of
Francisco, to hear mass for the souls of the massacred
at Cadiz; after which the whole of the troops were
ordered out for the inspection of Sir Robert. On the
4th, (Sunday) the English Officers (the French and
German having gone to Corunna) were regularly
admitted as Spanish soldiers, and, after a speech from
Sir Robert, in Spanish, at the head of the troops, they
fell into the ranks with musket and bayonet.
Speech delivered by the English General Sir Robert
Wilson, May 4th, 1823, in front of the Local Nation-
al Militia of Vigo, at the time of being enlisted in it,
and before taking the Oath of Fidelity;
"Citizens, I am not in the habit of speaking the
Spanish language, but it is necessary that I should make
the attempt on this occasion, to express my sentiments
in the best manner I am able. I am persuaded that
you will regard the expressions of my heart rather than
well-chosen words, which come merely from the lips.
"The moment is come in which I am to take the oath
to the Constitutional King of Spain, to his Govern-
ment, and to the Spanish Nation, during the war which
it has to maintain against the French Government--not
against the French Nation-in defence of its indepen-
dence, and of the rights of all freedom. For this
I have left my country, and what is more dear to me,
and suspended my duties as a Member of the British
Parliament. Yes, my companions, we have come to
combat at your side, and to shed our blood, if necessary,
in defence of a common and so noble a cause.
hope that our example will have some influence on the
Let us
erring children, unworthy of belonging to Spain, who
country, to impose on her the most disgraceful chains
are waging a sacrilegeous war against their mother
by the slaves of slaves. All the English participate
your hopes and sentiments.
the side of the brave Spaniards. In the last war of
"This will not be the first time of my combating on
independence I had on various occasions many thou-
sands of them under my command, and in the field of
qualities of this invincible nation. In the war pretended
Mars I learnt to appreciate the rare and illustrious
to be in favor of the independence of Europe, 1 gained
the insignia which I wear, and which are not due to the
actions; I and many others have been deceived by
favor of the Allied Sovereigns, nor a reward for servile
them, since, instead of being the liberators and pro-
tectors of European independence, they have become
unjust and despotic Sovereigns. I have placed my
insignia over the uniform of a Spanish soldier of
liberty, to show that it is not I who have abandoned my
principles, but that it is they who have violated the
allies, and with the whole civilized world.
obligations contracted with their subjects, with their
64
Now, in the sacred name of my country, in the
presence of God, and before these banners of liberty,
I request his Excellency to receive from me and my
companions the oath to defend them."
"Vigo, May 8.-Sir Robert Wilson and other Eng-
lish Officers set off this morning for Corunna. A guard
of horse soldiers were appointed to attend them the'
whole way, and they were also accompanied by the
Grenadier Company of Volunteers as far as Rodendella,
where all the civil authorities, with the militia, came out
to meet them. At Pontredesa they were received by the
Magistrates and soldiers in the same manner, besides
who placed a crown of laurel on Sir Robert's head, and
which they were met by young ladies in a triumphal car,
the people, discharges of artillery, &c.
conducted him into the town amidst the rejoicings of
The following is an extract of a letter from our gallant
countryman, Sir Robert Wilson, to Mr. Weatherstone,
one of his constituents. It describes, in glowing terms,
the devotious of the inhabitants of the Peninsula to the
cause of freedom and national independence, and we are
sure that it must excite a sympathy with them in the bosom
of every Briton not unworthy of the name. It is hardly
necessary to add, that the letter has evidently been written
in great haste, and without any view to publication:-
"I have been received here with an affectionate ex-
pression of feeling, which surpasses all my powers of
description. I could give an account of the honors that
mounting-but who can impart the look--the tone-the
have been paid me, which were all indeed of royal
heart-linking grasp of welcoming friends? My arrival
so, because I was conscious that I really and truly did
was a day of pride to me, as an Englishman, and the more
represent my brave and generous countrymen in the
to the glorious and sacred cause of defence of which Spain
motives which determined my proffer of all I could devote


THE WARNING VOICE.
81
forms the van-guard-namely, zealous and faithful ser-
vice to the hour of death or victory. Tomorrow, I enter
the ranks as a private grenadier of the Vigo Battalion of
disposable Militia. It will be for the Government of
Spain afterwards to determine my service I and my
companions, insist in the first instance, on conforming to
the laws in existence. Those companions are, Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Light, late of the British staff in the
Peninsula, a most distinguished officer, and excellent
gentleman; and a graudson of Lord Erskine's, who came
out as a volunteer, to share my fortunes, and who, I am
certain, will do honor to his name.
"I have told you of the enthusiasm of this noble
people-1 must, in justice to them, add, that their
exertions and sacrifices are correspondent with their
language and exaltation of sentiment; a more honest love
of country, and resolution to defend it, never existed.
There is, however, a great want of arms and armament
here, and in the whole province. Will England permit
this event to paralyze such good disposition, and compro-
mise the safety of provinces, the defence of which assures
victory? I will not believe it.
I shall leave Vigo before you receive this, for General
Morillo's head-quarters, at Valladolid; but probably may
have to return for a time into Gallicia, under any and
every circumstance, before I take my definitive station.
Rely on it, our triumph is certain; but it is an object
to preserve the country, and repulse the invader as quickly
as possible."
Seville, May 5:-The Portuguese General Rego has
returned from Leon to Portugal, in consequence of an
order which he received from his Government, by a spe-
cial courier. All his troops have returned with him.-
The Portuguese factions, under the command of Silveira,
were on the 17th, at Astorga.
Sir R. Wilson, accompanied by a grandson of Lord
Erskine, left London on Wednesday week for Falmouth,
with the intention of joining the Spanish army.-Sir
Robert addressed a letter to his Southwark constituents
on quitting England for Spain, in which he says, "The
battle, for the right of nations to change or improve their
governments, is commenced on the Spanish soil. Circum-
stances have authorised me to presume my presence in
that field may be welcome to the defenders of those rights.
I go, then not to gratify any personal (which, in the
actual state of things, would be an inglorious) ambition
-I go, not to mingle with civil dissensions, in which it
would not become any foreigner to engage, except he
could act the part of a pacificator-but I attach myself
to the fortunes of Spain in the hour of her pressure and
peril, prepared to share her toils; and I trust I may prove
as emulous as any of her defenders to participate in ker
dangers." Sir Robert concludes with stating that Mr.
Lambton has offered his services to take care, in his ab-
sence, of the local interests of Southwark in the Commons
but that he submits himself entirely to the discretion of
his constituents.
Dismissal of Sir Robert Wilson.
inform you, that his Majesty has no further occasion
for your services.
"Iam, Sir, yours,
"FREDERICK, Commander-in-Chief
"To Sir R. Wilson, M.P."
ANSWER:
Sir, The letter of your Royal Highness, dated the,
15th of September, was delivered into my hands this
morning by his excellency Sir Charles Stuart. After
the interview I had with Sir Herbert Taylor, your Royal
Highness's Secretary, on the morning of the 21st of
August, in which I stated my personal desire to meet,
and challenge inquiry into the calumnies and misre
presentations notoriously circulated, together with the,
motives of my forbearance, until officially called upon,
from giving in my statement of the conduct I felt it my
duty to pursue on the 14th ult. when attending, the
funeral procession of her late Majesty, I could not but
be greatly astonished to find the newspaper statements.
of my dismissal from the service, without any inquiry,
or previous communication of alleged charges; thus
officially confirmed. But I still appeal with confidence.
to his Majesty's sense of justice, that he will grant my
application for the institution of some military court,
before which I may have on opportunity to vindicate
myself, and prove the falsehood of those accusations,
whatever they may be, which have disposed his Majesty
to remove from me an army in which I have served
twenty-nine years, and in which I have purchased every
commission, with the exception of the junior one.
awaît at Paris your Royal Highness's answer; but shall
be ready to appear before any court of inquiry, or
court-martial, at the earliest notice.
1
"I have the honor to be,
"Your Royal Highness's obedient Servant,
ROBERT WILSON. }
Paris, Sept. 20, 1821.
The following is a copy of the reply made to Sir
Robert Wilson's application for a court of inquiry:
"Horse-Guards, Sept. 25, 1821.
"Sir-I have to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter of the 20th instant, and having laid it before his
Majesty, I have it in command to acquaint you, that his
Majesty does not judge it proper to comply with the
wish expressed in it.
"I am, Sir, yours,
"FREDERICK, Commander-in-Chief.
"Te Sir R. Wilson."
"18, Regent-Street, Pall-Mall, Oct. 9, 1821.
"Gentlemen,-I feel it to be my duty to lay before
you the copy of a letter which I addressed to his Royal
Highness the Duke of York, immediately on my arrival
in England, with a copy of his Royal Highness's answer.
"I am, gentlemen, your very obedient Servant,
R. WILSON."
Horse Guards, Sep. 15, 1821.
"Sir, I have it in command from his Majesty to "To the Electors of Southwark.
1


82
THE WARNING VOICE.
66
"Regent-Street, Oct. 8, 1821.
Sir, I have had the honor of receiving your
Royal Highness's answer to my letter of the 20th ult. in
which, after complaining that I had been removed from
the army without a hearing, and without even the
statement of any charge against me, I respectfully
demanded an investigation of my conduct either by a
court of inquiry or court martial His Majesty's
Ministers have advised their Sovereign to refuse this
request, and I thus find myself, after so many years of
service, subjected to the severest punishment which can
be inflicted upon a British officer, without being told of
what I am accused.
To defend myself against charges which, if they
exist at all in a tangible shape, are studiously concealed
from me, is evidently impossible. I can neither con-
jecture their motive, nor by whom they are preferred,
nor on whose statements, misrepresentations, or fancies,
they may rest; whilst this concealment gives a sanction
to every latitude of surmise in which malice or folly
may indulge...
It is true I have seen in the papers, and heard by
rumours in society, a variety of things imputed to me,
and suggested as the grounds of my dismissal; but I
declare upon my honor, that every one of these allega-
tions is utterly, false, and that in every instance where
the mention of names has enabled me to trace those
statements to their supposed sources, their falsehood
has either been at once exposed and acknowledged, or
they have been disavowed by the parties said to have
made them.
9
"Those who have proceeded to punish me without
either trial or hearing, or accusation, render it impossi-
ble to give a more precise contradiction, until they
shall be pleased to inform me what I have done, or
what has been whispered against me.
"But I once more earnestly beseech your Royal
Highness to institute, in whatever way shall be deemed
the most searching, a rigorous investigation of every
part of my conduct.
"Your Royal Highness is well aware, that before my
dismissal, I was, beyond all doubt, subject to martial
law; and if it be now said that I am no longer in this
predicament, I desire to wave all objections to the
jurisdiction of a military tribunal, in order that no
obstacle may be interposed to the inquiry which I
court. It is with unfeigned reluctance that I again
presume to remind your Royal Highness of those
services which you were formerly pleased to acknow-
ledge; but the strange situation in which I am now so
unaccountably placed, compels me to refer your Royal
Highness to your letter of the 24th of January, 1815,
and the documents to which it relates, in further
sppport of my claims to justice on the present occasion.
I have the honor to be,
"Your Royal Highness's most obedient servant.
"R. WILSON.
Horse-Guards, Oct. 9, 1821.
"Sir, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter of yesterday, urging again an investigation into
your conduct, to which I can only reply, that having
laid your former application before his Majesty, ant,
communicated to you his Majesty's sentiments upon it,
I do not consider myself warranted in taking any
further step.
"I am Sir, yours,
"FREDERICK, Commander-in-Chief
"Sir Robert Wilson."
Southwark Meeting.
On Friday the 5th inst. a. Meeting of the Electors of
Southwark, in the interest of Sir R. Wilson, was held at
the Town-Hall, St. Margaret's Hill, pursuant to public
notice, to take into consideration the propriety of raising
a subscription, to indemnify that individual for the loss
he has sustained by his dismissal from the army.
Mr. Weatherstone was called to the chair.
Mr. Alderman Wood then addressed the Meeting, and-
stated, that a letter, which they should hear read, had
been received from Sir Robert, in which he declined
the proposed subscription. The letter did honor to the
feelings to his gallant friend, but he conceived the elee-
tors of Southwark would be wanting in their duty, if
they did not take care that their representative should
not suffer for the rectitude of his political conduct. The
following letter was then handed to, and read by the
Chairman :-
To the Gentlemen assembled at the Three Tuns Tavern,
Southwark, September 26, 1821.
Gentlemen, I have this instant read the resolutions.
which were passed at the meeting held under your aus-
pices-Impressed with the most grateful feelings for
such a proud memorial of your estéem, I must entreat
you to cancel the resolution relative to a pecuniary sub-
scription. Economy, and arrangements I have no doubt
of making, will afford me ample means to counteract
inconveniences to which my family might otherwise be
exposed, by a confiscation of military income and of
the capital vested in the commissions. I have gentlemen,
I assure you, no fear that your bounty would prove any
shackle on that independence of action which it is more
than ever necessary for your interests I should maintain;
but I could not without an abuse of your generous friend-
ship, permit the proposed sacrifices in my favour. I re-
main, gentlemen, with grateful sence of obligation,
"Your obedient servant,
"R. T. WILSON."
"Paris, Sept. 30, 1821."
Mr. Alderman Wood then again enforced the propri-
ety of proceeding with the subscription. It had been
asserted that the sums already subscribed were fictitious.
This was not true He himself, if it was proper in him
to do it, could name one of the subscribers for 5001. He
had received communications from various quarters,
showing the state of the public feelings on the subject
of Sir Robert's treatment, one of which, dated "Ciren-
cester, October 8, 1821," and signed Richare Hawkins,
was handed to the Chairman, and read to the meeting.


THE WARNING VOICE.
83
-
The assembly was then addressed by Mr. Ryland, who
concluded by moving Resolutions to the following effect.
Resolved, That without questioning his Majesty's
prerogative to dismiss officers from his service, we cannot
but view, with great sorrow, the late exercise of it in the
person of our respected, honorable, and gallant represen-
tative, Sir Robert Wilson; nor can we but feel that the
advice given by his Majesty's confidential advisers to
that effect, was intended more to punish an opposer of
their measures, and a supporter of the late ever-to-be-
Jamented Queen, than for the benefit of the public service.
Nor can we consider that advice upon any ground to be
just, without an opportunity having been given for his
defence, tending, as it has, to deprive Sir Robert Wilson
of his commission, for which he paid upwards of £5000,
and after having rendered the most eminent services to
his country for nearly twenty-five years, during the
most eventful period of our history.
Resolved, That in order to send forth the opinions
of the electors of Southwark, of the manliness, humanity,
and independence of Sir Robert Wilson, and their ab-
horrence of persecution in every shape, it is expedient
that a public subscription be immediately entered into,
in order to indemnify him for the pecuniary loss the late
measure is calculated to occasion, and to prove to the
world that his constituents and the people of England
do (even in these times) protest against arbitrary power,
and will support an injured and high-minded individual.
Resolved. That it is highly expedient to invite a pub-
i meeting of the independent citizens of London, and
such noblemen and gentlemen of the country as may
feel disposed to attend, as soon as possible, for the purpose
of furthering the objects of this meeting
Then followed the usual resolutions of appointing a
Committee, and enumerating Banking-houses to receive
subscriptions, as well as thanking the Lord Mayor, for
granting the use of the Town-Ball, and the Editors of
the Times, the Traveller, and other Independent
Journals, for their patriotic exertions in behalf of Sir
Robert Wilson.
Mr Black seconded the resolutions, and reprobated the
dismissal of Sir Robert without inquiry. The first
resolution was then unanimously agreed to.
Mr. Alderman Wood and the Chairman stated that they
had received letters from Sir Robert, intimating his in-
tention of being in London next day. The second
resolution was then unanimously carried, after which
the Chairman read the following letters;-
"Oxford, September 29.
"Sir, -Understanding from the newspapers that the
distinguished General Sir Robert Wilson is dismissed the
service without trial, or even an accuser: nad finding that
the public are proceeding to indemnify that patriotic and
noble-minded gentleman for his pecuniary suffering on
the occasion, may I request you to enter my name for
fifty pounds for the above purpose.'
1
""
I am, Sir, respectfully,
"Your very obedient Servant,
"J. T. BARBER BEAUMONT."
"To G. Weatherstone, Esq, Chairman
of the Southwark Meeting, &c."
"Traveller-Office, 11, Crane-court, Oct, 5,1821.
"Gentlemen,-I have the pleasure of announcing to
you the following subscriptions, which have been for-
warded to the office of the Traveller, in behalf of the
object which you are about to meet to carry into effect.
I beg that they may be announced as coming through
the Editor of the Traveller. As the responsibility which
lies on me as to the application of sums so large as those
which I am authorized to subscribe is considerable, I
have to beg that some banker of the city of London may
be appointed treasurer, into whose hands the £1250
shall be paid forthwith. I have the honor to be gentlemen
your obedient servant,
"THE EDITOR."
"To the Committee for promoting a subscription to
remunerate Sir R. Wilson, &c.
D. (By the Editor of the Traveller)
A. (By the Editor of the Traveller)
B. (By the Editor of the Traveller)
N. (By the Editor of the Traveller)
.£500
500
50
200
£1250
The remaining resolutions were proposed and carried
unanimously.
The Chairman then announced that the following
sums had been subscribed in the room, viz. Mr.
Williams, £5;" Down with Derry Down," £1. (Laugh-
ter.) To which subscriptions, gentiemen, he continued,
I beg to add my own name for £20. (cheers.)
A resolution of thanks to the Chairman was then
passed, and the Meeting broke up.'
SIR ROBERT WILSON,
No I.
Sir Robert Wilson to the Electors of Southwark.
Gentlemen, I feel it to be my duty to lay before you
copies of the letters which have passed between Lord
Viscount Sidmouth and myself; with an accompanying
memorandum of a conversation with Sir Richard Birnie.
And I have the bonor to be, your most obedient servant,
R. Wilson.
18, Regent-street, Oct, 23, 1821.
3
To the Electors of Southwark,
No. II.
Sir Robert Wilson to the Lord Viscount Sidmouth.
18, Regent-street, October 19, 1821.
My Lord,-Having seen a statement in the newspapers
authenticated by the signature of Mr. Thomas Julion,
clerk to the Magistrates of the Kensington Division of
the county of Middlesex, in which it is asserted that Sir
R. Birnie, one of the said Magistrates, did, at a general
meeting of Justices, held on the 8th of September, 1821,
at the Hammersmith Coffee-house, declare that informa-
tion had been given to him, at Bow-street, upon oath,
that a meeting had been held at the house of Mr. Youde,
at which the plan of interruption to her late Majesty's
funeral was concerted, and that I had attended the
meeting, I have to request that your Lordship will be


84
THE WARNING VOICE.
|
pleased to direct a copy of such information upon oath
to be delivered to me, that I may be enabled to institute
a prosecution for perjury against the person so swearing.
I have the honor to be, your Lordship's obedient
R. Wilson.
servant,
To the Lord Viscount Sidmouth.
No. III.
The Lord Viscount Sidmouth to Sir Robert Wilson:
Whitehall, Oct. 19, 1821.
Sir, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
this day, referring to a statement in the newspapers, that
Sir Richard Birnie had declared at a general meeting of
Magistrates, that information had been given him, on
oath, that you had attended a certain meeting, at which
the plan for interrupting her late Majesty's funeral was
concerted; and requesting me to direct a copy of such
information upon oath to be delivered to you, that you
might be enabled to prosecute the informant for perjury.
In reply to this request, I have only to observe, that if
any such information does exist in the hands of a magis-
trate, it does not appear to me that I am the proper chan-
nel through which an application for its production
should be made.
I have the honor to be,
Your most obedient and humble servant,
To Sir R. Wilson.
SIDMOUTH.
No. IV.
Minute of a Conversation between Sir R. Wilson and
Sir R. Birnie.
On the receipt of Lord Sidmouth's letter, Sir R. Wilson
addressed a letter to Sir R. Birnie for a copy of the
deposition on oath, assigning also the motive of the
request.
The letter was sent on the 20th On the 22d Sir R.
Birnie sent a note to Sir R. Wilson, stating he had been
absent attending the funeral of a friend in the country,
and requesting Sir R. Wilson to call upon him, when he
would give him the information he required.
Sir R. Wilson having waited on Sir R. Birnie the same
day, with Mr. William Lambton, and renewed his
demand for a copy of the information on oath, Sir Richard
informed Sir R. Wilson that no information in writing
had been taken; that the information was a verbal one,
founded upon a report at the Freemasons Tavern of a
meeting having been held at Hammersmith, at which an
officer had been present; but that, on the examination
of the Tavern keeper at Hammersmith, Mr, Youde, all
the magistrates were satisfied Sir R. Wilson had never
been in the house."*
R. Wilson.
The above minute was shown to Sir R. Birnie, and
received his sanction.
***
1.
No. V.(Second Series No. 1)
Sir Robert Wilson to the Lord Viscount Sidmouth.
18, Regent-street, Oet. 22, 1821.
My Lord, Having received information that a
deposition upon oath exists in the Home Department, of
my having been seen, on Tuesday the 14th of August,
on horseback, with a porter pot in my hand, encouraging
the populace to pull up the pavement, and oppose impe-
diments to the funeral procession of her late Majesty, I
have the honor to request your Lordship will be pleased
to direct a copy of such deposition to be delivered to
me, that I may institute a prosecution for perjury against
the person so swearing.
I have the honor to be,
Your Lordship's most obedien humble servant,
To Lord Viscount Sidmouth.
R. WILSON.
No. VI. (Second Series-No. H.)
The Lord Viscount Sidmouth to Sir Robert Wilson.
Whitehall, Oct. 23, 1821.
Sir, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
of yesterday's date, in which you state that you have
received information that a deposition upon oath exists
in the Home Office, of your having been seen on horse-
back, on Tuesday, the 14th of August, with a porter pot
in your hand, encouraging the populace to pull up the
pavement, and oppose impediments to the funeral pro-
cession of her late Majesty; and you therefore request
that I will direct a copy of such deposition to be delivered
to you, that you may institute a prosecution against the
person so swearing, for perjury; and I have the honor
to acquaint you in reply, that I should not think myself
justified in giving the directions for which you have
applied.
I have the honor to be, 'Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
To Sir Robert Wilson.
Sidmouth.
Sir Robert Wilson.
On Thursday the 8th inst. Sir Robert Wilson, who
has been some time on a visit at Lambton-Hall, passed
through Newcastle, in company with Mr Lambton, for
Howick, the seat of Earl Grey. On their arrival at the
Queen's Head Inn, Morpeth, Sir Robert was cordially
greeted by the welcome cheers of the inhabitants, who
had assembled in great numbers to obtain a sight of the
gallant General. The populace took the horses from the
carriage, and drew him through the town, amidst the
reiterated plaudits of the people.-Before the horses
were again put to, he ascended the carriage, and spoke
to the following effect:-
"Gentlemen,-It is a great satisfaction to me, that
travelling in company with my honorable friend, Mr.
Lambton, on a visit to one of the greatest and most
patriotic noblemen of the kingdom, Earl Grey, (applause)
I should be honored with this proof of your approbation.
I feel proud-but, permit me to say proud, not as an
individual, anxious to advance his own honor, but as a
member of the great community; because I perceive in
your present conduct, that you think as Englishmen, that
it is impossible to offer injury to one limb of the body
politic without affecting the safety of the whole-
(applause). I have been ruined in my profession, deprived
cated -and it remains for me to inquire, and for you to
of the means of my bread, my property has been confis-
ascertain the cause-(cries of "shame, shame," "no
cause," none.")-If such things are permitted, there
is an end of all justice in this land of freedom and of
equity. All I demand is trial and only so far I beg of you
to go with me, we will, we will. I court the penalties of the


THE WARNING VOICE.
85:
law if I am found guilty-I say, I court the penalties, but,
gentlemen, I feel assured, that if brought to trial, there is
not a manly and independent Englishman, there is not an
officer of humanity in the service, not an officer anxious
for his own personal honour, not an officer jealous
of military discipline, that will not be forced to give
me a verdict of acquittal-(applause), I repeat that I
court inquiry! I demand trial! There is no man a greater
friend to the laws, no man a greater friend to the govern-
ment of justice than I. I declare myself unconscious of
offence and yet, without the slightest investigation,
without the least authorised allegation of crime, I am
injured in my rights as a soldier and as a citizen. If such
things continue, if ministers have power to make the
servants of the public the victims of their caprice, where
is the use of any code of any civil or of military law?
The army will no longer be distinguished for officers of
feeling, justice, and knowledge, but it must become the
tyrannical instrument of despotic authority. Gentlemen,
I will not detain you longer; Lam highly gratified with
your flattering testimony, the more so, as the people of
Morpeth are distinguished, have long been distinguished
for their exertions in the cause of constitutional reform;
and, gentlemen, I entreat you to stand firm, let nothing
daunt you, let no steps of arbitrary power check you in
your course, and I do not despair of being able to congra-
tulate you on the attainment of a great and decisive
victory." (Loud Cheers.)
Since our last the following additional subscriptions
have been announced to indemnify Sir R. Wilson:-
£. S.
Charles Blundell, Esq. of Ince, Lancashire, to
testify his respect for Sir Robt. Wilson's
character as a soldier, and for the gallant
humanity of his conduct in the affair of
Lavalette....
Duke of Hamilton
......... ..... .....
Whichcote Turner, Esq. late 3d Dragoons
Lord Visc Clifton, M P....
......
...
J. Grigby, Esq. Drinkston Woolpit, Suffolk,
Dr. Fenwick, Durham,.....…………..
Manchester 2d Subs....
………..
Leighton, buzzard, 1st Subs
Dr. Chomeley, 35, New Bridge-street.....
S. & M, Borough,
....
A Friend, per G. W
.......
And many other smaller subscriptions.
100 0
100 0
26 5
500
10 0
10 O
97 4
8 2
5 5
55
consideration that the distinguished General, Sir Robert;
Wilson, a worthy Member of the House of Commons of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, always
humane, always generous, always firm in his principles
of honor and justice, has defended, with his intrepid
eloquence, the rights of humanity, and particularly.
those of this people, alternately victorious and unfortu
nate in the course of its heroic contest-Resolves, that
the Executive Power, in the name of the Republic,
present to General Sir Robert Wilson, the most
affectionate thanks for the distinguished efforts with
which he has promoted and advocated, in the British
Parliament, the cause of our happy independence.
"Given in the General Congress at the city of the
Rosary of Cucuta, the 14th October, 1821.
(Signed) "The President of the Congress,
JOSEF J. MARQUEZ.:
"The Deputy and Secretary,
MIGUEL SANTA MARIA,
"The Deputy and Secretary,
"FRANCISCO SOTO."
Which Decree I have the honor of communicating to
your Excellency, with the Expression of my personal
satisfaction; and the President of the Republic, who is at
present in campaign, will offer to you, conformably to
the disposition of the Congress, the homage of the feelings
of gratitude of the Columbian people.
I avail myself of this occasion to manifest to your
Excellency the high consideration and respect with
which I am,
Honorable Sir, your obedient humble servant,
Paris, Jan. 28, 1822.
F. A. ZEA..
To the Hon. Sir R. Wilson, &c. &c. &c.
Sir Robert Wilson.
We have waited anxiously for several weeks to hear
the real grounds of Sir Robert Wilson's dismission from
the army. Although an act of this arbitrary nature has
probably been resolved upon in some place still
narrower than the council-chamber, and though it was
not thought fit to assign any reason to the dismissed
officer or to the public, it almost always happens in
such cases that the secret creeps about the court, then
circulates in the ministerial circles, and that the real
ground of the defence of ministers is communicated to
the journals under their patronage, which, as avant-
couriers to the ministers in Parliament, dress it up with
the best of their abilities, and give the cue to all tories
and ministerialists throughout the land.
But no
journal, however well informed, nor any court news-
monger, however lynx-eyed, has discovered any cause
whatsoever for the dismission of Sir Robert Wilson.
Immediately after the announcement of the fact, certain
journalists informed us that Sir Robert had committed
some heinous crime; they stated that he himself must
be perfectly acquainted with it, and would feel no
surprise at the consequence; and they intimated that
they would be able to disclose to us the mystery in a
few days. None of them-not one-so much as thought
of attributing Sir Robert's dismission to his mere
attendance at the funeral, or to his general political
"The General Congress of Columbia, taking into conduct. They expected some important disclosure,
Sir Robert Wilson.
The following is a copy of the communication of the
Envoy of the Republic of Columbia to Sir Robert Wilson,
with the thanks of that Republic for his efforts in their
cause:-
Most Honorable Sir-The Sovereign Congress of the
Republic of Columbia, which I have the honor of
representing in Europe, uniting its wishes to the opinion
of the human kind in favour of your Excellency, has
commanded me to forward the following
DECREE.
2


86
THE WARNING VOICE.
་
and Instructed us to wait for it, till they had "something
more to say on the subject." We have waited for the
space of nearly two months, and what now? Why,
now Sir Robert Wilson has come home, has demanded
a trial and been refused; has inquired for accusers and
an accusation, and none appear; has denied every
probable charge, and exposed every paltry lie and
calumny has presented himself at the barracks, at
Whitehall, and in Bow-Street, and can hear of no
charge except such as are already disbelieved and
exploded;-while the court newsmongers shake their
heads in hopeless ignorance, and the hireling journal-
ists, long dumb-founded, begin to summon up their wits
and impudence for some general imputation or vague
charge against the gallant hero. Such are the facts,
and how much do they not speak for Sir Robert Wilson!
They in reality amount to an acknowledgment, on the
part of the ministerialists, that his public conduct has
afforded no ground for dismission. Now, however,
that there seems no pretence for believing Sir Robert
to have committed any act unworthy of an officer or a
gentleman, during his attendance at the Queen's
funeral, the Tory journals urge two reasons, either of
which they contend is sufficient, as a justification of the
treatment he has received. One of these is Sir Robert
Wilson's conduct in aiding the escape of Lavalette;
the other is his attendance at the Queen's funeral.
The former must be admitted to have all the merit of
antiquity, and to be worthy of discovery by some inha-
bitant of Grab-Street. It is singular that Sir Robert
should be dismissed in 1821 for an act committed in
1815; more especially as all Europe acknowledged that
act to be generous and noble, if indiscreet, as the
French King showed that he thought him unworthy of
punishment by offering to release him, as the Prince
Regent of England declared the same real sentiment by
supporting his family, and as the man whom he assisted
to escape now lives at Paris by permission of the very
government that condemned him. But it is worthy of
the malignant traducers of the Queen of England to
censure Sir Robert for not throwing back the intended
victim of party rage, during a national convulsion,
upon the guillotine from which he had escaped, and
for not breaking the heart of his noble wife, who had
devoted herslf to procure his safety. The other ground
on which the ministerial writers attempt to justify Sir
Robert's dismission is-his attendance at the Queen's
funeral. There is something so outrageous in the idea
of discarding an officer because he mourned for the
consort of his sovereign, that these writers themselves
dare not state the thing broadly; and in endeavouring
to hide their wickedness, they become exceedingly
ridiculous. The Courier asserts that Sir Robert Wilson
passively sanctioned the riotous and treasonable oppo-
sition to government by attending at the Queen's
funeral! and that this conduct fully justifies his
dismission from the army! If the Courier wrote for
idiots, it could say nothing more irrational. Excuses
like these we only notice, in order to show that no
justification has been or can be offered for the dismission
of Sir Robert Wilson. We never knew a clearer case.
Ministers have no charge against him that they dare
uage, or we should have heard it long ago. Our
readers will be at no loss to infer the actual reason of
his dismission; but we have expressed ourselves too
strongly upon its baseness to mention it in terms.
the meantime we perceive with great pleasure the
extraordinary progress of the subscription in Sir Robert
Wilson's favor. It already exceeds six thousand
pounds, and it is supported by men whose countenance
would honor any cause. We rejoice to see that the
Whig nobility regard this as a national affair, and tender
their munificent subscriptions, less in aid of Sir Robert
Wilson, (however high character), than in support of
the constitution and freedom of the country. This
feeling, we are persuaded, is as extensive as was the
sympathy for our lamented Queen; and so it ought to
be, for if every military officer were, like every civil
functionary, dependent for his bread on the nod of the
minister, it would be a farce to talk any longer of our
free constitution; the influence of the crown would be
all but omnipotent, and, with the forms of liberty, we
should suffer the reality of a despotism.
Leeds Mercury.
Meeting to Promote Subscriptions for Sir Robert
Wilson, at the London Tavern.
On Thursday the 25th ult. pursuant to notice, a
meeting was held at the City of London Tavern, in
Bishopsgate-street, for the purpose of entering into
subscriptions, appointing a committee to appropriate the
funds already collected, and taking other steps connected
with the dismissal of Sir Robert Wilson from the army.
The meeting was most respectably attended, and, long
before the time appointed for taking the chair, the great
room of the tavern was completely thronged with
citizens; amongst whom were to be seen some of the
most leading men in the city.
At a quarter past one o'clock, John George Lambton,
Esp. M. P. preceded by the gentlemen of the Southwark
Committee, entered the room, and was received with the
loudest acclamations. The Hon. Member was accom-
panied by the Hon. H. G. Bennett, M. P. Mr. Ellice,
M. P. Mr. Hume, M. P. Dr. Lushington, M. P. and
several other respectable gentlemen.
Mr. Favell having then moved that Mr. Lambton do
take the chair,
Mr. Lambton rose to address the meeting. He said,
he had felt it a sacred and imperative duty to comply
with the invitation conveyed to him by the very respect-
able Committee of Southwark to attend the meeting
this day; and he assured them that no consideration of
personal inconvenience could avail to abate his zeal in the
cause of justice, or from using his best endeavours to
second the wishes of so respectable a body of the inhabi-
tants of this great metropolis (applause) Before however
entering upon the subject for which they were met that
day, he begged to say a word in explanation of the line
of conduct which he had followed hitherto in promoting
the subscription for Sir Robert Wilson.-He wished them
to believe that his not giving his name openly in the
first instance as a subscriber did not arise from auy
indisposition on his part that publicity should be given
to the transaction, but merely because he thought that,


THE WARNING VOICE.
87
Thanks J
being personally the [friend of the gallant General, it
would be more proper that the subscription should begin
with his constituents; and that, whilst he showed that he
was ready to come forward and display his feelings
respecting the shameful act which had been committed
against Sir Robert Wilson, at the same time he did not
like to take the lead in any line of conduct which the
public might think proper to pursue. These were the
These were the
feelings under which he acted; and he was glad, on this
occasion, to have an opportunity of avowing them to the
world. But he should be permitted to say this was not
the cause of an individual—it was not the cause of Sir
Robert Wilson alone-it was the national cause (loud
cheers). For if the dangerous precedent was once
established that an armed soldiery could with impunity
overawe the people, there was then an end to all liberty.
If we were to be told that the only qualification for
gentlemen entering the army was, that they should be
blindly obedient to the whims and caprices of the
Minister, and that they were in fine, utterly to repounce
all patriotic feeling, and give loose to every savage
propensity of our nature, then was this country no longer
the boasted land of liberty or of law (cheers). But he
was sure this doctrine would not gain ground; for
amongst the loudest supporters of Government-the
veriest admirers of tyranny, or the worst of Tories,
there would be some found to spurn at it, and who
would forbid their sons to wear the badge of despotism
in the service of the ministers. He found great diffi.
culty in accounting for the grounds on which the
Government had acted in the case of Sir Robert
Wilson. They had not shown a single reason for
their conduct, (a voice in the crowd having said
"they could not)." He (Mr. L.) knew they could
not, and he now pledged himself that they never would
be able to do so. He had an opportunity of seeing all
that Sir Robert Wilson did and said on the day of the
Queen's funeral, and he pledged his character that all
that ministers had heard, or pretended they heard,
respecting that conduct, were false and unfounded
calumnies. (Loud cheers.) He pledged himself, that
on that occasion Sir Robert Wilson exerted himself,
not only with the greatest humanity to prevent the
effusion of human blood, but that his conduct was in
every respect regulated with regard to the discipline of
that army to which he belonged. He (Mr. L.) knew
that the magistrates allowed they were indebted to Sir
Robert Wilson's exertions for the order which pre-
vailed, and that they avowed that had it not been for
him, more innocent blood would have been shed on
that eventful day, when two innocent men were
murdered. But in the absence of any reason to
justify the conduct of ministers in this affair, there was
no great difficulty in guessing what were their motives
-the mean and petty motives by which they were
privately actuated. Sir Robert Wilson had been too
long known for his independent principles. The man
who said that "war was not made to gratify the lust of
rulers, but to promote the happiness of mankind”—he
who bravely stepped forward to shelter an injured,
helpless, and slandered woman, became thereby ob-
noxious to masters who drowned their guilt in their
efforts to disgrace him. (Cheers.) He (Mr. L.)
(Cheers.) He (Mr. L.)
begged of them to remark the slow but sure progress
which the military system was making amongst us. In
the first place the soldiers were shut up in fortresses, hav-
ing no communication with their fellow-citizens, and were
taught to believe that they had interests distinct from
the people, and that all their constitutional feelings
must be blunted. And it was lamented to find that in
the same ratio that this system succeeded in deadening
the constitutional feelings of the soldiers, so were their
moral ones also affected, if one was to judge from the
charge of the Chairman at the late Westminster
Sessions, who declared that one-half of those accused
of crime were soldiers, and that those who were sup-
ported in idleness to protect the people, were now
becoming most forward in destroying the peace of
society. It could not be otherwise, for were not the
soldiers always praised when they acted with rigour-
were they not publicly thanked when they cut down
the defenceless people, as at Manchester? And when
a high officer tried to counteract these dispositions and
to allay irritation, was he not removed from the army,
by an attempt the more cruel, as the brave officer was
more at their mercy? (Hear.) Where, he would
ask, was there an instance of military despotism to
compare with this? It was not to be found under the
most iniquitous dispensations of the Spanish Inquisi-
tion-not in the worst of the petty states of Germany,
where the property of the subject was so little protected
by law; and yet the ministers of a constitution King-
(Cheers)-ventured upon it-the chief rulers of Eng-
land, that land of law, dared to do it. But who were
these ministers-were they not the same who employed
Edwards, Oliver, and Castles?-(cheers)-who dis-
missed Lord Fitzwilliam, and thanked the Manchester
magistrates with as little discrimination and justice as
they since discharged Sir R. Wilson? (Loud cheers.)
He had said this was not the cause of an individual, but
a national one. It was not, however, amiss to bring to
mind the merits of the individual through whose sides
the justice of the country was wounded. He (Mr. L.)
would, in a very few words, remind the meeting of the
claims which Sir Robert had upon them. He devoted
29 years of his life to the service of his country in one
of its most arduous departments-the Army. He fought
in every country in the world-in Europe, Asia,
Africa, and America, in the North, South, East, and
West. He had served in the North, Portugal, Spain,
Flanders, Turkey, Italy, and in fact, in almost every
country in Europe. He raised the Lusitanian Legion,
which, it was admitted, was the principal means of
driving the French beyond the Pyrenees, and his
services in the Peninsula had been so often recognized,
that there were letters from all the Chiefs of Spain,
acknowledging the share which he had in driving
the French out of Spain. From that station he was
driven by the meanest jealousy; but he did not mur-
mur. He went thence to a distant part where he
expected the same jealousy would not pursue him. He
was everywhere where energy, activity, and courage
were required-he was ever foremost, except in the
retreat. He deserved and obtained the gratitude of all
the Sovereigns of Europe. The Emperor of Russia,
at the head of his whole army, was pleased to invest
X


88
THE WARNING VOICE.
him with one of his noblest orders-his breast glittered
with military rewards, but not a star was bestowed by
Great-Britain. (Loud cheers.) Should we not look
for some cause to account for the neglect of this brave
and gallant officer by his own country; more especially
when, by the enlargement of the Order of the Bath,
so good an opportunity presented itself? The cause
was to be found in an expression, in a declaration of
the Emperor of Russia at Frankfort, who said to Sir
Robert Wilson, "you told me the truth;" and however
that quality might enhance him with a man whom we
call a barbarian, yet it worked no good for him with
the Ministers at home. They found that Sir Robert
Wilson too often "told the truth," and he was therefore
long marked out for vengeance. But in speaking of
his other qualities, was it necessary to mention his
generous conduct to his fellows in arms his glorious
exertions for Lavalette?-(Loud cheers)-exertions, the
success of which the King of France ought now to be
as much pleased with, as England had reason to boast
of them, and which had been lauded over the whole
world. It was, indeed, the act of a gallant and gene-
rous soldier. Here then was a man that ought not to be
deserted. The strong hand of power was stretched
over him-it had tried to crush him-but if he (Mr. L)
knew England right, it would not let its bravest son be
overpowered, who was also its most constitutional
advocate.-(Loud cheers) Mr. Lambton concluded by
saying that he thought himself called upon to say these
few words, before any gentlemen rose to propose the
Resolutions; but with regard to the fatal day of the
Queen's funeral, he declined touching at all upon that,
(A voice in the room said. "It will speak for itself. ")
Mr. Lambton said he agreed with this gentleman in
thinking that the events of that day would speak for
themselves. He did hope, however, that some notice
would be taken of the proceedings of that day in
Parliament, where they would obtain the proper publicity,
and where, if they did not obtain entire justice-of
which he had no hope-they would at least remain as a
record, to show how much the justice of the country
had been outraged, and its laws disgraced, on the
occasion alluded to. Before he sat down, he had only
to desire of them to hear the Resolutions patiently, and
then offer whatever occurred to them upon them, being
always assured that the meeting which he was then
addressing would be as remarkable for its order as it
was for its respectability (The loudest Cheers.)
-
Mr. Favell then rose, and after an introductory
speech, submitted the following resolutions to the
consideration of the meeting:-
1. That the dismissal of Sir Robert Wilson from the
army, without inquiry, trial, or even the statement of any
charge against him, is a wanton act of arbitrary power,
under the plea of prerogative, a daring inroad on the
principles of the constitution, and a cruel injustice to a
brave, humane, and meritorious officer, whose distin-
guished services to his country and her allies have been
repeatedly and solemnly recognized by every power in
Europe.
avowing their abhorrence of any administration main-
taining a large standing army in time of peace, and
endeavouring to make its officers the mere creatures of
the minister for the time being.
2. That this meeting, as friends of public liberty, and
the constitution of their country, as established at the
Revolution, willingly embrace this opportunity of"
3. That this meeting views with great satisfaction the
manly and liberal manner in which so many of the best
and truest supporters of the liberties of the country have
come forward to unite with their fellow-citizens in
marking their indignation at such an attempt, as equally
dangerous to the constitution and degrading to the army;
threatening the one, with subversion by a military force,
and depriving the other of the noblest birth-right of
Englishmen,-that of freely discussing the measures of
the government under which they live.
4. That the subscription set on foot by Sir R. Wilson's
constituents shall have the best support of this meeting, it
having it for its object to protect Sir R. Wilson against the
effects of ministerial vengeance, and to show to the
world, that as often as the advisers of the Crown shall
contrive the means of oppressing those public men who
support the cause of the people, the people will stand
forward to frustrate all such unworthy attempts.
5. That the whole of the subscription already raised
and to be raised, shall be vested in five trustees, to be by
them disposed of in the way most beneficial to Sir
Robert Wilson and his family.
6. That the Marquis of Tavistock, M. P. Sir Francis
Burdett, Bart. M.P. John George Lambton, Esq. M. P.
Edward Ellice, Esq. M. P. and George Weatherstone,
Esq. be requested to act as such trustees.
7. That the thanks of this meeting are eminently due to
John George Lambton, Esq. M.P. for having originated
this subscription, and for his unwearied zeal in this cause,
particularly for having attended the meeting of this day.
8. That the thanks of this meeting be given to the Mar-
quis of Tavistock, M. P. to Sir Francis Burdett, Bart.
M.P. to John George Lambton, Esq. M.P. to Edward
Ellice, Esq. M.P. and to George Weatherstone, Esq. for
having accepted the office of trustees to the subscription
fund for indemnifying Sir Robert Wilson.
9. That the thanks of this meeting be given to James
Barnett, Esq. for having kindly accepted the office of
treasurer to the said fund.
Mr. Favell then moved the first resolution.
The Hon. H. G. Bennett came forward to second the
Resolution, and was loudly cheered. After entering
into a short account of the military career of Sir Robert
Wilson, he proceeded to state, that from his first entering
into Parliament he (Mr. B.) had a good opportunity of
witnessing the conduct of Sir R. Wilson, having sat
every night with him, and almost always voted with him,
and he was in all respects a friend to the people. Sir
Robert Wilson took a decisive part in the great question
respecting the Queen, and by this conduct he awoke
feelings of which the meeting had seen the effects; but
his great offence in the eyes of Ministers was the last
honor which he wished to pay to this insulted woman;
he had stood by her in her misfortunes, and he wished to
follow her to the grave. He (Mr. B.) had attended on
that occasion as a private individual, and though: his
humanity was not so active as that of Sir R. Wilson in
preventing crime, he saw enough to convince him that
Sir Robert Wilson, had done no more than his duty as


THE WARNING VOICE.
89
a bold and honest man. The Government had made
out no case against the gallant General; they had none
to show, although an engine of theirs had prepared the
country to expect one. They struck the blow before
they suffered the accused to speak. Here was à soldier
of fortune covered with honor-his character was not
attacked; Providence had not made him rich, he had
nothing to look to but his profession, in which he had
invested all his property; and after a life of service, how
was he treated? turned out of the army, and robbed
of his property; and in whose cause was it that he had
put himself forward; it was not in his own, but in that
of the people, in the cause of the hundreds and thousands
who like Honey and Francis went to see the procession
as innocent spectators, and who, but for his humane
exertions, would have been still more exposed to the
sabres and pistols of a soldiery who fired without com-
mand He interfered to check the effusion of blood,
and to tell them what was due to military discipline.
lu a case thus circumstanced, it was the duty of the
community to stand forward as the shield and as the
purse of the person so treated-there was no discredit
in receiving contributions given for such a purpose, and
they would be the last to make the insinuation who had
their hands always in the public purse. Mr. Bennett
concluded a very impressive speech, by recommending
the case of the widows and orphans of the men who lost
their lives on the occasion of the Queens funeral, to the
humane attention of the public.
When Mr. Bennett sat down, two claimants upon the
attention of the meeting suddenly presented themselves;
one of these was the celebrated Gale Jones, who had
contrived to make his way into the midst of this respec-
table assembly, and actually succeeded in getting upon
the table before any one was aware of his presence. It
is needless to say, that the moment he was recognized,
he was compelled to retire, though he afterwards made
some impotent attempts to obtain a hearing. The other
was a meek-looking elderly Quaker gentleman, who
wished to lay before the meeting some chimerical plans,
respecting the slaves at Algiers. He was, however, easily
dissuaded from persevering to disturb the proceedings.
Mr. Lambton then put several of the resolutions from
the chair, which was agreed to unanimously.
Mr. Favell proposed the sixth resolution, which
appointed the Chairman as one of the committee.
Mr. Lambton returned thanks, and said he accepted
the office with great pleasure. He said, that in the
appropriation of the funds, care would be taken that
they should be applied most advantageously for Sir
Robert Wilson's wife and the children, as well as for his
own honor; for the gift was not the less honorable
because it did not come from the Kings and Emperors,
but from his grateful countrymen.-(Loud applause.)
Mr. Favell then proposed the resolution of thanks to
the chairman for his conduct in the chair.
Mr. Hume rose, and was received with loud applause.
He said that he was in great hopes the gratifying
business of the day would have been brought to a conclu-
sion without the necessity of intruding himself upon their
attention; but the call which they had now made upon
him necessarily compelled him to say a few words in
returning thanks for the honor they had conferred upon
1
him. He could assure them that there was no man in the
community more anxious than he was to support with
his utmost power the rights and liberties of Englishmen
(applause). Considering himself as a man (indeed
almost the only one so elected in Scotland) indebted to
the people for the free votes of his constitueuts, he
should feel disgraced if he refrained, upon such an occa-
sion as this, from giving his humble support to the
present object. He entirely approved of the step which
they were about to take, and he hoped that the right
feelings of the country would induce the people from
one end of the kingdom to the other to testify the
universal abhorrence with which they viewed the unjust
and violent act of ministers. Let the people consider
the magnitude of the question which the treatment of
Sir Robert Wilson involved; it affected the situation of
30, 000 officers, for that was the number in the service,
twelve thousand of whom were in the same situation as
Sir R. Wilson, on half-pay. Mr. Hume dwelt with great
force of reasoning of the dangerous effect it would have.
on the liberties of the country, if all the military officers
were to be dependent for their subsistences upon the
caprice of the ministers of the crown. With respect to
the conduct of Sir R. Wilson on the 14th of August, he
could say, that he never left his side for ten minutes
during the whole of that day, and he could positively
declare, that the disgraceful attempts to inculpate him
for conduct imputed to him at Kensington were altoge- :
ther false, and he had no doubt that the other stories
respecting him were equally unfounded. The inquiry.
denied by ministers must ultimately be granted; it was
for the people firmly to make the demand, and ministers
must obey. Reverting to the subscription which it was
the object of the present meeting to promote he hoped
they would, if a surplus eventually appeared, apply it
to the extending of relief to the families of the unfortu
nate persons who were wantonly killed on the 14th of
August. He concluded by entreating the people, from
one end of the kingdom to the other, to call upon Par-
liament to enquire into the whole of the transactions of
the 14th of August.
!
Dr. Lushington and Mr. Ellice severally addressed
the meeting in support of the important object for which
they were assembled. The latter gentleman mentioned
that Sir Robert Wilson was travelling with him, between
Calais and Paris, on the very day that he was sworn to
have attended a meeting at Kensington, to arrange the
obstacles for the Queen's funeral,
The following gentlemen, on the motion of Mr.
Favell, were added to the committee :-
He then moved the following resolution :-
1
Marquis of Tavistock, M.P.
Hon. H. G. Bennet, M.P.
Hon. Wm. Powlett, M.P.
J. G. Lambton, Esq. M.P.
Sir F. Burdett, Bart. M.P.
Dr. Lushington, M.P.
Edward Ellice, Esq. M.P.
Joseph Hume, Esq. M.P.
J. C. Hobhouse, Esq. M.P.
A. W. Robarts, Esq. M.P.
J. B. Monck, Esq. M.P.
.fl
"
L
John Tennant, Esq.
John Christie, Esq,
Thos. Wishart, Esq.f
James Barnett, Esq. i
Geo: Fitch, Esq."'
Thomas Glover, Esq.
-Martineau, Esq.
Richard Taylor, Esq-
Charles Hoppe, Esq.
John Wilson, Esq...
Joseph Todd, Esq.


90
THE WARNING VOICE.
}
T. B, Beaumont, Esq.
Samuel Favell, Esq.
J. Morrison, Esq.
Francis Place, Esq.
1
Richard Lilwall, Esq.
Alfred Thorpe, Esq.
J. Blacket, Esq.
It was put from the Chair, and carried unanimously.
Mr. Lambton said, that the next resolution which he
had to put to them, he put with the greatest pleasure,
I have only to add, that upon future occasions, I shall
be most happy to bring your name under the Prince
Regent's consideration, not only for professional distinc-
tion, but as a candidate for the command of a cavalry
regiment.
I am, Sir, yours,
FREDERICK, Commander-in-Chief.
as it contained the name of an illustrious citizen, who Major-General Sir Robert Wilson, &c.
had never in his exertions in behalf of liberty been
daunted by any calumny that had been bestowed upon
him; he meant Mr. Favell (cheers).
11. That the thanks of this meeting be given to
Samuel Favell, Esq and to the Hon. H. G. Bennet, for
the very able manner in which they have moved and
seconded the resolutions of this day. Mr. Favell shortly
returned thanks.
Mr. Lambton said, that he had just received a note
from a gentleman whom he did not know, but wished
to address the meeting. The gentleman must know
that he had no power over the meeting it was for the
meeting to deal with the request as should to them seem
meet. The name of the writer was Gale Jones.
Loud cries of "No, no," succeeded this appeal; and
it would be impossible to describe the decided vehemence
of opposition which ensued. As soon as it had sub-
sided,
Mr. Weatherstone rose, and moved the following
resolution:
12. That the thanks of this meeting be given to J. G.
Lambton, Esq. for his kindness in taking the chair this
day, and for his great impartiality evinced therein, and
for his uniform and steady support of the rights and
liberties of his country.
DOCUMENTS RESPECTING SIR R. WILSON.
.A 1.
}
The Duke of York to Sir Robert Wilson.
Horse-Guards, Jan. 24, 1815.
Sir, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
of the 21st inst, with its inclosures; and in assuring you
of the favorable manner in which I am impressed by the
merit of your zealous and distinguished services, I have
to convey the expression of my regret that the principle
of limitation under which the Order of the Bath has been
extended, did not admit of your name being included.
The invidious difficulties which were apprehended as
being likely to arise from a system of individual selec-
tion, upon the first establishment of a distinction which
necessarily possessed a limitation, rendered it expedient
that a line should be drawn to guide the decision, where
so wide a field of merit was brought under the Prince
Regent's consideration..
This limited line did not embrace a period when you
were materially employed with the British army; and
having by your distinguished conduct obtained the
honors and distinctions of all the foreign armies with
which you have so eminently served, I felt comparatively
satisfied, under the impression that, in your case, the
nature of the principle adopted would be apparent to
yourself and your friends.
FROM THE EMPEROR ALEXANDER.
(Translated Copy.)
General Wilson,-At the moment when a new des-
tiuation requires you to leave those armies where I have
so often had the opportunity to witness in person, and
to render justice to your zeal and distinguished valour,
I am desirous of giving you a further proof of my
satisfaction, by decorating you with the accompanying
insignia of my Order of St. Anne of the first class.
The brave men with whom you have so often fought
will regret your absence. For my own part I shall
never cease to remember your courage and indefatigable
exertions, and shall witness with pleasure (should cir-
cumstances permit it) your return among your old fellow
soldiers.
ALEXANDER.
(Signed)
Presburg, 24th Dec. 1813. (5th Jan. 1814.)
(COPY.)
Langres, Feb. 2, 1814.
Sir,-You will perceive by the inclosed letter that his
Royal Highness the Prince Regent has been graciously
pleased to permit you to accept and wear the Com-
mander's Cross of the Order of Maria Theresa, conferred
on you by his Imperial Majesty. I experience great
satisfaction in conveying to you the knowledge of this
permission; the honor, rare and valuable as it is, you
have nobly merited; and although it is not easy to
possess a title to any higher distinction, yet I feel con-
fident that it will not be long before I have to acknow-
ledge, in common with all who are acquainted with the
real nature of your services, the justice of your claims
even to additional honor and reward.
I am, with great truth, Sir,
Your most obedient humble Servant,
(Signed)
ABERDEEN.
To Major-General Sir Robert Wilson, K.M.T. &c. &c.
LETTER FROM PRINCE METTERNICH.
(Translated Copy.)
Generál,-I experience the greatest pleasure in being
authorised to acquaint you that his Majesty the Emperor,
desirous of giving you an especial proof of the esteem
with which you have inspired him, as well by your
military services, as by your upright conduct during
your residence at his head-quarters (your departure
from which his Imperial Majesty contemplates with
regret), has been pleased to confer upon you the Cross
of a Commander of his Order of Maria Theresa.
Required by my situation as Chancellor of this Order,
I transmit to you his insignia of it, I at the same time
congratulate myself in having the opportunity to repeat


THE WARNING VOICE.
91
those expressions of friendship and attachment which
I have so long entertained for you; which are fully
participated in by the army that has so often witnessed
your brilliant behaviour, and not less so by such of my
countrymen as have had the means of appreciating
duly the qualities of your heart.
Receive, my dear General, the assurances of my great
and inviolable regard.
PRINCE METTERNICH.
Fribourg, 4th Jan, 1814.
Dismissal of Sir Robert Wilson.
Sir R. WILSON addressed the House of Commons,
and commenced by saying that were the object of the
motion he was about to submit limited to matters of a
private nature, or only personal to himself, deeply as
he felt the outrage committed upon him, still he would
not break silence; but knowing this question involved
others of the utmost importance to the public, he
should render himself subject to the reproach of
dereliction of his duty, were he to remain silent.
Fully impressed with the arduous nature of that duty,
still he felt that the happiest moment of his life, when
he could, in the face of his adversaries and of all
Europe, redeem those pledges he had given to his
constituents and the country at large. Circumstanced
Circumstanced
as he was, he felt it unnecessary to claim the attention
or indulgence of a British House of Commons. On
giving notice of the motion, he had asked the noble
Marquis, was it the intention of his Majesty's Ministers
to oppose the production of the papers connected with
Lis (Sir R. W.'s) removal from the army. He had
flattered himself the noble Marquis would have aban-
doned that silence which he must call unjust, ungene-
rous, and unmanly; and that every facility would have
been afforded him to trace to their source the causes of
that measure under which he had suffered. He had
flattered and consoled himself under the various
reports by which his character had been assailed, that
immediately on the opening of Parliament the grounds
of his dismissal would have been brought forward and
openly stated. He had thought that the recent
expressions of a noble Baron in the other House (we
believe Lord Eldon) would have been attended to.
That noble person's words on the occasion he alluded
to were--" God forbid that I should live to see the day
when any arraigned individual should be kept in
ignorance of the charge imputed to him, or that his
Majesty's Government should be capable of suppressing
evidence necessary for the exculpation or justification
of that individual." (Hear, hear.) Was this England,
when by ex-parte evidence a man was condemned and
punished without the possibility of appeal or redress? He
did not mean to (question the right of the Crown to
dismiss its servants, but he reserved to himself the right
of showing on a future occasion, that this exercise of
that right was a violation of the constitution, and a
departure from military law. He would prove that it
was incompatible with the rights of officers, and the
safety of Englishmen. Were the prerogative to be thus
exercised, its effect would be to disqualify Military
Officers from sitting in that House. What officer
could honestly discharge his duty to his constituents
with the fear of dismissal from the army hanging over
his head? It was a power that ought never to be used
arbitrarily, to the destruction of the individual and
to the prejudice of the public welfare. The question
he was propounding could not be considered as
trenching upon the royal prerogative. There was a
time when that was a practice in England which was
now sought to be established in many other countries
of Europe. When the maxim was received and acted
upon that it was equally blasphemous and atheistical to
say that the King could do wrong as that the Divine
Revelations contained in the Scriptures were untrue-
"E Deo Rex Rege Lex"-when lawyers and even
judges on the bench could be found to declare that for
questioning the royal prerogative a man ought to be
hanged up, it was contended that because the King had
the power to pardon he had also the power to punish.
But the Revolution of 1688 taught a different lesson.
The Constitution then established declared that the
prerogative cannot be stretched in this country to the
power of doing wrong. The King's prerogative was a
power that must be executed for the public good.-
Before entering into any observations on the conduct
of his Majesty's Ministers, he begged the House first to
consider the peculiar character and circumstances of the
individual who had been treated in this manner. That
individual was an officer of twenty-nine years standing;
an officer who, even though it were not in his power to
produce proof of meritorious service with respect to his
own country, had still received from the Government
of another, such testimonials as entitled him to some
consideration in that profession to which he had the
honor of belonging-an officer whose exertions, for
many years, were directed to the support of liberty in
every country where he thought those exertions could
be of any service-an officer who was also a Member of
Parliament, and who, in that capacity, conscientiously
opposed his Majesty's Ministers, from a firm conviction
that the line of policy they pursued was destructive of
public happiness, injurious to the best interests of the
State, and calculated to introduce a violent system of
Government-from a conviction that they were equally
enemies to the liberties of their own country and to the
general liberties of mankind. Had this officer no
complaint to make on account of the manner of his
removal? Was there not fair grounds for inferring-
was it rather not perfectly evident-that his Majesty's
Ministers had been induced to give such advice to their
Sovereign from some morbid resentment, or for the
indulgence of some violent party feeling? If such were
not the case, for what reason was it that he had been
thus, without trial or inquiry, deprived of his rank, and
the property he had vested in his commissions thus
confiscated. Upon this subject a mistake had gone
abroad which he was desirous to remove.
It was sup-
posed that he had not lost the property thus vested.
To make this matter clear, it would be sufficient to read
an extract from the regulations made by the commander-
in-chief, in 1813, with respect to Major-Generals being
Lieut.-Colonels of cavalry regiments. By those regula-
tions it was provided, that to render the Commanding
Officers of cavalry regiments, who were General Officers,
more efficient, they should be allowed to retire on the full
Y


THE WARNING VOICE.
pay of Lieutenant-Colonels, or to sell (here Sir R Wilson
read the extract) out on the full pay at a regulated
price. Why then, he would ask, was this officer
cashiered? Why was a punishment inflicted upon him,
which, in the military code was considered next in
gradation to that of death? His circumstances were
not unknown. They who thus deprived him of a great
part of the resources which alone he possessed, were
no strangers to his situation. They were well aware
that he could not be deprived of such a portion of the
income he possessed without great inconvenience to
himself and his family. Was he not warranted to
conclude that it was done with a hope of obliging him
to resign his seat in Parliament, and to take refuge in
some foreign country? There was one circum-
stance he could not help noticing-a circumstance
which he thought would appeal strongly to the
sympathy as well as to the justice of the house.--
It was notorious that more than one member of his
family had been afflicted with one of the most serious of
all human calamities, and were suffering under it at the
time his Majesty's Ministers thought proper to advise
the Crown to deprive him of his commission. When
such a thing was done under such circumstances, the
natural inference to be drawn was,that such punishment
would never have been inflicted without trial or inquiry,
unless there had been a degree of guilt which it was
mercy towards the individual to conceal. He knew a
number of officers in France who every where said, that
his removal without trial would never have taken place
were it not from a conviction that trial, if gone into,
would have been the means of entailing on his family
greater pain, greater suffering, greater calamity. Hard-
ly a day passed in which, for a considerable time, he was
not made the subject of attack in some of the public
prints-libels were poured upon him from various quar-
ters-and it was inferred, in no obscure language, but
in plain and direct terms, that he had been deprived of
his commission for no other reason than because he had
previously so much degraded himself as to be rendered
totally unworthy of it. Was this a situation to which
an officer ought to be reduced, without proof or inquiry,
without any charge made, of course without any oppor-
tunity of defence? Was it a situation in which any man
ought to be placed, under a Government possessing the
smallest claim to liberty, or to common justice?-Would
Ministers deprive him who served his country for so
many years who fought for her in so many battles-
would they refuse him that justice, not denied even
to the most humble individual, that of knowing
the crime with which he was charged, the grounds
on which he was punished, and the evidence on which
that punishment was founded? If Ministers refused him
this justice, he would appeal to the house for it; as le-
gislators, as members of a free country, as men, as gen-
tlemen, he called upon them to do by him as they would
wish their children to be done by. If innocent, he had
a right to be tried: if guilty, the house, the country, the
army, had a right to know the nature of the offence with
which he was charged-(Hear)-that it might serve as
an admonition in future. What was the object of punish-
ment, but example? And where was the example here?
How could it possibly serve in the way of example,
when the nature of the offence was so studiously con-
cealed? This was not justice. It was a little in the
spirit of justice as the mysterious proceedings of the
inquisition itself, where punishment was inflicted without
trial or inquiry, without bringing the accused in the
presence of his accusers. (Hear, hear.)-- Even the Turk
himself, when he condemned the unfortunate object of
suspicion to the bow-string, did not conceal the nature
of the charge for which it was applied. The crime was
published by a label affixed to the breast of the con-
demned, and was he to be deprived even of this semblance
of justice? to be condemned and punished without even
a mockery of trial? Such proceedings had a direct
tendency to introduce a military government, for if the
power of punishing in this manner was to be added to
the power of promotion, vested in the Crown, it would
reach such an influence as must render nugatory all the
institutions of their ancestors. He did every thing in
his power to avoid making this appeal to the house; he
applied to the government for a copy of the charges and
proceedings against him, to the Secretary for the Home
Department, to the office of Commander in Chief, but
all to no purpose. He was going to enter upon the
circumstances of the case, and he was fully and
painfully aware of the difficulties he had to contend
with; for he was going to grapple, not with the
charges, for he did not know of any, but with mere
shadows. The truth, the whole truth, and nothing but
the truth, it was his duty to lay before the house; and
this he would do with all its details. There were some
Member in the house who were acquainted with many
of the circumstances he should have occasion to
mention, and whom, therefore, if he should be wrong, he
begged to correct him. On his honor, he would des-
cribe every circumstance that occurred with truth, and
in all its details. It would be necessary for him to ge
back a few days previous to the 14th of August, the day
on which her Majesty's funeral took place, for with the
events of that day his dismissal from the army was
connected. It was on the 9th of August, whilst at the
house of Count Orloff, in Paris, that he was informed by
Sir Charles Stewart, at midnight, that a telegraphic
despatch had arrived announcing the death of the
Queen. This circumstance he mentioned, as a report
had gone abroad that he received the news while sitting
in company with thirty French officers, and used such
language as excited their indignation. He might appeal
to the British Ambassador for the correctness of what
he here stated, who would be able to contradict him if
the fact was not as he represented it. Upon receiving
this inteligence, he determined immediately to return to
England, and the Member for Coventry, who was in
Paris at that time, agreed to leave it in company with
him on the 11th. That hon. Gentleman (Mr. Ellice,
we believe) could assure the house that they were both
ignorant of any other circumstance connected with her
Majesty's decease, except it took place on the 9th.
They travelled all night, and at the second post from
Boulogne met a French courier, from whom they
learned that her Majesty had given orders to have her
remains conveyed to Brunswick. On the 12th he was
informed that the funeral was to take place on the 14th
and wrote to the Member for Ilchester (Dr. Lushing-


THE WARNING VOICE.
93
ton) informing him of his journey, stating that he came
for the purpose of paying the last tribute of respect to
the Queen, and that he was ready to place himself for
that purpose at the disposal of her executors, who, he
supposed were entrusted with the arrangement of the
ceremony. He then sent a letter to his son who had
been Equery to her Majesty, inquiring what ar-
rangements had been made by the executors, and
expressing a wish to have a seat in the mourning
coaches, and to join in the procession. The answer
was, that one of her Majesty's Carriages would be at
Cambridge House, and that he might proceed from
thence to Brandenburgh-House. He did not arrive in
London before two o'clock on the 13th. He found the
carriage was gone, and he therefore went to the house
of Mr. Alderman Wood, who told him he was going to
set out for Brandenburgh House himself, and would
give him a seat in his carriage. The honorable
member for Coventry offered to accompany them, and
to him he would appeal for a confirmation of this
statement. He would appeal to him whether he did not
express a desire to attend the funeral in one of the
mourning coaches. Alderman Wood told him that it
would not be permitted; and he therefore determined
to avoid the pain of refusal. They then proceeded to
They then proceeded to
Brandenburgh House, where he had not the slightest
communication with any individual, except the members
of her Majesty's household, and the executors, who
were occupied in the arrangements of the funeral. He
mentioned this, as a report had gone abroad that plans
were formed at Hammersmith for the purpose of
obstructing the procession, and that he was not ignorant
of them. On leaving Brandenburgh House, he saw the
member for Ilchester, who informed him, that if he
went to the Freemasons' Tavern, he would meet the
member for Aberdeen, (Mr. Hume) who would inform
him at what time the procession would begin to move. He
went to the Freemasons' Tavern, where Mr. Hume had
not arrived. The time he was absent was so very short,
that his rapidity excited the surprise of his brother-in-
law, Lieutenant General Burrowes. He then proceeded
to Brookes's, to see the honorable member for Win-
chelsea, and there Dr. Lushington and Mr. Wylde came
also, some time after eleven o'clock Up to that time no
arrangement had taken place; they did not even know if
the funeral was to take place next day. However, between
five and six o'clock next morning, he proceeded to
Alderman Wood's, and finding that he had gone, went
on to Brandenburgh-house, and on his way overtook
the worthy Alderman. It was necessary for him to
state, that he was mounted on a little chesnut, handsome
horse, of the worthy Alderman's, and not on a tall, grey,
thin one, as was stated in the information which he had
reason to believe was laid before Government. On the
way he had no conversation with any one except
Alderman Wood; there was not the least indication of
any obstacle on the road. They remained at Branden-ped
burgh-house for some time, and during that period had
no conversation with any one except the persons imme-
diately employed about the funeral; indeed, they could
not have any on account of the strictness with which
the police officers kept every body from the door. At
length, at the desire of Dr. Lushington, he and his hon.
Friend come down to be present at his (Dr. L.'s) protest
against the proceedings of the undertaker, and the
demand made for the authority under which he acted.-
Instead of an instrument signed by a Secretary or
Under-Secretary of State, he could show nothing but
the programme of the funeral. However, the executors
did not choose to resist the arrangements of the under-
taker. He (Sir Robert) addressed himself to Sir George
Naylor, who was there, he believed, in some heraldic
character. He said to Sir George, that he and some
of his friends wishing, as much as in them lay, to testify
their respect for the memory of her Majesty, wished, if
it were permitted, to ride by the side of the hearse. The
answer was, that it was contrary to the rules, and that
their proper station was behind the last mourning
coach. This answer he conveyed to his friends; and
accordingly they posted themselvs behind the last
mourning coach. The procession advanced as far as
half-way, near Kensington Church, where it remained
above an hour. A man, who had apparently passed
the line of procession, said that it was obstructed; he
was immediately checked by the Hon. Member for
Shrewsbury. After about half an hour more, he and
his Honourable Friends went on; some of the horsemen
proposed to accompany them, but they would not permit
them to be of the party. They went as far as the head
of the procession, and there he posted himself near the
Blues, and got into conversation with an officer, whose
countenance was familiar to him, but whose name (which
he afterwards found to be Captain Bouverie) he did not
then know. He asked this officer the question, if the
procession was to pass through the City? The officer
replied that he did not know-that he was commanding
a guard of honor, and must be guided entirely by
instructions: he observed, at the same time, that the
people were doing very wrong in obstructing a bag-
gage waggon, which had that morning come from
Windsor. He (Sir Robert) saw that the people were
acting wrong, and accordingly, accompanied by his
Honorable Friend, Mr. Hume, went up to the place,
and, after a little remonstrance, they suffered the horses to
be yoked, and the waggon to proceed. They then returned
to their station in the procession, which now advanced
towards Knightsbridge, until they came to a part of the
road which appeared to him to have a dead wall on one
side. Here a slight halt was made, and some one came
up to him, and seeing he was wet, asked him to have
some refreshment. The procession had not advanced
far, when a gentleman came riding by, from the direction
of Hyde Park corner, and stated that he was authorised
by Sir Robert Baker to state that the procession would
go through the city.
But, to their astonishment, they found on reaching
Hyde-Park corner, that the procession turned up
through the Park. It proceeded rapidly through the
Park, until they reached Stanhope-Gate. He stop-
here, and in a little time saw an honorable
Member of the house, who commanded that day,
riding down, and the instant suggestion was, that he
was going back for more troops. The head of the
procession having passed through Cumberland-Gate, it
appeared to stop, and some confusion ensued. There
was a rush of people, and he (Sir R. Wilson) saw at the
-


94
THE WARNING VOICE.
same time the guards cutting at the people, but was
certain that it was no more than the flourishing of their
swords. A second and a third rush took place. He
then proceeded to the place, and by the time he
arrived there the leading horses of the first coach had
passed the gate, and the hearse surrounded with the
Blues. The Guards were all in disorder and confu-
sion, such as he was in the habit of seeing cavalry
bodies in when suddenly repulsed in the field. He saw
at once that the conduct of the Guards, and their
continued firing, only tended to break the peace.
He addressed himself to one of the parties, and asked
if they had orders to fire? They said they had not,
but that they were exceedingly ill-treated by the
populace. He then rode up to another party, who
made him the same answer. He said to them "Now
that the attacks of the populace are over, now that they
have ceased to throw stones, for God's sake have done!"
One of the men said that the Guards were firing only
blank cartridges. But the fact was otherwise, as but
too well proved. At the moment he was speaking to
the man a shot was fired from behind him which grazed
his cheek so nearly, that he put his hand to feel if any
part of his face was injured. He immediatety turned
round and saw three men in the act of re-loading their
pistols. He addressed them, observing that this was
most disgraceful, that they were soldiers of Waterloo,
and should not disgrace themselves; that they had had
cannon-shots at their heads, and should not mind these
paltry stones. This was all that passed. He was as
cool at the time as he was at that moment-not an oath
had escaped from his lips during the time, so help him
God! At this time he saw a gentleman in coloured
clothes, mounted on a dragoon horse, approach. whom
he immediately took to be the Magistrate. He said to
him, "Sir, you, as a Magistrate ought to have been
here; this is the place for the Magistrate to be." The
Magistrate replied, "I have been occupied in removing
the obstructions to the progress of the funeral, and that
was my place." He (Sir Robert Wilson) observed
that he (the Magistrate) must have been aware of the
disorders which had just taken place at that spot, and
how necessary was his presence in order to check them.
The Magistrate, in answer, made a remark, which
he (Sir Robert Wilson) would much rather hear
repeated by that Gentleman at the bar, In fact
as he would not wish to become the accuser of any
person, he would rather decline repeating that remark
at present. (Cries of" State it.")-At that moment he
saw an officer come up, who he believed was the com-
manding officer, whose name he afterwards discovered
was Major Oakes, to whom he (Sir R. W.) communicated
what took place. This gentleman said he gave no orders
to fire, and distinctly declared that he was sorry the
firing had taken place. He (Sir Robert) then presented
the Magistrate to Major Oakes, who received him with
the usual courtesies and acknowledgments. He repeat-
ed to them the propriety of their remaining near each
other, and how beneficial it would be if they kept
constantly near the men. He ought to say, that the
men generally felt the rebuke, and said let us give up
and form. There was at this time' a considerable pause.
He then represented to Major Oakes that the guards had
*
--
made themselves so obnoxious to the people, that so
long as they accompanied the procession there could
be no expectation of tranquility. He (Major Oakes)
observed, that he and his men had now done the duty
appointed for them, and that it would be no longer
necessary for them to stay, and he would go to the
Commanding Officer for further orders. Seeing that
the Guards were to be drawn off, he (Sir Robert) sug-
gested to Major Oakes that it would be proper for him,
in order to the safety of the soldiers and the preservation
of the peace, to order the men to advance before the
procession, and take the part turning to the right. He
agreed in the propriety of this suggestion. On turning
the corner one of the soldiers was violently struck with
a stone, and he (Sir Robert) must say, that he never saw
a man behave with more temper and forbearance than
the soldier. In fact, up to this time, there was nothing
like that alarming throwing of stones which would
justify the Guards in having recourse to their loaded
pistols. The procession having advanced a little, an
officer, with his men, came up with an order from Lord
Liperpool. He (Sir R.) said to him, as he had only six
men, it might be improper for him to remain with the
procession, and in consequence he did withdraw. After
this some confusion ensued in consequence of one of the
horses becoming entangled in the traces, and some of
the people, taking advantage of the disorder, attempted
to impede the procession. But this attempt he (Sir R.)
laboured, and successfully, to prevent. He then re-
turned to his station in the procession, after having
conversed with Sir Robert Baker, who entirely agreed
with him upon the propriety of what had been done,
and never left that station until the procession arrived
at Ilford. He then returned to town, and could solemnly
say that he took no refreshment except at his own house.
This he was the more anxious to impress on the House,
as he was given to understand that Government were in
possession of information, in which it was stated that he
(Sir Robert) had dined with a certain gentleman, and
after dinner had given a most vulgar, if not a treasonable
toast. He went next day to Colchester, and there he
attended the remains in the capacity of a mourner. Next
morning he proceeded with the funeral to Harwich in
the same carriage with the Member of Ilchester. At
first he paid no attention to the rumours which were in
circulation against him; but on finding them repeated,
he determined on going to Lord Harrington, the Com
mander of the regiment-(a nobleman whose friendship
he had the honor of sharing for many years)-but he
discovered on calling, that he (Lord H.) was not in
town; however he (Sir Robert Wilson) then saw his
son, and requested him to convey to his Noble Father,
the circumstances which he then disclosed to him.
Threats and menaces were then held out against him of
dismissal at one time--of a Court Martial at another
insomuch that he took the advice of his friends as to the
propriety of his making out a statement of the whole
transactions as they occurred. Their advice was, that
no such statement could, with propriety, emanate from
him, especially as two Coroner's inquests were then
sitting, and his own indisposition to become a volunteer
evidence, or any party whatever to the then proceedings.
On the 27th August, the Commander in Chief being at


THE WARNING VOICE.
95
Brighton, he saw Sir Herbert Taylor, and told him he | The answer, however, to that communication was,
(Sir R.) could not go to Brighton without exciting some "that no further step could be taken." Thus, without
attention, and therefore informed Sir H. that, as defa- any circumstantial evidence against him, no opportu-
matory reports were in circulation which might make an nity was afforded for his justification; in fact, it was
unfavorable impression on his Royal Highness, he was manifest that his original condemnation would at all
quite ready to meet them, adding, at the same time, that hazards be maintained. Still he hoped for justice from
as he had left two of his children unsettled at Paris, he his Majesty, and applied to Lord Sidmouth. He stated
should go there; and if he did not hear from his Royal to his Lordship, that he (Sir R. W.) heard information
Highness shortly after, he should consider the matter as was given of his having attended a private meeting, at
requiring no further notice. On the occasion of that which the obstructions were planned; at the same time
visit, a minute was made of what General Taylor said, requesting a copy of such information, in order to
the purport of which was, that as no official communica- bring the party to trial for perjury. To that demand
tion had been made to him on the subject, he must decline the noble Lord replied, that he was not the proper
any further interference. From the 27th August to channel of such a communication. He then went to
the 5th September, he received no communication, and Sir R. Birnie, and after repeated correspondence, that
he immediately returned to Paris. On the 19th Sept. charge was declared to be false before the first meeting
he received a note from the English Ambassador, of magistrates, which took place at Hammersmith.
Lord Stewart, informing him that he (Lord S.) had (Cries of hear.) He had next ascertained that a depo-
had a communication from his Majesty's Ministers sition was given to Government, alleging that he, with
which he wished to impart to him. The next morning a pewter pot in his hand, gave orders for impeding the
he waited on the Ambassador, having learned in the Queen's funeral: but Lord Sidmouth also declined
interim that his dismissal had already appeared in the giving him a copy of that document. Such a conduct
Courier English Paper. On the 20th, in the morning, might be very cousistent with the rules of office, but it
he called on the Ambassador, who gave him a letter must prove extremely painful and severe to individuals
from the Commander-in-Chief, which ran thus- "Sir, to have such depositions lodged at a public office to
I am commanded by his Majesty to acquaint you, that his their prejudice, and not to be able to procure a copy
Majesty has no further occasion for your services." Thus, of them. He now came to the correspondence between
in two lines, was his character stigmatised, his property himself and Major Oakes The gallant General here read
plundered,―(Cries of hear,)-his hopes of further a copy of his letter to the Major, the purport of which was
promotion blasted, and his reputation, as far as it a request, to contradict the statement which appeared
could be, attempted to be stained. This, to be sure, he in some of the papers of the 20th August-detailing
regarded only as an official letter, and not as one which what had passed between them, and stating the call he
conveyed the generous feelings of his Royal Highness. made for an inquiry into his (Sir R. W's) conduct. The
And he took this opportunity of publicly stating his three substantial points of his letter were—first, the
thanks to that Royal personage, for the many, many admission of the Major, that he gave the soldiers no
acts of kindness which he experienced at his hands. orders to fire; secondly the introduction of a magis-
(Hear, hear.) In answer to that letter, he stated that trate to him; and thirdly, his suggestion of that flank
he had purchased his commissions, that he only wished movement which was aftewards made by the Major.
for a trial, and should remain in France until he could The reply of the Major was, his disinclination to be the
receive an answer through the regular military chan- organ of any such public communication-that if he
nels. On the 24th of September he wrote to Major noticed one erroneous rumour, he must notice all, or
Oakes, in consequence of an erroneous statement in that his silence would be construed into an admission of
some of the papers, which appeared to have the sanction their truth-he (Major Oakes) generally declared his
of that gentleman's name. Rather, however, than now ignorance as to the points enumerated, but expressly
read that communication, he should proceed with the admitted that "he gave no orders to fire," that he
correspondence which took place between him, the retired by the flank movement suggested by him (Sir
Commander-in Chief, and the Secretary of State for R. Wilson), that he introduced the Magistrate, saying,
the Home Department. On the 25th of September he "here is the officer," and concluded by the denial of
received a communication from the Commander-in-expressing any regret on the occasion of the firing, but
Chief, in which he was informed, "that his Majesty did that only as far as his recollection went. The letter of
not think proper to comply with his (Sir Robert Major Oakes was perfectly satisfactory to him (Sir R.
Wilson's) request." Immediately after the receipt of Wilson) and having ascertained that Mr. White was the
that letter he set out for England, where he arrived on magistrate whom he had so introduced, he wrote him a
the 7th of October. Still desirous of obtaining justice letter, in which he begged him to state, if "in one
from his Royal Highness and the military authorities, intercourse I did not express my best wishes to
he made another communication to his Royal Highness preserve tranquillity and respect for the laws, and if
the Commander-in-Chief, stating how impossible it must there was any thing in my conduct which was not
be to defend himself against secret charges; denying strictly in unison with that wish?" So far he (Sir R.
the reports in circulation. against him-his liability to W.) had done every thing to challenge a denial of his
be tried by a court-martial before his dismissal and his statement. Mr. White, in his reply, declined saying,
voluntary submission to a military tribunal, as in the any thing, unless necessity obliged him to do so.
case of Lord George Sackville and others, who, on (Loud cries of hear.) Not satisfied with such an
consenting to be so tried, were allowed to abide its result. answer, he wrote the magistrate another letter, com-
Z


96
THE WARNING, VOICE.
1
4
า
plaining of his silence and now, though Mr. White
was so reluctant of saying any thing, he (Sir R. W.)
challenged him to appear in any Court, civil or military
aye, at the bar of that house-(hear, hear,)-and
contradict, if he could, what he had now asserted. He
heard that Mr. White was a man of sense: -a man of
character a man of strong religious feelings, and he
would ask him, fearlessly, if the restoration of peace on
that day was not due to his (Sir Robert Wilson's)
exertions? (Cries of hear, hear.) If Mr. White had
either the feelings of a man or of a gentleman, he now
dared him to deny the facts. Prepared as he was to
prove these facts, he asked what was his offence? Was
it a crime to attend the funeral, of the Queen, and pay
the last tribute of respect to her remains? Was it an
offence to pay respect to the wishes of his constituents,
to act consistently with his own feelings? If he had
shrunk from doing so, he would be that which he
trusted he was not one of the basest men alive. If
that were not his offence, was it the prevention of the
shedding blood? (Hear, hear.) Was it because he
stopped the progress of those intemperate proceedings
which would be equally fatal to the soldiers and the
people? That his whole object was the maintenance of
peace and the support of the law was proved by his
correspondence with Major Oakes; while it was
notorious that to his interference the procession was
allowed to go the proposed route. Was his offence the
language he addressed to the soldiers? That language
made no widows and no orphans,-(hear, hear, and
he was sure the soldiers themselves would thank him
for doing that from which, in other moments, their
better feelings would have shrunk. He could appeal to
the men who served under him-to those military and
official characters with whom he had been for years
engaged, whether in the whole course of his conduct
he had not always consulted the comforts of the one,
and attended strictly to the orders of the other. The
law required all men to protect the public peace; they
became accomplices in riot who did not check it; and
would it be for him who fought so many battles, who
was engaged in so many campaigns, to sit ignomini-
ously on his horse, at the very scene of tumult, and
make no effort when he could to protect the public
peace? Would the House, say there was such a
distance, or rather such a collision, between the civil
and military duty, as that a man who attempted to
restore tranquillity should be punished as a criminal
because he happened to be a register member of the army?
(Hear.) He called upon the house to shelter and pro-
tect him to prove their attachment to the Crown, not
by a blind, unconstitutional, or illegal subserviency, but
by a disposition to maintain the just authority of the law.
He called upon the house to interfere on the present
occasion, and prove to the country, that there was not
that indifference, that want of sympathy, between their
representatives, and the people, which now caused that
cry for reform throughout the land. He always felt a
pride in wearing the British uniform, because it had
been worn by so many brave men-but bravery was not
a common virtue; and he felt a still greater pride in
wearing it, because those who did so, were employed to
protect the laws, and to be protected by them.-(Shouts
of Hear, hear.)-He knew not how the vote of that night
might possibly affect him-but this he knew, that he had
an approving conscience-that he faithfully discharged
his duty-and he was entitled to that redress which he
now sought from a British House of Commons.-(Shouts
of Hear! followed at the conclusion of this speech.)-
The gallant General then moved, that there be laid
before the house a copy of the correspondence which
took place between the Commander-in-Chief, the Secre-
tary of State, and himself, in the months of September
and October last, relative to his removal from the army.
Lord PALMERSTON said, if there were one prero-
gative of the Crown more indisputable than another, it
was that of dismissing any officer without trial-without
assigning any reasons for such dismissal-or without
paying any regard to whether the commissions were or
were not purchased. That prerogative was formed on
the most uninterrupted usage,and had been the practice of
all times-even of those times which the Gentlemen
opposite had often called the best.-There was one fact
to which he could appeal in corroboration of this opinion;
he meant the proceedings of both houses in Parliament
in the year 1734, when bills were tendered to both houses
to restrict that prerogative, but which bills were almost
unanimously rejected. No prerogative was more essen-
tial. Without it would be impossible to preserve the
discipline of the army, either as to its internal subordina-
tion, or the intercourse between the civil and the military
powers. To maintain that officers should only be dis-
missed by officers, would be to create a fourth estate in
the country; and once let the army be made independent
of the Crown, and they would soon be independent of
the Parliament.-(Hear, hear!)-All their annals verified
the fact in letters of blood, and such a doctrine brought
a king to the scaffold, and turned the Parliament out of
doors. (Hear, hear!). He admitted such a prerogative
should only be exercised on the advice of responsible
advisers; but, at the same time, he denied there was any
abuse of it in the present instance. The hon. Member
(Sir R.W.) had said, that he waa dismissed in consequence
of his political conduct, and the fear entertained by
Government of so formidable an antagonist. And he
(Lord P.)could easily understand, that there were many
liberal politicians who believed their adversaries capable
of such meanness; but he could appeal to the general
principles on which the Government acted as the best
refutation of such a charge. Were there not now in the
house persons who took as decided a line of politics as
the hon. Member? Was there not in the house à gallant
officer who represented some scotch Burghs; and if the
politics of gentlemen were thus stated to be the cause
of their dismissal, would that gallant officer have received
pay so long, or would the Government have waited
till August, 1821, to dismiss the honorable Member
himself? It was a direct insult to the Sovereign, that
an officer, decorated with orders, should have remained
so long amongst a mob who were guilty of such illegal
proceedings. (Hear, hear, from the opposition.)-The
statements of the hon. Member committed him. He
stated, that on his arrival at Cumberland-gate, he saw
the Life Guards in disorder, defending their lives against
the attacks of a mob. And what did he do? That
which, as an officer, he knew he ought not to door if


THE WARNING VOICE.
97
he knew it not, he were unfit to hold a commission-
namely, to give orders without being on duty, or acting
under the directions of the civil power. (Hear.)-The
hon. Gentleman must have been aware that his inter-
ference, taking the act merely as it appeared from his
own account, was not such as was becoming the charac-
ter of a British officer. The hon. gentleman had said,
that he told the soldiers that their conduct was dis-
graceful. (Hear, hear, and No, no, from the opposition.)
(Sir R. Wilson said, that his expression was "You will
disgrace yourselves if you continue firing.")-Well, it
was immaterial, for what right had the hon. Member to
take upon himself at that moment to judge of the conduct
of the soldiers? The hon. Member had admitted that
he had not known whether any orders had been given
or not, until he had addressed the officer.-(No, no,
from the opposition.)-The very fact of his having put
the question to the officer, proved that he could not
know at the time whether orders had been given to the
military or not. As a general officer he must have known
that to interfere with an officer or soldier when in the
discharge of orders, was a high breach of military dis-
cipline. He would say, therefore, that to grant the
motion of the hon. Member would be to interfere
directly with the prerogative of the Crown. There had not
been shown, even in the hon. Member's own statement,
the least ground for presuming that that prerogative
had, in the present instance, been improperly exercised;
but there was a sufficient military reason for presuming
that it had been properly exercised, and he hoped that
the house would therefore feel disposed to negative the
hon. Member's proposition..
the trouble, might have found some anterior causes
which would better have accounted for the catastrophe
to which he had alluded. He might have found out,
that one leading cause which brought that unfortunate
Monarch to the scaffold, was the severity with which he
had exercised that prerogative, one branch of which the
noble Lord had just held out to the admiration of the
House. But the noble Lord had said, that his gallant
friend had been in the same train with persons who had
acted illegally. Now the sole object of his gallant friend,
at Cumberland-gate, had been to pacify the irritated
feelings of the soldiers. No man held personal danger
in more contempt than his hon. friend, but he could
properly appreciate his own safety; and when he felt a
ball pass almost close to his face, it was natural for him
to look round. He had done so, and had seen a soldier
reloading his piece, and it was at that period that he had
made the observation to the soldiers, that they would
disgrace themselves if they continued to fire. In making
that appeal he had not assumed the tone of a Commander
he had remonstrated merely in the capacity of a pri-
vate individual. Was there any man in that house who
would not have acted so? Nay, he would put it to the
noble Lord himself, whether he could have witnessed
such a scene, and not have endeavoured to put a stop
to it? It was the brightest praise of his hon. friend,
that, amidst all the horrors of war, he had never suffered
his humanity to lie dormant. It was melancholy that,
the House of Commons should now be called upon to
discuss whether a gallant officer should be punished for
having endeavoured to prevent the murder of his fellow-
subjects. The noble Lord had alluded to the cases of
the Duke of Portland and Lord Cobham, in 1734, as a
justification of the proceedings against his hon. friend,
The protest which upon that occasion had been entered
upon the journals of the House of Lords proved that
there were some Lords at that day who questioned the
propriety of allowing the Crown the exercise of so im-
portant a prerogative. The grounds upon which the
protest had been signed were, "Because they considered
that the power of removing military officers from their
command, without assigning a canse for so doing, was
a measure dangerous to the liberty of the subject; because
the practice had become more frequent in proportion to
the increase of military officers in both Houses of Par-
liament; because they conceived that by the adoption
of this measure it would be in the power of the Crown
to prevent a military Member of either House from
entertaining a free opinion, and exercising an honest
discretion."-This protest had been signed by 36 Peers,
and then, had followed the protest of the two Lords
themselves, which stated that they did not consider that
the loss of their commissions had arisen from any breach
of duty, much less from any want of affection towards
his Majesty's Government.
He felt certain that there was no Gentleman present
who, after hearing the statement of his gallant Friend,
could doubt that he was as guiltless of the charge of
stimulating the populace to commit any outrage upon
the soldiers as any man in that House. It was impossible
that any man could doubt it, convinced as he must be,
after hearing his gallant Friend declare upon his
honor, that he had had no connexion with the
里
​""
1
Mr. LAMBTON began in so low a tone that we could
not distinctly hear his introductory observation. He
had always felt indignant at the treatment which his
gallant friend had received, and he certainly did not
now feel that indignation altered by the tone and manner
of the reply which had been made, and by the sneering
remarks made by the noble Lord, which he thought
conferred little credit upon his own feelings, and augured
ill of the defence which it was the intention of his Ma-
jesty's Ministers to make against the charges of his gallant
friend. The noble Lord had said a great deal respecting
the antiquity of the prerogative, which he (Mr. Lambton)
would, however, venture to deny. In the first place he
would beg the noble Lord to recollect, that in the ancient
days of our history, a standing army had been perfectly
unknown; and secondly, that it was only in the 13th
and 14th of Charles II. that the Parliament had autho-
rised the power of the Crown to dismiss officers at its
pleasure; thereby proving that they had never imagined
that such a prerogative was inherent. If an officer.com-
mitted any military offence, it was the rule of military
discipline to try him by a Court Martial. If, therefore,
his gallant friend had offended, let him be judged by
the usual tribunal in such cases. The noble Lord knew
well that the cause of his gallant friend's dismissal had
not been grounded upon any military offence, but simply
because he had been present at the funeral of her late
Majesty. The noble Lord had also said, that the power
which the army had once assumed was written in letters
of blood, and had formerly brought a Monarch to the
scaffold. But the noble Lord, if he had given himself
"
"


98
THE WARNING VOICE.
multitude-that he had but just arrived from Paris, and
had had no share in the previous arrangements. He had,
from the first expressed a conviction that his gallant Friend
would clear himself from any charge which might be
brought against him. He was now prepared to say,
that his gallant Friend had not only cleared himself,
but that the noble Lord opposite had failed in producing
any ground of accusation. The noble Lord had con-
tented himself with resting merely on the question of
the Royal prerogative. Respecting the line of conduct
pursued towards his gallant friend, he would say, that
from first to last it had been a system of persecution.
He now held in his hand the proof of a circumstance
which showed how far that spirit of persecution would
go. He must however, acknowledge, that he could not
charge the instance to which he now alluded to the ac-
count of Ministers, because he had reason to believe,
that at least some of them had expressed ther disapproba-
tion of it. Having succeeded in ruining the prospects
of his gallant friend, having deprived him of that
commission which he had purchased, and to which he
had as much right as any gentleman present to his
freehold, his persecutors had attacked him in another
quarter. Soon after his dismission from the army, a
letter had been received by a member of his family from
the Military College, at which one of his sons was
placed, stating, that from the 3d of October, an
additional sum would be expected for the maintenance
of the boy, and that he would be entered on the books
of the college as the son of a private gentleman, because
his father was no longer an officer. This circumstance
proved the endeavour which had been made to carry
the sting of persecution even into the family of his
gallant Friend. Upon the general question he should
only say, that he considered the treatment of his hon.
friend as a part of that system by which several gentle-
men had recently been made to feel the power of
Government He might instance the dismissal of Earl
Fitzwilliam, who had offended by his impartial conduct
respecting a public meeting, as well as the dismissal of
Lord Fife, whose only offence had been the vote which
he had ventured to give for the repeal of the Malt Tax.
These, and other instances of a similar nature, proved
that it was the tendency of the system now followed to
introduce a military government, and to make the vote
of those who depended upon the Crown subservient to
the will of Ministers. He should be glad to know if
this system was to continue, what would become of that
high minded feeling of independence which had hitherto
been the proud and peculiar characteristic of the British
army? Were they to become the mere slaves of
Ministers-to stand ready to attend to their beck, and
to have every sentiment dictated to them? Wherever
danger was to be braved, or difficulties overcome, his
gallant friend had been found at his post; but whenever
honors had been lavished at home, then his name had
not been found. His services were well known, and
they had been witnessed in all parts of the continent.
He had always been, and was still, ready to exert all
his energies in the service of his country--anxious alone
for her service, and without any regard to personal
;
consideration.
Sad Mr. CALVERT agreed with the Noble Lord opposite
that it was an undoubted prerogative of the Crown to dis-
miss at pleasure any of its servants. But that prerogative
might be exercised in an obnoxious manner, and it
appeared to him that it had been so in the present
instance. Upon entering the house, he had felt a strong
bias against the gallant General, but having listened to
the statement which he had made, he should feel it his
duty to give his vote in favor of the hon. Gentleman
What grounds might be assigned for the harsh treatment
which had been administered he could not say but he
supposed that the old adage would be verified" When
you want to beat a dog, you may easily find a stick."
Sir ISAAC COFFIN lamented the situation in which
the hon. Member was placed. Upon the whole, it
appeared to him that, in the present instance, the
prerogative of the Crown had not been improperly or
harshly exercised.
Sir R. FERGUSSON.-Whether he was to be the
next victim or not he did not know; but he would tell
the noble Lord and his adherents, notwithstanding all
the power which they possessed, that whilst he sat there
he would give an independent vote. It was impossibles
for the house not to say that he had been most grossly
treated. Upon the subject of prerogative it was not his
intention to offer any remarks, but he did not know that
that prerogative was not supposed to be exercised with-
out the advice of Ministers.
Lord PALMERSTON explained. He had meant no-
sneer at the gallant general (Sir Ronald Fergusson).
He had merely mentioned his adherence to opposition
as a proof that Government was not in the habit of
dismissing military men because they took that course.
Mr. G BENNET had been a witness to most of the
circumstances which had taken place respecting her
Majesty's funeral. He was one of the persons who had
possessed sufficient soundness of discretion to remain in
his coach, for he had from the beginning resolved that
nothing should induce him to depart from the character
of a mere witness. He could confirm the statement of
his hon. Friend in all the particulars which had fallen
under his observation. Granting, for argument sake,
that the prerogative did exist, still it made the case no
better, for the Crown would not act without the advice
of its Ministers; and what his gallant Friend wanted to
know was, who were the advisers by whom the measure
had been recommended. He thought that the House
would come to a resolution not to refuse that information,
when they considered the cruel injuries which his hon.
Friend had sustained. He was the more sanguine in
this expectation, because it appeared that the noble
Lord, the only speaker that had yet condescended to
rise on the other side, had not brought forward one
single charge in vindication of the treatment which his
gallant friend had received. He had the good fortune
to be well acquainted with his hon. Friend, and he
would say, that if there was a person in England whose
attachment to the profession of arms was perfectly
romantic, and whose name was famous, both at home
and abroad, for all those qualities which were calculated
to make the profession distingushed and honorable, it
was his gallant friend. He was sure that his friend
could not go out of England without meeting, in every
part, persons whom he had formerly led to victory, and


THE WARNING VOICE.
99
who were disposed to pay him that honor which he so
well merited, and which he received every where at
home. His hon. Friend came before the house with all
the rank and dignity which an honorable and successful
service of twenty-nine years could confer. His belief
was, that the offence committed by his gallant Friend
had consisted in his refusal to turn his back upon the
cause of his Queen. He believed also that he had com-
mitted another crime, in putting a stop to the shedding
of blood. He was confirmed in that opinion by the
treatment which Sir R. Baker had met with on account
of his behaviour on that occasion. He was also confirmed
in the opinion which he had given by the tone which
had prevailed on this subject in what was called the
upper class; for, from the expression of some sentiments
which had met his ear, he was sure that an opportunity
had been wanted to punish the people, and that because
the chief police officer had removed that opportunity
he had been dismissed. He would refer the house to a
proceeding which had taken place when his Royal High-
ness the commander in chief of the army had unfortunate-
ly stood at their bar to answer charges which imputed
to him misconduct in his public capacity. His Royal
Highness had, on that occasion, addressed a letter to
the speaker, desiring that he might not be condemned
without a trial. Mr. Perceval had then said, that no
person ought to suffer from a criminal charge, in life, or
limb, or character, without having the charge against
him delivered to him in writing, and without being heard
in bis defence. He wished to obtain an application of
that sentiment to the case of his hou. Friend. Not only
had no charge in writing been delivered to him, but no
ground of accusation had been laid before the house.
The hon. Member in conclusion said, that he thought
he should be debasing the character of a gentleman if
he did not lend every aid in his power to defend the
prerogative of the Crown, if indeed it had been en-
croached upon; and that he should equally abandon that
character if he countenanced an unjust or an improper
exercise of that prerogative.
Mr. HUME was anxious to offer himself to the
attention of the house on this question, as he accompanied
his gallant Friend on that day to which the motion
referred. He witnessed the whole of his conduct on
that occasion, not having been absent from him for ten
minutes, and he could testify that the conduct of his hon.
and gallant Friend was, throughout the whole of the
transaction, most correct. The noble Lord (London-
derry) had, instead of confining himself to the question
before the house, gone into the subject of the Queen's
funeral, which, though it might have given rise to these
transactions, had nothing to do with the decision of the
motion upon which they were to decide. The noble
Lord had talked of prerogative. What was it? Black-
stone defined the prerogative of the Crown thus--
"Prerogative is a discretionary power of acting for the
public good where the positive laws were silent."
the laws were not silent on this case. There were rules
and regulations for the army which were supported by
law. The army was, it was true, at the discretion of
the King, but that discretion did not mean, the whim
and caprice of his ministers.-(Cries of hear.) The
noble Lord had stated, that his hon, and gallant Friend
But
had no right to complain of the treatment which he had
experienced, since there were at least two hundred cases
in which the same exercise of prerogative had been
made by the Crown. To such a statement he (Mr.
Hume) would take the liberty of replying, that supposing
it to be true, the sooner such acts of tyranny were put
an end to, the better would it be for the country and for
the army.
Indeed, till some check was put upon this
despotic practice, which the noble Lord had declared
to be so usual, the army would not be placed upon that
footing of respectability on which it ought to be in a
country boasting of a free constitution.-(Hear.)-The
noble Marquis said that Government had dismissed the
honorable and gallant Officer, not merely on account
of his interference with the military, but also because
they were anxious to give every protection to the lives
and property of the people. Why, it was that very
anxiety which had led his hon. and gallant Friend to
act as he had acted upon the memorable day of her
Majesty's funeral; and strange to say, such was the
monopolizing spirit of humanity which had seized upon
his Majesty's government that they publicly dismissed
him for having been animated by the same feelings which
they themselves professed to entertain. At the time the
firing and the cries of murder first commenced, he was
riding with Sir R. Wilson in the rear of the Carriages.
"As soon as I heard them," continued Mr. Hume," I
turued round to Sir Robert Wilson, and said, for God's
sake, Sir Robert don't let us go there. "-(Shouts of
laughter from both sides of the house, with cries of
Hear.)-I see what conclusion I am to draw from those
cheers, but I can assure the house that it will not prevent
me from those cheers, but I can assure the house that it
it will not prevent me from stating what occurred, or
from doing what I conceive to be my duty. I foresaw the
miscontruction which would be put on our conduct, if
we approached the place were the firing was going on,
and I was going to state it to my hon. and gallant friend,
when his humanity, which other cowards dared not to
practise (loud laughter again), hurried away to see
whether he could not put a stop to the firing, and to the
cries of murder.-(Cheers.) The noble Marquis has
said, that those who had made themselves so busy on the
day of the Queen's funeral were a remnant of a pitiful
faction, that was anxious to keep up the spirit which
some time before that occurrence had unfortunately
agitated the country. Now he would ask the noble
Marquis, who and what it was that had given birth to
that spirit which he was then so loud in condemning?
Was it not the ministers themselves (hear), by an act of
oppression which was unparalleled in the history of the
country, which had cast the foulest blot upon Parliaments
that was to be found in their annals, an act of oppression
which was not even terminated by the death of her who.
fell a victim to it? (Cheers.) He would repeat the
expression--the course of insult and oppression which
Ministers had pursued towards her late Majesty, was
continued even after her death. (Cheers.) In her life
they would never bestow upon her those marks of honor
and attention which were, if not necessary, at least due,
to the high rank and station which she occupied in the
country; but on her death, as if in solemn mockery of
her situation. they insulted her obsequies with the idle and
A 2


100
THE WARNING VOICE.
unnecessary parade of a military escort.-(Cheers.) The upon so powerful an adversary (hear.) He had heard.
last persons to complain of the factious spirit which it it objected to the motion which he had to propose, that
was said had agitated the country, were the wretched the subject would excite no interest in the House. He
and heartless drivellers who had raised it. He trusted could not believe this assertion to be correct. He begged
that the time would come, when they would meet the those who felt no interest in the subject to look at what
condign punishment which they had merited by the their situation was. His Majesty had told them, in his
numerous acts of oppression which they had committed speech from the Throne, that he had continued to re-
towards her late Majesty; and he did not doubt but that ceive from all the Powers his Allies, assurances of their
he should see them called to the bar of the house to earnest desire to maintain and cultivate the relations of
answer for their conduct towards that illustrious indivi- friendship. What was meant by the term Allies? Powers
dual, as well as for their various other acts of enormity united by some common principle, and directing their
towards the people, if ever there should be such a thing efforts to some common object. The principle on which
as a reformed House of Commons.-(Cries of hear from the Allies were united was subversive of the British
the opposition, and loud laughter from the ministerial Constitution; the principle on which Spain was invaded
benches.) Gentlemen might smile, but many extraor- was subversive of British policy. Indeed from the time
dinary things had recently happened-some of which of Louis XIV. to that of Bonaparte, it was the favorite
were not half so likely as the event to which he had policy of the British Government to prevent the French
alluded. (Hear, hear.)-Let that matter, however, be from taking root in Spain. From the Battle of Blen-
as it might, of one point at least he was sure-that, here heim and Villa-Viciosa, to those of Salamanca and
or hereafter, Heaven would punish them for their Vittoria, the object of England was to prevent the
oppressive conduct (Cheers.)-The whole case of his establishment of French interest in the Peninsula. No
gallant friend and the ministry was now before the public,longer than ten years ago, some of the best blood of
and, being so before it, he would leave the decision on England was shed in Spain, and now the French were
it to the country. His own opinion of it was well in possession of the fields in which those battles were
known; instead of being shaken, it had been confirmed fought, and their flags waved on the battlements of
by what he had that night heard: and he must say, that Cadiz, Badajoz, or St. Sebastian, which we had spent
unless the injustice which had been committed were our lives and treasure to win or to preserve. When
redressed, there would be no single occurrence which every part of that great country was occupied by the
could demonstrate so clearly as this absolute necessity French, who would say that this was a state of things
of a reform in Parliament.-(Hear.)
that did not deeply interest Parliament and the nation?
He should now proceed to state, first, how we had been
brought to this state of things; secondly, the danger in
which we were placed; and, thirdly, what remedies
were to be found to avert those dangers. With respect
to the manner in which we had fallen into these dangers,
it was to be recollected, that after fighting for many
years, with every change of success, but no variation of
purpose, our adversary was subdued, the very elements
seeming to favor the courage and perseverance of Eng-
land.
land. What was the result? A peace was concluded
in 1814, renewed in 1815, and confirmed in 1818, resting
on principles of policy new to the displomacy of this
country, and on bases indeed new to the world. The
ancient policy of England had been described by Addi-
son in lines of which the sense was better than the
poetry-
-
The p
Evacuation of Spain
March 19/h, 1824.
Lord JOHN RUSSEL rose. Before he said any
thing in support of the motion with which he had to
conclude, he thought it necessary to say, that his pro-
position was not intended to lay the foundation of any
charge against his Majesty's ministers on the policy they
had pursued in respect to the contest in Spain. His
opinion certainly was, that if at the Congress of Verona
they had assumed that language that had been employed
in the message of the President of the United States,
or even had spoken in relation to Spain itself, as they
had recently spoken as to the Colonies of Spain, that
war would never have taken place; but certainly any
time after the commencement of the last Session, it
would have been absurd to have embarked in the con-
test. This, however, was now rather matter for his-
torical discussion than for any consideration of practical
policy. What he wished to bring into discussion-what
he wished to hear from his Majesty's Ministers was, what
the policy of the country now is, that, by a clear pereep-
tion of our condition, we should not fall again into
difficulty in which we were lately involved, and in which,
after a peace concluded amidst universal congratulations,
and after a period of applause on one side and of silence
on the other, it became a question whether or no we
should plunge into a dangerous war, and were only
deterred from it by the danger of hazarding an attack
"
Tis Britain's care to watch o'er Europe's fate,
To hold in balance each contending State,
To threaten bold presumptuous Kings with war,
And answer each afflicted neighbour's prayer.”
Such was the commanding station which the Poet
assigned to this country; but how humble was the tone
how humiliating the position which England had
recently assumed in the politics of Europe. Instead of
holding the balance between contending States, she
had fallen from the lofty station which she once occupied
that-Instead of threatening bold presumptuous Kings, she
had meanly truckled to the Holy Alliance-instead
of answering each afflicted neighbour's prayer, she had
treated every prayer that had been preferred to her with
scorn and contempt. The first consequence of this policy
had been the alienation of all those hearts which she had
won by her struggle against the despotism of Napoleon,


THE WARNING VOICE.
101
and the dispersion of all those romantic ideas which
might have been formed of the generosity of Great Britain.
We had disappointed the hopes, and excited the indig-
nation ofevery man who loved freedom and independence
throughout Europe. It could not escape the observation
of those who were accustomed to attend to the affairs
of Europe, that an association of the great Powers of
Europe, having separately distinct interests, but uniting
for a common object, was peculiarly liable to abuse, and
that when abuse grew out of such an association, it was
peculiarly difficult to be corrected. Such a system was
peculiarly liable to abuse, because Kings, like other
Corporations, were apt to consider their own interests in
preference to the interests of mankind; and the abuse
was peculiarly difficult to be corrected, because, while
there was a natural remedy against any undue encroach-
ment on the balance of power, which it was the interest
of all the Sovereigns to resist, there was none against an
encroachment on the liberties of mankind, which they
considered opposed to their own interests. In the year
1820, the Allied Monarchs issued a declaration, which
had been admitted by the Marquess of Londonderry to
to be opposed to the fundamental laws of these realms,
and by the Right Honorable Gentleman opposite (Mr.
Canning) to strike at the root of the British Constitution.
In that document the revolution of Spain was adverted
to in the very first sentence, and the Holy Allies openly
avowed that Naples was only first attacked because she
was most easily subdued. He mentioned this, because
it would be recollected that a year and a half ago our
Ministers had no notion whatever that the question of the
invasion of Spain would be discussed at the Congress
of Verona. He mentioned this to shew how liable
Ministers were to be deceived, and how steadily the
Holy Allies pursued their favorite object of enslaving
mankind, while those who were opposed to them were
often asleep at their posts. He had already said that he
did not mean to advert to the policy which this country
had pursued in the late invasion of Spain, but he wished
to call the attention of the House to the professions and
promises of France-professions which had been so
deceitfully made, and promises which had been so
scandalously violated. He begged to refer to a
passage in the dispatch of Sir Charles Stewart, in the
month of February in the last year, where he states the
sentiments of M. Chateaubriand on a passage in the
Speech of the King of France. M. Chateaubriand is there
stated to have said, that whatever might be the inter-
pretation attached to his Majesty's expressions, by those
who were determined to consider all measures recom-
mended by his Court as proofs of the desire of France
to re-establish an absolue Monarchy in Spain, his
Excellency never could believe that the communications
of the French Government with the British Cabinet
could have been misunderstood to such a degree as to
authorise such a supposition. Now, he begged the
House to compare this with the passage in the Speech
of the King of France, in which he declared, that it was
the grossest calumny to suggest that the Sanitary
Cordon was established for any other object than that of
preserving the health of the nation (hear). Let the
House bear this in mind, in considering the value of the
representations which have been lately made by the
Prince de Polignac, with respect to South America.
It was the policy of the French Government never to
hesitate a moment in making any promises or profes-
sions, and never to hesitate a moment in violating them,
whenever it suited their purposes. In doing this, they did
but follow the letter of the instructions which Louis XIV.
had teft to posterity. That Monarch had declared, that
Treaties were to be interpreted, like compliments, as
meaning a great deal less than they expressed, and that
the more express and decisive the words of the engage-
ment were, the more proper and excusable it was to
violate it. The French, on entering Spain, declared,
that their sole object was to establish a Constitution
less democratical than that which was then established,
but at the same time fully securing the constitutional
liberties of the people of Spain. It was important to
take this point into consideration, if for no other
purpose than because it furnished a key to the success
of France in Spain. Passing from the conduct of
France to that of the Spaniards themselves, it might be
observed, that in carrying a Resolution into effect,
there were two means of securing ultimate success.
One was that adopted by the Revolutionists of this
country in 1688, and which consisted in conciliating all
interests, in giving a just degree of power to all orders,
and in consulting the feelings and opinions of all classes
in the State; the other was that pursued by the French
Jacobins in 1793, which established an exclusively
democratical Constitution, and which persecuted, by
massacres and proscriptions, all other orders of the
State. It was the misfortune of Spain to adopt neither
of those plans. The Spaniards adopted the opinion, that
a democratical Constitution, a Constitution emanating
from the people, was best calculated to secure the
happiness of the community; but while strongly attached
to democracy, they were naturally generous and
humane; and while they established a form of Govern-
ment, which raised all the privileged classes against it,
they were so far from imitating the massacres and
proscriptions of the French Jacobins, that they
behaved with the utmost forbearance and kindness to
their opponents, and even suffered those who were
notoriously disaffected to the Constitution, and en-
deavouring to destroy the independence of Spain, to go
unpunished and unmolested. The consequence of this
was, that these two great bodies were ready to join in a
combination against the liberties of Spain-one con-
sisting of the privileged classes, who were naturally
opposed to a liberal order of things, and the other con-
sisted of the lowest rabble and notorious violators of all
law, who were encouraged by the Monks to join the
army of the Faith. It was well ascertained, that men-
dicants and robbers of the worst description-men
accustomed to plunder on the highways-that dis-
organised rabble which it was one of the bad effects of
the ancient despotism of Spain to have created, filled
the ranks of the army of the Faith. Some men there
were, indeed, who had behaved in a manner worthy of
the cause of freedom; the virtues and eloquence of
many of the Constitutionalists-the patriotism of Mina
-the equity and moderation of Alava, might almost
redeem and purify the errors of less generous and con-
sistent Allies. What was the result of the professions


102
THE WARNING VOICE.
of the French Government? Did they establish a Free
Did they establish a Free |
Constitution in Spain? Did they give free institutions?
Had they established any thing like the French Charter
in that country? Nothing like this took place. He
begged the House to compare the conduct of the French
with their professions. The Duke of Angouleme, on
entering France, issued a Proclamation, in which,
after a great deal of the bombast, which is usually
found in French productions, he declared, that the
Spanish flag alone should float in all their towns.
We do not pretend, said the Royal Duke, either to
impose laws on you, or to occupy your country.-We
wish only to effect your deliverance, and as soon as
you shall have obtained it, we will return to our country,
happy to have preserved a generous people from the
mischiefs produced by revolution, which we ourselves
known too well how to appreciate. Such were the
professions of the Duke of Angouleme. He did not
He did not
mean to say anything against the moderation and
liberality with which the Duke of Angouleme behaved
in his progress through Spain; but it could not be
denied that that Prince, either from want of firmness,
or from want of power, had violated all the professions
which had been made as to the gurantee of Spanish
independence, and had placed Spain in a state of most
degrading slavery. In all countries, some few men were
to be found capable of advancing the march of intellect,
and of deserving the admiration of posterity by the
cultivation of science, of the arts, of all that can liberalise
and enlighten the human mind.
"Quique sui nemores alios fecere merendo."
True it was that such men were sufficiently discounte-
nanced and depressed under the ancient despotism;
but still they were not proscribed, because they might
then cultivate the liberal arts in obscurity; they might
seek knowledge in the pages of such heretics as Locke,
Bacon, and Montesquieu, without necessarily exposing
themselvs to persecution.
Now, however, every
one of these men became known; every one of
these men became the object of persecution to the
Priests, and the rabble which they controled. He had
been assured that in many places in Spain, and especially
in Saragossa, many hundred persons had been made
victims to the misguided fury of the rabble, and that
the eyes of men had in some instances been torn out in
the Streets, because they wished for the independence
and happiness of their country. Such being the situation
to which Spain had been reduced, he now came to the
question how far it affected the interests of Great Britain.
He was aware it might be said that the acquisition of
Spain by France was of no importance to the interests
of Great Britain, and that the Holy Alliance had not
power, even if they had the wish, of continuing their
career of aggression, so as to affect the independence
of this country. In considering the weight due to such
an opinion, he must say that it received no sanction
from the policy which had been pursued by this country
since the period of the Revolution. The aggrandisement
of France, pursued by the most unjustifiable means,
might have been disregarded, or even made a matter of
pecuniary compromise during the infamous reign of
Charles II. but since the revolution the occupation of
Spain by a French force would never have been con-
sidered as a matter of indifference to this country.
Let the House look to the direction interest which France
had in overturning the liberties of Spain. If Spain had
been suffered to retain her free constitution, she would
naturally, in the event of a war, have allied herself
with this country; it was necessary for the purposes of
French ambition to secure the French frontier on the
side of Spain, and to bring the Cabinet of Madrid under
the dominion of the Cabinet of Paris. The Holy
Alliance was opposed to all free institutions, and above
all to the free constitution of this country, and to the
free discussion by which that constitution was maintained
If any illustration were wanted of the disposition of the
Holy Allies with regard to this point, they had only
to look to their treatment of Switzerland. Ever since
the Peace of Paris that Power had no doubt received
the most friendly assurances on the part of the Holy
Allies, duly conveyed by the proper Ministers, yet
Switzerland had been treated in a manner perfectly
unprecedented in the history of Europe, and perfectly
unjustifiable by any known international law. Persons
who had received regular passports to leave their
country, and who had proceeded to Switzerland, and
had no sooner arrived there than that Republic was
peremptorily called upon by the Holy Allies to send
them out of the country. If Switzerland, which had been
so noted for her independent spirit, and for her
freedom of public discussion, and had consequently
become an object of jealousy to the Holy Alliance, were
thus treated, why, he would ask, was Great Britain
differently treated? For what reason, but because the
Holy Allies were conscious of our power. If the Holy
Allies had the power to oppress us
oppressed Switzerland, they would not hesitate to
as they had
exert it. They were fully aware that free discussion in
the free discussions of the British
newspapers at Geneva had not half the weight of
Parliament,
and of the Press of England. It was not surely
the free diccussion on his (Lord J. Russell's) side of the
House which they feared; it was not merely the fearless
eloquence of the Honorable Member for Westminster
(Sir F. Burdett) which they dreaded; the speeches of
the Honorable Member for Yorkshire (Mr. S. Wortley)
and of the Right Honorable Secretary opposite (Mr.
Canning), were considered by them to be quite as dan-
gerous, and quite as favorable to the cause of Revolution
as any of the most vehement speeches in the cause of
liberty which were uttered on his (Lord J. Russell's)
side of the House. He would mention another instance
which shewed how much the Holy Alliance were dis-
posed to criticise free dicussion in this country. Among
the causes of war with Spain, enumerated in one of the
papers of Montmorency or Chateaubriand, it was alleged
that France had been attacked by Spain through the
medium of English Newspapers. This would, indeed,
against England than against Spain. With regard to the
appear to be a much more justifiable ground of war
danger to which this country was exposed from the
hostility of the Alliance, though he was far from being
disposed to rate that danger too highly, he could not but
think, that as long as Ireland remained in her present
distracted state, this kingdom could not be considered
invulnerable. Whatever the avowed disposition of the
1


THE WARNING VOICE.
103
Right Honorable Secretary opposite (Mr. Canning)
might be to carry the Catholic question, if he was unable
or under existing circumstances. unwilling to give effect
to his wishes, there was no permament security for this
country. The irritated state of Ireland was a constant
source of danger and insecurity to this country. It was
impossible that the people of Ireland should feel a
cordial interest in the security of the Empire, when they
saw one half of the Cabinet persecuting, and the other
half betraying them; when they beheld an Administration
going through the solemn mockery of urging their claims
-agitating a question which they were unable to carry,
and exciting hopes which they were unable to satisfy.
Let it not be supposed, that introducing this question, he
was opening a weak point to the enemy; there was no
one point which was more constantly inculcated by the
organs of the present French Government than that Eng-
land was vulnerable through Ireland. The prosperity of
this country was an object of constant jealousy to the
party which was aiming at establishing the ascendancy of
the Aristocracy in France-a party which was now
uppermost in that country, and there was nothing at
which that party aimed so much as the annihilation of
the power-or of what was the source of our power,
the Constitution of this country. This being the case,
the means by which those designs might be best
opposed, were next to be considered. The first and
most obvious means were to break the confederacy; this,
however, appeared to him to be perfectly impracticable.
In the first place let the policy of Austria be considered.
Austria had for 60 years been governed by fear; she had
feared Frederic-she had feared Napoleon, and she now
feared Russia. It was the constant policy of the Cabinet
of Austria to impress upon Russia the necessity of putting
down Revolution, since Russia might herself be easily
overwhelmed by a military revolution. Austria, there-
fore, was pledged by what she considered her interest
to all the objects of the Holy Alliance. France, from
a similar dread of liberal institutions, had an equal interest
in supporting the views of the Holy Alliance. The
influence of the Cabinet of Russia in France was so no-
torious, that the French Ministers were well known to
have acted in many instances under the direction of the
Emperor of Russia. A million and a half of troops were
ready to take the field to carry into effect the views of
the Holy Alliance. Such a confederacy it would be
impossible to break by embarking in a continental war.
What was the line of defence, then, which sound policy
pointed out to this country? Every country had a line
of defence adapted to its peculiar circumstances, and the
natural defence of Great Britain was in her navy. It
was obviously the intention of the Holy Alliance to
extend the same system by which the liberties of Old
Spain had been overturned, to the States of South
America. They had professed, indeed, to have no such
intention; but their professions, in this respect, were as
little to be relied upon as the professions they had made
in regard to Spain. Persons who had the best intelligence
as to the intentions of the Holy Alliance with regard to
South America were satisfied that they would send no
forces to South America. The Holy Allies were aware
that such a step would not be tamely witnessed by the
United States, or by this country. They would not, in-
deed, send troops to South America; but they would
send Agents and Incendiaries to that country. They
would sow discontent among the people. They
would promote civil war. They would engage brother
against brother, and Town against Town; in the hope
that, worn out by dissention, they would, at length, apply
for the mediation of some European Power, and be con-
tent to receive a legitimate Prince for their Sovereign;
or, if this project should not succeed, that they would be
involved in such a state of misery and distress as might
effectually deter all other States from attempting to
establish their independence. The plain way of resisting
such an attempt would be for this country to declare, that
as long as France holds a fortress in Spain, no attempts
should be made on the part of Spain to reconquer her
colonies, because Spain, under such circumstances, can-
not be considered sui juris. The Right Hon. Gentleman
opposite (Mr. Canning) had said, that Spain herself had
a just right to make any attempts in her power to regain.
her colonies, but that this country would not suffer a
third party to interfere. Now, if Spain were perfectly
at liberty, there was nothing in the law of nations to
prevent her from availing herself of the aid of a third
party; on the other hand, if she were not sui juris-if she
were under the control and dominion of France, the
means which might be taken to reconquer her colonies,
though ostensibly the efforts of Spain, would in effect be
the efforts of the Holy Alliance. He should have wished-
that his Majesty's Ministers should have gone a step
further, and have, in the face of the world, declared that.
Great Britain would not permit any succours to proceed
from Old Spain across the ocean, for the subjugation of
the South American States, while the Armies of France
remained in the Peninsula [hear, hear?], Let France
withdraw her army and abandon Spain, and then it will
remain to be seen whether the latter possessed the
remotest chance of recovering her dominion on
the American Continent. The Powers constituting
the Holy Alliance had so long deceived us, that none,
in his opinion, could longer confide in their assurances
but those who were willing to be deceived. The language-
of this country ought to be, "We have been cheated by
your professions, You have deceived us under false
pretexts, and our conviction is, that your word is not to
be depended upon." He knew there were Honorable
Gentlemen so sensitive as to fear that any such avowal
on the part of this country would lead to war. He must
own that he was not disposed to believe in the probability
of any such result. These Powers were too busily engaged
in recruiting their finances to allow any such apprehension
to have effect; they were too anxious to restore, by the
aid of British capital, their dilapidated resources. We
might with the fullest effect, have made the most explicit
declaration. But he did believe that in four or five years
hence, when those financial embarrassments shall have
disappeared, then Great Britain will, perhaps, have to
contend against those very principles which have now
been successful against Spain. In the view he had taken
of the question, he had not confined himself to any partial
or narrow consideration of our own immediaite interests;
he had argued as it effected the great and permament
interests of the civilized world. The object of that
despotic confederacy was to destroy every institution
B 2


104
THE WARNING VOICE.
that lifted man up to a superior nature, and reduce him
to the level of the brute. "Conscientiam generis humani
abolere arbitrabantur, impulsis insuper sapientiæ profes-
soribus, atque omni bona arte in exilium actâ ne quid
unquam honestum occurreret" [hear, hear, hear!]. Every
feeling due to our own interests, to our ancient glory, to
the happiness of the world, called upon us to oppose
such a system, and, by so doing, we should not fail to
obtain, as we should deserve, the lasting gratitude of
the posterity of all nations [hear, hear!]. The noble
Lord concluded with moving, "That there be laid before
the House copies of all communications referring to
the evacuation of Spain by the French Army."
Sir ROBERT WILSON expressed his solicitude to
offer himself to the notice of the House on a question
of the highest importance to the foreign policy of Great
Britain, involving the dearest interests of ten millions of
Spaniards, and collaterally affecting the future happiness
of several millions of the people of Portugal. With that
impression of its importance, he rose to support the
Noble Lord (Russel) differing, however, in some points,
persuaded that the promulgation of such sentiments as
those which fell from him, must prove of the greatest
value, not alone to the people of Spain, but to those of
évery nation whose independence and liberties were com-
promised by the success of the unprincipled aggression
of France. Of that atrocious aggression, it was some con-
solation to think that no subject of a free country ventured
to be a defender. Even success which, in too many
instances, was wont to extenuate crime, had, in this case
only added horror and enormity to the original offence.
It was impossible after the proofs the Government of
France had unequivocally given of its policy-after the
avowed intentions of the Holy Alliance it was impos
sible, he thought, that a British Statesman could be found
who did not view with jealousy and alarm the military
bccupation of Spain. For his part, he considered that
Occupation as a scandal to the character of Great Britian;
and that at least the Ministers of the Crown were bound
to afford to Parliament the fullest explanation on a
question so intimately connected with our dearest in-
terests. The Noble Lord (Russel) had justly observed
that we should have declared broadly to the Spanish
Government, that no interference would be allowed with
South America, so long as the armies of France remained
in the Peninsula. It was an omission, which, if the
correspondence laid on the Table had supplied, would
have made the conduct pursued by the British Govern-
ment on that part of the question, highly satisfactory.
He regretted that omission the more, in consequence of
information that he had heard within the last twenty-four
hours. It had been communicated to him that the
Spanish Government had proposed to send an Ambas-
sador to this country for the purpose of meeting the
députies from the South American States, and entering
with them into an arrangement, with the view of obtaining
for Old Spain commercial preferences. If that informa-
tion was well founded, he should consider such an
arrangement prejudicial to British interests, unbecom-
ing the character of our Government to accede to, and
most disreputable to the principles and policy of the
South American Governments. It was their duty to
recollect that they were contending, not alone for their
own interests, but that, in the issue of that great
struggle, the liberties of the other states of the world
were involved. For what commercial advantages did
the Spanish Government propose to itself by such an
arrangement? What, but the power to raise money, in
order to be enabled to pay France for the continuance
of its troops to subjugate its people? The inability to
maintain that army from the want of resources on the
part of the Spanish Government, though, perhaps, a
slow, was likely to be an efficient remedy. But even
that remedy would be prevented, if any such arrange-
ment with the South American States was carried into
effect upon the principle he had adverted to. If, on
the contrary, it was made the basis of any arrangement
that the armies of France should evacuate the Peninsula,
such an adjustment would be highly honorable. All that
the people of Spain demanded, was the power to
regulate themselves. Relieved from the overwhelming
power of the French army, if the people of Spain were
deserving of liberal institutions, they would obtain them,
or at all events it was most probable that the King
would then feel himself under the necessity of fulfiiling
his engagements to his subjects. For he could speak
within the fullest authority-authority that needed only
to be mentioned in that House, to be received with the
credit that his distinguished reputation merited—he
meant General Alava--that King Ferdinand, when
under no restraint, gratuitously pledged himself to a
general amnesty, avowing at the same time that he
disclaimed all political proscription, any vindictive
re-action, and above all, that it was his determination
to uphold all the pecuniary engagements of the
Constitutional Government. He went further, by
declaring his readiness to accede to a Representative
system, if such should appear to be the wish of the
people of Spain. What then was the natural inference
from such a statement? It was this, that the Govern-
ment of France alone prevented the Spanish King from
fulfilling his solemn and spontaneous pledges. He
(Sir R. Wilson) felt it but justice to the Right Hon.
Gentleman, his Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
to declare that he believed no man more sincere in his
hopes that Spain would have been able successfully to
resist the aggression of France. He gave him credit
also for a desire to preserve that strict neutrality which
he professed, whatever conduct other parties might
have pursued. But in making those acknowledgments,
he (Sir Robert) heard with regret the Right Honorable
Secretary assert, that the evacuation of Spain by the
Armies of France, would be an event which, under
existing circumstances, he should deplore, for the sake
of humanity. No man would go further than he was
inclined to restore peace and tranquillity to that
distracted country; but he would never consent to
purchase a temporary and partial benefit, at the sacrifice
of the great, and permanent, and comprehensive
interests, in which the happiness of the civilized world
were involved (hear). As he stated before, it was
the presence of the French Army that prevented that
general amnesty which the King of Spain had promised,
and which would to Spain be the best guarantee of
returning peace. In the alternations of human events,
humanity was not always a pacific quality--it sometimes


THE WARNING VOICE.
105
ļ
||
assumed, and necessarily assumed, a belligerent cha-
racter. To the people of Spain we owed every
measure of relief that their misfortunes needed, and that
our power enabled us to afford
We owed it to the acknowledged and ancient policy of
this country, to recover that influence which had so
long existed. Spain free was the natural ally of Great
Britain [hear, hear!]. Spain enslaved could find no other
connexion but in the arms of France [hear!]. He (Sir R.)
had given the Right Hon. Secretary full credit for the
sincerity of the intentions towards Spain when the odious
aggression of the French Government was about to be
carried into effect. He could not, however, extend his
approval to the policy that was acted upon by his
Majesty's Government at Verona. He knew well that
there existed, both in the Aristocracy and in the com-
mercial classes, a predominating opinion that no course
ought to be taken which might possibly involve this
country in war. Some there were who felt indisposed
to the Spanish Constitution, because they conceived it
not calculated for permanence from the want of a second
Chamber. There was another, and he believed the
prevailing party, who, though hostile to the aggression of
the Government of France, and not disinclined to inflict
the punishment it deserved, yet were still apprehensive,
that if Great Britan interposed, France would have been
thrown into a revolutionary attitude and the safety of
the Bourbons endangered [hear, hear, hear!]. There was
another course of policy which, happily for Spain and
for our own reputation, this country might have pursued
at Verona, and which he (Sir Robert) was prepared to
prove would have been effectual. We might have pro-
tested without any menace against the principles on
which the Holy Alliance had proposed to act, reserving
to ourselves the right of subsequently taking that course
which our own sense of duty indicated [hear, hear!]
That course, he was prepared to contend, would have
been effectual. And why? Because if England had not
avowed a determined neutrality-if she reserved to
herself the power of taking any course of her interests
warranted, after she had entered the protest against the
principle, the Holy Alliance would have faultered [hear,
hear, hear!]. They knew very well, that if Great Britain
was disposed to prevent the realization of their views,
there was scarcely an inhabitant of the many countries
from the Niemen to the Adriatic, that would have rallied
under its standard [hear, bear!]. The King of France
was persuaded that he owed his Throne to the Prince
Regent; he was indebted also to his good pleasure for
the continuance of it. But when once British neutrality
was avowed, from that moment all their fears vanished
-from that moment the Despots of the Continent felt
themselves freed from every difficulty. Then it was that
France proceeded to combine in their attack upon the
Spanish people a maritime and a military co-operation
then it was that blockading squadrons were sent against
the ports of Spain [hear, hear !],-that Cadiz, Barcelona,
and Alicant were shut up. He would put it to any Lord
of the Admiralty in that House to say, whether if Great
Britain had suspended her declaration of neutrality, a
single frigate would have ventured out of any of the
ports of France [hear, hear, hear!]; much less have
Commanded the Gut of Gibraltar, boarding every vessel,
English or otherwise, that were pursuing their destination.
The moment the word neutrality escaped the British
Ministry, then it was that the King of Spain had
determined to throw himself into the arms of France, and
that the treasons of Abisbal, Morillo, and Bollasteros,
were generated. From that unfortunate moment also, dis-
may despondency, and despair, pervaded the Government
and armies of Spain [hear, hear!]. He knew it had been
said that the Constitutional party of Spain, consisted
only of a small fractional part of the population.-For
the sake of the argument he would grant it hypothetically
yet it was to be recollected, that if it was that fractional
part, it comprehended all that was enlightened, patriotic,
intelligent, and amiable in Spain. Whatever were the
faults of the Constitutional Government, and he did not
appear there as its advocate in all its measures, yet their
efforts proved that they possessed hearts which qualified
them to preside over the institution of a free state.
Another objection was imputed to them on the score of
religious intolerance. It was true that circumstances
compelled them to declare an exclusive religion, yet
there was not a man amongst them who was not persuaded
that political freedom could not exist without religious
toleration. It was this conviction that armed the Church
of France against the free institutions of Spain-it was
the aversion which that intolerant Priesthood felt that
gave birth and vigour to the religious crusade against.its
independence. Theocracy they determined was to be
maintained in Spain. For that purpose the unfortunate
Emperor of Austria was induced to interfere for that
purpose the Emperor Alexander, no matter what his
own religious doctrine was, was impelled to dictate,
because he knew that wherever the Catholic Religion
was exclusively dominant, it was a most efficient instru-
ment in shackling not alone the minds but the persons
of its votaries [hear, hear!].
of its votaries [hear, hear!]. But he denied that the
Constitutional Party was that fractional portion of the
people of Spain which some assumed. Its history, from
the beginning to the subversion of the Constitution,
proved that it was supported by a very considerable
body of the Spanish nation. It was maintained by an
army of 10,000 men. It was assented to, because it was
demanded by the people, by a reluctant King. When
attacked by a foreign army, it occupied an army of
100,000 men for eight months to subvert it. But above
all it required the intrigues of the Confederated Tyrants
of Europe, and ten millions of gold, to be expended before
its institutions were destroyed. But if there remained
a doubt of its strength, the very existing state of Spain
was the most unquestionable proof [hear,!]. If the
Constitutional party were that contemptible faction, how
came it that France continued her armies, and that its
despotic flag waved over every fortress of the Peninsula
[hear, hear!]. He was not one of those defenders of
the Spanish people who was prepared to state, that in
their defence of their country they had entitled them-
selves to the admiration of mankind-or even that they
had satisfied all the hopes that the character of the
struggle had induced many to form. But he did
feel that it was of importance that their reputation should
not be undeservedly depreciated. It was to be borne
in mind, that the Spanish people, at the time of the
French invasion, were not in a state of anarchy-that
A


106
THE WARNING VOICE.
they were subjected to a Government to which they had
entrusted their protection.
That the Government on which they depended did
not discharge its duty, he was prepared to admit. They
had left the nation in a state of nakedness and
impoverishment. They had unhappily provoked the
Nobility by making war on its privileges, and exaspe-
rated the Church by a diminution of the tithes to one
half. In making these charges he did not attribute to
them any bad motive; but the effects were most
unfortunate to Spain. Nay, they quarrelled with that
very army which had established the success of the
constitutional system. They did that to quiet the
alarms of France-they did so, under the fallacious but
honest hope of disarming the jealousy of the Holy
Alliance. They acted, also, under that, in their case,
mistaken impression, that a standing army was inimical
to liberty (hear, hear). Perhaps he could not give a
better description of the feeling that actuated the
Spanish people, than by describing that spirit of which
he was a witness, in the Isle of Cadiz, just previous to
its surrender. That Isle, comprehending a circum-
ference of 25 miles, a position that would require a
defence of 25,000 men, was defended against the
besieged army of France and its blockading squadron,
after the capture of the Trocadero, by not more than
9,700. There was not a pallisade drove-not a
chevaux de frise laid-not more than 15 dollars in the
military chest, and scarcely five cannon fit for service;
and yet on the day of the bombardment there was
manifested not the slightest alarm amongst the popula-
tion. Men, women, and children evinced the greatest
love of country, and exasperation against the unprin-
cipled invaders. No aspersion was more unjust than to
charge the Spanish people with the want of firmness.
They were capable of displaying the highest qualities,
of feeling the most generous excitements, and of
submitting to the most severe privations (hear, hear.)
There was also another charge against them, which it
certainly required an explanation to remove. He
alluded to the deposition of King Ferdinand at Seville.
Taking that circumstance abstractedly, he was ready to
admit that to depose a Monarch for three days, and then
restore him, looked very like an act of insanity. But he
spoke with the high authority of General Alava, when
he assured the House that that very act which had
called forth such sarcastic remarks, was the very
salvation of the life of Ferdinand. It was at the
moment when the suspicion was generally felt of his
intention to remove himself to the French army; and
when under the increased irritation, it was the general
conviction of every man of influence, that if any body
of armed men presented themselves, it would be
impossible to prevent a sanguinary act of vengeance.
And yet that very measure, resorted to for the very
purpose of saving his life, was made the uujustifiable
pretext for proscription and exile. What confidence,
then, he would ask, could be placed in the assurances
of the Government of France, which sanctioned and
encouraged such acts of oppression and cruelty? What
dependence should we repose in a Government which
basely denied its purposes, and refused every offer
which this country had made of mediation? What
claim for confidence could France have in this country
when we recollected that he who commanded its army
in Spain, the Duke of Angouleme, by a violation of all
those honorable feelings, the breach of which consigned
the offender to the detestation of mankind-consigned,
he would say, because he could have prevented it, the
gallant, the patriotic, but unfortunate Riego, to the
scaffold (hear, hear hear.) It was to the personal
courage of Riego that the King himself owed his life;
and, notwithstanding the pains taken to cast obloquy
on the character of that great man, his name would
live among those who had fallen in the cause of
civilization and humanity; while the name of Angou-
leme and the murderers of Riego would be handed
down to the latest posterity with execration (hear,
hear). It had been said that Riego was guilty of
cruelty, but that was not the fact. If it was, the
French would not have been slow to publish it; nor
would the Spanish Government be remiss in selecting
such instances as would place it beyond doubt; but the
whole was a gross calumny, designed to misrepresent
the character of a Hero and a Patriot. He hoped, that
the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning), instead of
crediting such stories, or permitting his mind to be
influenced by such impressions, would remember the
character which this country ought to hold, and adopt
means for placing her in that station which she had a
right to assume among the Governments of Europe.
The object of that great confederacy could no longer
be a secret; the House and the world must be aware,
that it was to establish despotism in Europe, and check
the civilization and improvement of mankind—to
establish a dominion over all States, ahd exercise that
dominion to the injury and enslavement of the human
species. He would now proceed to notice some points
which, as they referred personally to himself, he could
not approach without some feeling of anxiety. He had
hitherto refrained from noticing the transactions of last
year, in which he was himself concerned, not that he
shrunk from the most open avowal of the conduct he had
adopted; but because he was unwilling to force himself
prematurely on the public attention. Even the public
wrongs and private calamities which he suffered,
became tolerable, under the conscious rectitude of his
motives. But now that this question was regularly
before the house, he owed it to his own feelings, and to
the feelings of those in any way conected with him, to
state how the matter stood. When an attempt was
made to misrepresent and to defame him, he considered
that he was bound, standing as he did in that House,
upon a perfectly equality with any other member, to
repel the charge, to meet the calumny, and vindicate Lis
honor (hear, hear). For this purpose it would be
necessary that he should make a short statement of his
proceedings, calling, in the first instance, upon every
Hon. Member to put his hand upon his heart, and say
whether he would not feel pride, as well as regret, in
resisting and exposing oppression, though he might
regret the necessity of becoming the historian of his own
achievements [hear, hear, hear!]. The insignia which
he had reeived from the different Governments of Europe
were conferred upon him, for services which they had
repeatedly acknowledged. The first order with which


THE WARNING VOICE.
107
he was presented was the Order of Maria Theresa. It
was given him by the Emperor of Austria, as a reward
for the part which he had taken in an enterprise, the
brilliancy and success of which had perhaps never been
excelled as a military achievement. On that occasion,
the Emperor of Austria, having advanced with a small
party, found himself with his little detachment in the
presence of two divisions of the enemy, who cut him off
from the main body. While in that situation advices
came from General Otto, that all was in danger of being.
lost, if the Emperor was not rescued immediately. The
cavalry, with whom he (Sir R. W.) was stationed, rushed
forward to the charge, and the enemy's infantry, after
a vain attempt at resistance, were overpowered. The
great proof of the success of this operation was, that the
Emperor was rescued. The Emperor ordered a medal
to be struck shortly afterwards, which he gave, together
with the Order of Maria Theresa, to all the officers
engaged, and he had the Emperor's letter in his possession
which accompanied the medal and the Order. The
letter requested that he would accept of both, as memorials
of the approbation and lasting gratitude of his Majesty.
The next Order was that of St. George of Russia, which
was conferred on him by the Emperor in the field. Upon
the same occasion, the Emperor took off a Grand Cross
which he wore, and invested him with that order with his
own hand, Lord Stewart being on the field at the time.
Subsequently, he had the good fortune to be the first
person who mounted the parapet of a battery, in the
presence of the Emperor of Austria. Whilst breasting
the battery, he happened to lose the Order of Maria
Theresa, and the Emperor having understood the cir-
cumstance gave him the order again accompanied with
repeated assurances of his favour and gratitude. The
next order he received was the Red Eagle of Prussia,
and he was anxious to make an exception in favour of
that Monarch, to the observations which he might feel
himself called upon to offer against others. Again, at
the battle of Leipsic, when on the second day the Prussian
Army was separated from the Russian and Austrian, he
was concerned in dispossessing the French of an advan-
tageous post, and the Emperor was pleased to express
his approbation again in the presence of Lord Aberdeen,
the British Ambassador; and to follow up his favours
by giving him an advance of rank. At Antwerp, too,
the Emperor and the Grand Duke Constantine said
something, which it was not necessary to repeat at
present; but he would leave it to that House to say,
whether he had done any thing to forfeit these distinctions
in the estimation of any candid man. What was the
amount of infamy of which he had been guilty, that could
justify the proceedings adopted against him? Was it for
connecting himself with the cause of freedom-was it
for wishing and endeavouring to defend the indepen-
dence of nations-for advising and promoting, as far as
he was able, union and concord between all parties-
for saving many families, and acting not as a friend to
anarchy and encroachment, but at the express invitation
of the King himself to undertake the command of the
army? Such were his crimes, and he would appeal with
confidence to the House, the country, and the world,
whether, though the Allied Sovereigns had taken the
insignia from breast, they had succeeded in stamping
shame upon his brow? [hear, hear, hear!]. With respect
to the Order conferred on him by the King of Portugal,
it was in consequence of the cruel and ungenerous
treatment he had received that he determined to resign
it himself. Accordingly he did so, but he was astonished
to see it stated in an English paper, some time after, that
he had been deprived of the Order, and the letter of the
King of Portugal reclaiming it as referred to, the letter
being ante-dated two days, for the purpose of depriving
the act of its voluntary appearance. He might appeal
to a Noble Lord to confirm this statement, but he
would not do so; his own declaration was enough.
It was far from his wish to adopt any severity of
language towards the Sovereign of Portugal, whom he
considered as a man "more sinned against than sinning;"
but unhappily his Minister had persuaded him, in the
case to which he alluded, to sign his name to a fallacy
and a fraud. As to the seizure of his children by the
Mayor of Calais, he would submit to the House whether
it was not natural, that, as a father, he should feel the
insult given to female children? France had done
this, as a member of the confederacy, at the instant that
the children were stepping on board. He understood
that the defence made by the French Government was,
that they had received information of a design being set
on foot to make the children the bearers of some secret
correspondence. As the reason thus avowed implied
that there was some secret correspondence going on,
he thought it but right to assure them, that he was
concerned in no correspondence which he was not
willing to have published to the whole world. But the
motive could not have been that which was stated. If
it was merely to prevent the conveyance of papers,
they might have done that by searching the children
while they were in the hotel; but insult was the
object; and as a proof that it was, he could inform the
House that a female attendant upon his daughters was
expressly excepted from the search to which they were
exposed. It was one of the most unjust, abject,
unmanly, and base transactions that ever was counte-
nanced by a Government. At the same time, if the
French Government had made the smallest apology for
their conduct, he would be one of the last men in the
country to allude to it in this public manner, and he
thanked the Right Honorable Gentleman (Mr. Canning)
for the spirit and conduct with which he had acted on
the occasion.
On the question being put, and no person rising to
speak, there was a short pause, and strangers were
ordered to withdraw. Before the Gallery could be
cleared, however,
Mr. Secretary CANNING rose, and spoke to the
following effect:--Naturally, Sir, I feel some surprise
that the House should he called on to decide the
question, before any reply has been offered to the
Motion of my Honorable Friend, particularly after the
menaces and threats of bringing forward an effective
proposition, to the support of which, one hapless
Motion has been sacrificed-and sacrificed so com-
pletely by all its promised supporters, as not to leave
either ashes or bones, or any other memorial, of its
unfortunate existence. There was no consideration
and respect for the victim over the way (Lord Nugent)
C 2


108
THE WARNING VOICE.
•
who had been devoted on the altar of his country;
nothing was to be done either in-doors or out of doors,
because it was thought not prudent to break the effect
of the impression now to be produced, by any diversion
of the forces opposite, or any double Motion (hear,
particularly from Lord J. Russell). I was taught, Sir,
to expect a great debate, and is the Motion of the Noble
Lord to end where it now is, and the Amendment of
my Honorable Friend to pass without a struggle?
I did not expect to see this disposition in the House,
and did not suppose I should see this third motion of a
series-not the last perhaps-to take away the recorded
approbation of the House, settled and confirmed by the
opinion of the country in favor of the Government,
treated in the same way as the two former. We all
recollect, Sir, that at this time last year, the Honorable
Gentlemen opposite also were eager to bring the
Government to trial-the debate was brought on under
the most sanguine hopes of victory, triumph after
triumph was predicted-and after the day of battle never
was there seen such a defeat. Exitus ergo ille est.
"Hide, blushing glory, hide, Pultowa's day."
There does not exist, Sir, in the whole records of Par-
liament, so complete a defeat, even as to argument;
search where you will, Sir, you will never find a defeat
one thousandth part so great as this, compared to the
anticipation of success with which the contest was
begun. Sir, on that occasion the general course of
policy pursued by the Government received the appro-
bation of this House. In this Session it has been the
object of the gentlemen opposite to do away the value
of that approbation; motion after motion has been
brought on-parts of the conduct had been fixed on to
do away this approbation, without opposing the general
vote of last Session. The Noble Lord opposite brought
forward his motion for certain papers, as an attack on
part of the system, and he was left in the melancholy
plight I have already described. To-night the Noble
Lord opposite, selects another part, intending probably
to suffer a similar disaster. If he meant in the beginning
of his speech to state that it was not for the interest of
this country that France should take possession of
Spain he stated only a self-evident proposition. It
never has been, and bever will be, the true policy of
this country to allow of any such possession.
real proposition 'meant by the Noble Lord is this:
When the House decided that it was not right to
undertake the war, they must have contemplated the
possible occurrence of Spain being occupied by France.
The question then, is, if under any circumstances, or
any chance, the occupation of that country has taken
place, is it not a correct supposition that the attack on
Spain was made for no other purpose? If the Noble
Lord could make but this proposition, he might have
some reason to call for the interference of the House.
If this is not the case, he can only, as a general
'proposition, appeal to Parliament to consider the
conduct of France generally; and only on this general
ground could he call on Parliament to interfere. The
motion of the Noble Lord ought to have been to address
the King of France to withdraw his army from Spain.
This would have brought the question to a tangible
shape. The Noble Lord's motion implies, and he sets
out in his speech by stating that no confidence can be
placed in the assurances of France, and then he asks
the House to agree to a motion to get such assurances.
If the assurances are worth nothing, why has then the
Noble Lord sunk below his own opinion in moving for
assurances which he seemed to think unworthy of
belief? The question for the consideration of the
House is, has the Noble Lord laid any Parliamentary
ground for the production of papers? As the case now
stands, he presumes that there are such papers, and I
will consent to argue the question with him either way,
that there are such papers, and that there are not. 1
will suppose that there might be one, two or three
assurances of France as to that occupation which has
grown out of the war, and that these assurances actually
look forward to the moment when that occupation shall
cease. If they could be produced, would not the
Noble Lord say he was afraid the House must look for
something better than them as a security for the evacua-
tion? Suppose, then, no such assurances have been
given, because none have been asked, how shall I
defend myself? At the outset, Sir, of this dispute
between France and Spain, it was stated, that we should
preserve the character of neutrals under three condi-
tions; the first was, that Portugal should not be
attacked; the third (to take them somewhat out of
order) was, that there should be no attempt to interfere
with the South American Colonies; and the second of
these conditions was, that Spain should not be military
occupied. Then, Sir, I say, it was clearly stated- and
man who is acquainted with the language of
diplomacy will deny this-it was clearly stated what
would be the consequence of any breach of these condi-
tions. Admitting, Sir, that one of the conditions have
been passed over; that it should turn out that the Country
and the Government have been duped, and sat quiet
and at ease, there will then be some reason to argue
that the Government has been duped and cheated in the
others. But if of the three conditions two have been
brought to issue, and we can judge of the results; if
Portugal has remained unattacked; if, in the docu-
ments laid on the Table there is satisfactory evi-
dence that the conduct of France has not violated
the condition as to South America, I would ask,
Sir, seeing two of the conditions out of the three
have been observed, what right the Honorable
Gentleman can have to call on the Government for a
prompt decision as to the third? Sir, might it not have
happened three months ago, before the prospect of our
affairs with South America was so far matured that the
Government could produce the papers whieh have been
laid on the table, that we might then have taunted with two
of the conditions of our neutrality not having been
fulfilled and then our arguments would have been much
weaker than they now are? But now, Sir, I can appeal
to the fulfilment of two out of three conditions, and I
say that this gives me a right to call on the House to
repose confidence in me, that the honor of the country
will be carefully guarded as to the third condition;
and I have a right, Sir, to call on the House not to press
forwards a premature discussion. I think this, Sir,
particularly, because facts prove and assurances prove
that France has no disposition to occupy Spain. I may


THE WARNING VOICE.
109
|
be supposed, when I declare it, a very weak man, ready
to be duped by every body, but I do declare, both as a
Minister and an individual, that I am satisfied France
is most anxious to give up the occupation. I am more
satisfied of this being the case than convinced of its
propriety. If it were put into my hands to decide, I will
not say that I should recommend to march the French
army out of Spain, The Gallant General has asked,
is France to remain in possession of Spain till the Liberal
party and the Constitution are restored? I say, in one
sense, would to God she might; and, in another sense,
God forbid, Sir, she should. I say, Sir, God forbid she
should, because I look at the period to which the Gallant
General has alluded, as far distant; but I say, Sir, I wish
France may remain in the occupation of Spain till that
country is more restored to order. Whatever there'is of
peace in that torn and divided country,whatever there is of
suspensiou of actual conflict, whatever there is of
prevention of all the horrors of civil war, is all owing,
Sir, I am persuaded, to French influence, backed and
supported by the French army. This does not do away
the original sin of the invasion. I owe it, Sir to France
to say, though it will not repeat what I before said, that
her original system was vicious; still, Sir, I owe it her to
say, that short of every other extreme but war, her eon-
duct has been good. I am bound, Sir, as an honest man, to
say that history does not tell of any army so extensive
as that which France sent into Spain-no, not even of
an allied army passing through the country of friends,
which inflicted so little evil on the country as the French
army inflicted on Spain. Never, Sir, in this world did
an army inflict so little mischief and prevent so much.
On this ground, Sir, I think we may confide in the dis-
cretion of the French Government to withdraw its
army; and I believe I may say, that the period fixed for
that evacuation is shorter than even the Honorable
Gentleman opposite can reasonably, or even possibly
hope. I do not think, Sir, with some of the Gentlemen
opposite, that the disposition of the French foree in
Spain gives us any cause to fear. The Honorable
Gentleman who spoke last on that side has given on
this point a means of meeting the arguments of my
opponents, which I was not before aware of. Sir, it is
to us of peculiar importance that the harbours and ports
of Spain should not be militarily occupied by France.
But the Honorable Gentleman has stated that it
requires 25,000 men to garrison Cadiz, and not half this
force-no, I believe, not a fourth of this force is at
present there. If this place were to be occupied
militarily, then a much larger force would be necessary.
Cadiz too was the root of that Constitutional party which
brought about the late Revolution; it is a sort of rival
eapital which it is necessary to occupy to prevent civil
war, and to preserve peace. The oecupation of Badajos
has also been selected as a proof that the occupation of
the country is to be permanent. But I can state, Sir, on
the authority of the most accomplished and consummate
General of this age, that he should not consider it safe
to occupy one of these places without occupying the
other, and the occupation of Badajos is necessary for the
Occupation of Cadiz. 1 ask, now, if there is any thing
in the conduct of the French which shews any disposition
to over-rule and govern Spain?
•
The charge which is now made against the French is,
that the Spanish Government does this, and does that;
the amnesty is granted, and the fanatical party is kept
down. It is very singular, Sir, and well worthy the
attention of the House, that this party is now kept
down by the French. They do not oppress and insult
the Liberals-the party against which they entered
Spain to make war, and destroy; but such changes
have gone on, that those who were their enemies when
they entered Spain, now look on them as their protect-
ors; they have changed situations, and the Constitution-
alists look to the French
alists look to the French for protection, and the
fanatical party wish them away. How long this may
be so, it is impossible for any human foresight to
predict. Already, Sir, a better system has begun to
prevail in the Government of Spain, and when the
time comes that it may be well safely left to itself, there
will be no want of a disposition on the part of this
Government to enforce the observance of the third
condition, and no want of will in France to withdraw
her army, greatly, no doubt, to the satisfaction of the
Noble Lord. In what I have said of France, which
may appear too favorable to some Gentlemen, I declare
I have only done what I conceive to be justice. On
the motion of the Noble Lord concerning our
neutrality, I took no part in the debate. But I can
now say, that the greatest impediment to our neutrality
was thrown in the way by the greatest stricklers for
neutrality. I will put the case, Sir, of two heads of
families disposed to agree with each other, and to
preserve harmony between all the branches of their
respective dependents; and I will suppose, Sir, that
some of these dependents are continually representing
the conduet of one of the heads of these families; even
while they are always praying for the preservation of
harmony, as being outrageous, and violating all the
known and approved laws of society; and I will ask,
Sir, if such conduct would not tend to disturb that
harmony, and destroy that neutrality they pretend to
wish preserved, and guarded with such anxious care:
Now, I would put it to the feelings of any man of
honor, whether, if he found his professions of neutrality
and good faith had been called in question, he would
not be disposed to go a little further than he had origin-
ally intended, to prove his sincerity. I can assure the
House, that amongst the various and conflicting interests
which were involved in the late disturbances in Spain,
the difficulties which the British Government has had to
contend with have been most imperfectly estimated
[hear, hear!]. No man in this House could have heard with
more respect and sympathy than myself the speech of the
Honorable-I will call him my Honorable and Gallant
Friend; for although the forms of discussion exclude its
exercise, I can have no wish to disavow the sentiments
of kindness and regard I have always entertained for
him [cheers]. But, without meaning to cast the slightest
reflection upon my Honorable and Gallant Friend, I
must assure him, that amongst the many difficulties which
the Government has had to encounter, he individually
was one of the greatest impediments to the observance
of a striet neutrality. My Honorable and Gallant
Friend formed in himself no small breach of neutrality,
but I can assure the House that the Noble Lord


110
THE WARNING VOICE.
opposite (Lord Nugent) was a most enormous breach,
(roars of laughter). I well know how strangé it may
appear in those times of modern liberty to direct the
attention of the House to authorities which may be
considered obsolete; but I should wish to read to the
House an extract from the writings of an eminent
writer on the law of nations; and in limine I wish to
apprize them that it is not a Bynkershock. It may be
necessary that I should explain what I mean by a
Bynkershock. I remember that some few years back,
a very important discussion took place in this House,
upon which occasion my Honorable and Learned
Friend opposite (Sir J. Mackintosh) quoted, in support
of the opinions he advocated, the authority of a name.
(a more modern authority than that of Vattel, which I
inean to cite) and I recollect I was very anxious to
discover whether the favorite author of my Learned
Friend was speaking the sentiments of the States of
Holland, to which he was Secretary, or was delivering
his own abstract opinions. However, in some short
time after, I laid my hands upon the work, and to my
astonishment I found that they were merely the opinions
of the writer, and that the practice of the States to which
he was Secretary, was quite the other way (hear, hear.)
So that henceforward, whenever I find a man who
lectures upon the policy of a State, and puts forward his
own individual opinions instead of the laws of the
country which he professes to expound, I think, I
shall invariably call him a Bynkershock (a laugh).
Now, Sir, hear the opinions of that eminent Jurist,
Vattel, to whom I have already alluded. He says,
"As nature has given to men the right of using force,
only when it becomes necessary for their defence, and
the preservation of their rights, the inference is mani-
fest, that since the establishment of political societies, a
right so dangerous in its exercise no longer remains
with private persons, except in those kind of rencon-
tres where society cannot protect or defend them.
In the bosom of society, public authority decides all
the differences of the citizens, represses violence, and
checks the insult of revenge. If a private person
intends to prosecute his right against the subject of a
foreign power, he may apply to the Sovereign of his
adversary, or to the Magistrates invested with public
authority; and if he is denied justice by them, he is to
have recourse to his proper Sovereign, who is obliged
to protect him. It would be too dangerous to give
every citizen the liberty of doing himself justice
against foreigners, as every individual of a nation
might involve it in a war. And how could peace be
preserved between nations, if it was in the power of
every man to disturb it? A right of so great inoment,
the right of judging whether a nation has a real cause
of complaint; whether its case allows of using force,
and having recourse to arms; whether prudence
admits, and whether the welfare of the state demands it:
this right, I say, can only belong to the body of the
nation, or to the Sovereign, its representative" (hear,
hear!). Now, in other times, I should not have felt it
necessary to support this opinion by reference to
a thority; but it was satisfactory to be able to produce
authority when the principle is disputed. Here we
have the Sovereign on the one hand, and the body
of the people on the other, pledged by Parliament to
the observance of a rigorous neutrality (hear, hear,
hear.) I do not wish to introduce into the discussion
any technical niceties of law, but I would just suppose
ourselves placed in the situation of a Foreign Power
which had received assurances of strict neutrality;
and let us then consider what we should have felt
under similar circumstances. There was France with
an armed force in the Spanish territories; a distin-
guished individual arrives upon the Spanish shores,
from a nation whose King had pledged himself to strict
neutrality between the Belligerent Powers, which
pledge was sanctioned by Parliament. This individual
arrives with sentiments of avowed hostility, and
announces that he shortly expected to be joined by an
army of 10,000 men. To be sure, Sir, we all very well
know that the 10,000 men were not likely to join their
supposed leader; but let us only consider how such a
Proclamation must have been regarded by the Foreign
Power (hear, hear.) I can assure the House, that his
arrival at Corunna materially altered the course of the
war. Just as the application of a plaster to the foot brings
down the gout from its more elevated station, did the
blister which my Honorable and Gallant Friend applied
to the French Government on his arrival bring down
the war to Corunna (a laugh,) His high spirit of
gallantry and prodigal expenditure of himself must
always redound to his honor, in whatever cause it may
be exercised; but it is the duty of Governments to
contemplate these events with a more serious eye;
and if France did not remonstrate, it was the more
incumbent upon us to shew that we were no party
to any proceedings that bore even the resemblance of a
violation of neutrality. It actually became necessary for
the Government to disclaim any such connexion, which,
pro tanto was a humiliation to the Government; but it
was indispensably necessary, and yet, pro tanto, it
rendered the situation of this country less commanding
[hear, hear!]. And when the Government was accused
of not assuming a sufficiently high tone, I would say to
our accusers, "Do you take care that you leave us
nothing to excuse [lond cheers]." Nothing makes a
man appear more small and contemptible, than to be
extenuating in one breath and blustering in another
[cheers]. Now, I'll tell my Honorable and Galland
Friend the situation to which he reduced his Govern-
ment. I was certainly not called upon by France to
make any disclaimer or disavowal of the proceedings in
which he was engaged, but I felt it due to the honor
and good faith of the nation at large, to avoid even a
suspicion of violating the neutrality to which we were
pledged [hear, hear!]. Accordingly I wrote a dispatch
to Sir Charles Stuart, stating "you cannot disavow in
too strong terms any participation on the part of the
Government in the proceedings of
of[The Right
Hon. Gentleman omitted the name, and passed on to
another sentence]. This disavowal you are authorized
to make, not only on behalf of the Government generally,
but of every individual composing it." One of the
Circumstances which rendered this step necessary was,
that my Honorable and Gallant Friend did me the honor
to send home his dispatches under my cover; and if he
had supposed that in so doing, they would be quite
.


THE WARNING VOICE.
secure from violation, he only did me justice [hear,
hear, hear!]. But this circumstance, which of course
was well known, was productive of great inconveniences
under existing circumstances. The dispatch went
on, "at the same time, every man has a right, according
to the law of the nations, to enter a volunteer in any
foreign army; such service has been justified at all times
in all countries; nor does it subject the person of him
so serving to any penalty or prejudice. So that my
Honorable Friend will see, that in this dispatch I was
not inattentive to his personal security [loud cheers from
both sides of the House]. But as it was of the last im-
portance that the good faith of the nation should be
above suspicion, I conceived that the French nation, as
the belligerent power, was entitled to this explanation.
It was not the least inconvenience to which my Honor-
able Friend had subjected the Government, anxious to
uphold the character of neutrality, that they were driven
to the necessity of this disclaimer. A Government so
situated was not at liberty, its arms were fettered-its
march was retarded--its language must be lowered
(hear, hear.) But scarcely had the unfortunate result
occurred to my Gallant Friend, in consequence of his
prodigality of personal security, with which the House
was acquainted, when the Government was placed in a
still more embarrassing situation from a question which
arose in another quarter, in consequence of the arrival
in Spain of another distinguished Englishman who,
although he did not produce so much military effect,
yet, as I am informed, did certainly exhibit full as much
military intention (much laughing.) It is the duty of a
wise and a vigilant Government to be acquainted with
what is passing in the country, and I can assure the
House that I would not relate the circumstances which
they shall presently hear, if I were not in a condition
to adduce most respectable evidence of their authenti-
city. Then, Sir, about the middle of the month of last
July, the heavy Falmouth Coach (roars of laughter)-
yes, Sir, the heavy Falmouth coach, in the month of
last July (a laugh) was observed to proceed to its
wonted destination with more than its usual celerity
(much laughing). The coach contained two passen-
gers, the one a fair Lady of considerable dimensions,
the other a Gentleman, who was about to carry the
succour of his person to the struggling patriots in Spain
[continued Laughter). I am further informed, and this
interesting fact, Sir, can also be authenticated, that the
heavy Falmouth van, which Gentlemen, doubtless, are
aware is constructed for the conveyance of more cum-
brous articles (not of the human species, certainly),
[loud laughing from all sides of the House], was laden
upon the same memorable occasion with a box of most
portentous magnitude. Now, Sir, whether this box,
like the flying chest of the conjuror, possessed any
supernatural properties of loco-motion, is a point which
I confess I am quite unable to determine; but of this I
am most credibly informed, and I should hesitate long
before I should state it to the House, if the statement
did not rest upon the most unquestionable authority, that
this extraordinary box did contain a full suit of Spanish
uniform, together with a helmet of the most curious
workmanship; but Sir, allow me at the same time to
add, considerably inferior in size to the fabled helmet
of the Castle of Otranto [loud and continued laughter].
The idea, perhaps, of going to the relief of a blockaded
post in a full suit of light horsman's equipments, was,
perhaps, not strictly consonant to modern military
operations. However, almost at this time the arrival of
the promised force of 10,000 men, which never existed
except on paper, was hourly expected, and would have
been most acceptable; and when the Gentleman and
his box had made their appearance, the Cortes were
overwhelmed with joy, and rubbed their hands with
delight at the approach of the long-promised aid. In
fact, he knew nothing in ancient or modern history that
could at all compare with the joy which was expressed
on the occasion, except in the play of The Rehearsal,
which was written by the Noble Lord's great ancestor,
George, Duke of Buckingham, when the two Kings of
Brentford are informed" that the army is at the door,
but in disguise, and are quite ready to wait upon both
your Majesties" (loud laughter.) What the Noble,
Lord might not have done, had not things come to so
rapid issue, is more than I can say; or how far the
throwing of his weight into one scale might cause the
other to preponderate; however, as I had already
expressed the opinion of the Government on the
general principle in the case of my Honorable and
G Gallant Friend, I had no wish to multiply, in the eyes
of the French Government, circumstances which bore
the appearance of suspicion, and which could, when
explained, add to our humiliation (hear, hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord who has opened this discussion has
suggested another difficulty with reference to another
part of this question. He says that if, during the
military occupation of Spain by France, a Spanish
force should sail for South America, that would be, to
all intents and purposes, a French squadron. Now
this, I admit, would be entirely a question of degree,
and then would arise the consideration, whether the
occupation had been prolonged for one object and not
another; and I would add, that should tere appear
any extensive levy of Spanish troops, I shall consider it
a circumstance which would require examination and
explanation (hear, hear.) But we have now to deal
with things as they stand; and I see nothing in the
amount of the French force-I see nothing in their
quality or distribution, or in the mode they have
hitherto employed them-I see nothing in the Spanish
councils, whatever vapouring declarations may be made
by some Members of the Government-I see nothing,
in short, in present appearances, that could induce me
to suppose that there was any such project on foot as
the subjugation of South America. From the papers
which had been laid upon the Table, it would be seen
that there was a great approximation between the
French and English Government in respect to their
views relative. to the South American States With
those who persevered in stating that they would place
no reliance on the declarations of the French Govern-
ment, there was no arguing; but, founding my own
opinion of their sincerity upon the declaration of the
French Ambassador, who, I am persuaded, from the
knowledge I have of him personally, would not, under
the dictation of any Government upon earth, state any
thing that he did not believe to be true (hear, hear)
D 2


THE WARNING VOICE.
112
I am satisfied that the French Government, if they do
not think precisely with us, yet do approach our
opinions more nearly than any other Power in the
world. I confess that as to the apprehensions enter-
tained that other members of the European confederacy
look to South America with a view to interfere between
Great Britain and France on the one side, and South
America on the other, the idea appears to be preposte-
rous. They have not the capacity to accomplish such
an object, even if they entertained it; and I believe
they see the folly of such an undertaking, and the
advantages which arise from letting these States enjoy
their tranquillity.
"Stabant orantes primi transmittere cursum
"Tendebantque manus ripa ulterioris amore."
(cheers.) Upon these grounds, Sir, which I have
stated to the House, I submit that the Noble Lord has
made out no case, and I think my Honorable Friend
behind me (Mr. Littleton) although it does not become
me to say so, has pursued the prudent course in justice
to the Government. When a charge of suspicion is
mooted unjustly, it should be met with a satisfactory
viudication. But if the House should think that they
have reposed their confidence in the Government
improperly, he should not endeavour to prevail on them
to express their approbation; but if they were willing
to repose still further confidence, all suspicion should be
removed fully and honorably. If the House should be
of opinion that the Noble Lord had made out no prima
facie case of suspicion that there was an intention, on
the part of France, to effect the permanent occupation of
Spain-that, with respect to South America, the
British Government would not consent to that or any
other violation--if there was no ground for such an impu-
tation, then must they vote against the Noble Lord; but,
further, if the House should think that the Motion had
been brought forward lightly, and that the imputation
which it contained should not only be fixed but repelled,
then the House should go a step further and express their
confidence in the Government for the future. (The
Right Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheers.)
Sir R. WILSON explained: He said he could assure
the Right Honorable Gentleman, he had no wish
whatever to abuse his courtesey, or subject the Go-
verument to any inconvenience, by sending home
dispatches through his office, all of which came opened.
Mr. CANNING said he acquitted his Honorable and
Gallant Friend completely of any such intention; he
knew he did so, not merely for security, but in a spirit
of fair dealing (bear.)
Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH then rose to address
TOSH
the House, but in consequence of the noise which
prevailed, his opening sentences were not distinctly
audible in the Gallery. He said he did not rise to
contend with any man for the palm of eloquence, he
rose with great personal inconvenience, to discharge
what he conceived to be his public duty. His Right
Honorable Friend had alluded to a quotation which he
had made some years back from the writings of a great
jurist, but he made a slight mistake in stating that the
word was more modern than that of Vattel, for it so
happened that Bynkershock had been dead for some
years before Vattel published his book (hear, hear.),
Upon all questions of international law, there was no
higher authority; it was no mean praise to him that he
had been for 25 years President of the Supreme Court
country, which of all others in Europe, was the most
of Leyden, the Chief Judge of the Supreme Court of a
distinguished for its learning, and particularly on
subjects relating to the law of nations.
intention to follow his Right Honorable Friend into his
It was not his
digression respecting Vattel. He thought the quota-
subject they were discussing, nor would he stop to
tion from that author was quite impertinent to the
point out the contrariety between the doctrines of
Vattel, and the opinions contained in the very excellent
dispatch of the Right Honorable Secretary, which he had
read to the House. Before he proceeded to the subject
which was immediately before the House, he wished to per-
form a very agreeable duty; it was, to express the satisfac-
tion he felt at the generous and eloquent sentiments
and the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Littleton)
which had been expressed by his Right Hon Friend
[cheers]. He had never enjoyed more pleasure in his
towards his Gallant Friend (Sir Robert Wilson)---
life than at the manner in which they had expressed
such just and generous sentiments, and the feeling with
which their encomiums had been received by the House
[cheers]. The Right Honorable Gentleman had amused
behind him, but he was persuaded there was no man in
the House a good deal at the expence of a Noble Friend
that House who felt less disturbed and irritated than his
Noble Friend, for he possessed more real good humour,
acquaintance -His high sense of honor, his generous
and could bear raillery better than any man of his
principle, had procured him the esteem of all who knew
and exalted feelings, and his disinterested purity of
him [cheers!]. Even his short residence at Cadiz had
enabled him to render much service to that unfortunate
country, and to rescue from the fangs of tyranny some
of the most valuable lives in Spain. [cheers]. If, then,
he even had offended against some of the texts of Vattel,
or even of his more Learned Friend, Bynkershock, he
was sure the House would extend some indulgence,
when they knew the natural virtues of his heart, which
could not disgrace the English character, which could
which he belonged, or the equally high individual
not sully the high character of the illustrious family to
character which the Noble Lord himself maintained
[hear, hear. But to return to the question, his Right
Honorable Friend had talked a great deal of having the
confidence of the House of Commons. He could assure
less fascinating and irresistible than that which he
his Right Honorable Friend, that an eloquence much
possessed in so eminent a degree, would be sufficient to
secure the plaudits of the majority of the House of
Commons [loud cheers]. He well knew of what
[continued cheers], and he was not at all surprised that
materials the majority of that House was composed
they should now sing the song of their own votes. The
self commanded, were assembled, it would seem, to
army which the Right Honorable Gentleman had him-
Gentleman had appealed to the Jury, who (he would
celebrate their mutual triumph. The Right Honorable
had passed judgment in his favor, and he had received
not say had acquitted him), but to the tribunal which


THE WARNING VOICE.
113
It had
the most rapturous applause from them for the eloquent
manner in which he commemorated their favorable sen-
tence upon himself [cheers]. It required a very moderate
share of oratorical power to prevail upon the Athenians
to bestow the palm of eloquence on him who pronounced
a panegyric on Athens hear, hear!]. But all this was
not sufficient for the Right Honorable Gentleman, for
he was not satisfied with celebrating his real triumphs,
but he raised up imaginary contests, in order to enjoy
the delight of imaginary victories. He had talked about
He had talked about
the boasts which were made last July, on that side of
the House, and the anticipations which were felt of
success. But he could assure his Right Hon. Friend that
he and his friends knew toowell of what stuff the majorities
of that House were composed, to entertain any such
expectations [cheers!]. But he would tell the House
the reason why they had not divided the House on the
occasion which had been alluded to: it was, because
the amendment proposed by the Honorable Member for
Yorkshire (Mr. S. Wortley) differed so little from the
proposition which had been submitted from his side of the
House, that it would be inadvisable to create a division,
least an impression might be created abroad unfavorable
to Spain They had the cause of Spanish independence,
which was then just dawning, too dearly at heart, to
run the risk of injuring it in the slightest degree. They
considered that sacred cause superior to any considera-
tion of domestic contention about parties at home
[cheers]. They might have divided as usual, there was
nothing to prevent them. They had lost none of their
old friends-their numbers were not diminished.
been asked triumphantly by the Right Honorable
Gentleman, why nobody rose on the present occasion
on this side of the House? The reason was this--that
no answer had been given to the speech of his Noble
Friend, and the Right Hon Gent. seemed anxious to
court hostility, as if not satisfied with the celebration of
his three imaginary victories; and failing in his purpose.
he ascribes hostility to those who altogether disclaim
His Right Hon. Friend told the House that France
was solicitous to evacuate Spain. Now, would his Right
Honorable Friend be able to persuade the House of
Commons that such was the fact? Certainly, his Right
Honorable Friend might do so; for his eloquence was
great-his authority was great-his influence was great.
But if his Right Honorable Friend succeeded in per-
suading the House of Commons that France was anxious
to surrender the ascendancy she had obtained in
Spain, that she was anxious to make Spain, at present
dependent on her, independent, he would perform a
miracle of conviction greater, perhaps, than any political
Minister had hitherto achieved [hear, hear, hear!].
It had been said that there was no case. But besides
the positive cases which were mooted in the dispatches
of Sir C. Stuart, there was another in the very spirit of
the whole transaction. There was the case of Spanish
troops having been sent to South America, during the
time that Spain was in the occupation of the French
army. It had been admitted by his Right Honorable
Friend, that if any considerable body of Spanish
troops had been sent to South America while Spain was
in the occupation of the French army, those troops must
be considered as French troops. But the principle was
it.
||
the same, whether the number of men was a hundred,
or a thousand, or ten thousand. At the moment when
the Spanish Government issued Proclamations asserting
authority over South America, and avowing the intention
of sending over a large military force, the presence of
the French army in Spain must have given to those
threats a weight materially affecting the security of
the trans-atlantic Governments, and exposing them to
all the evils resulting from the apprehension of a
formidable attack. It was said that we ought not to
publish to the world that we entertained any jealousy
of the intentions of France on this subject. But who
did not know already that such a jealousy must be
entertained in this country? The French Government,
aware of the ancient jealousy of the power of France
cherished by us, he would not say as the natural enemies,
but as the natural antagonists of that power, must know
that we could not but entertain a jealousy of the perma-
nent occupation of Spain by French troops, or of the
effect which the detachment of Spanish troops, while
Spain was so occupied, must necessarily have. But it
had been said, why distrust France on this subject? It
was impossible, however, for the House to know what
the conduct of France had really been, unless the papers
moved for by his noble Friend were produced. There
was in no part of his noble Friend's speech any
imputation on France; and if no imputation de-
served to be cast upon that Power, why not pro-
duce the documents which would make that fact
evident? The sole answer, however, by which all his
Noble Friend's arguments had been met, was that his
motion was hostile to his Majesty's Ministers. As long
as his Majesty's Ministers resolved to consider every
attempt to obtain an expression of the opinion of Par-
liament on any important State question-an attempt
hostile to themselves, it was certainly a very short
answer to give, that such a motion was hostile to the
Executive Government. That was not the way in
which he (Sir James Mackintosh) had learnt the
Constitution, the House of Commons were not merely
empowered to impeach Ministers, when they misconduct-
ed themselves, or to address the Crown for their removal;
but they were to be considered the Great Council of
the State, whose duty it was to advise his Majesty on
all the most important concerns of the country, without
its being necessarily implied, that in doing so, they acted
hostilely towards the existing Administration [hear, hear]
Lord JOHN RUSSELL made a short reply. He
reprobated the practice of, day after day, converting
such motions as that which he had done himself the
honor to submit to the Ilouse, into regular panegyrics
on his Majesty's Government, and thereby pledging the
House to the support of every act of that Government.
With respect to the course which the Right Honorable
Secretary for Foreign Affairs had thought proper to
adopt on this occasion, he must say, that the Right
Honorable Gentleman, by the tone and manner which
he had assumed, had sought a species of applause which
was wholly unworthy of him. The Right Honorable Gen-
tleman had much better have employed himself in endea
vouring to shew why the ancient jealousy of this country
with respect to the influence of France on the Continent,
and more especially in Spain, was no longer to exist,--


114
THE WARNING VOICE.
In conclusion, the Noble Lord said that he would not
press his motion to a division.
which they are the victims, and even to concert measures
for its overthrow. By pursuing an opposite course,
The Amendment was then put and agreed to without England will co-operate with the Holy Alliance. If
a division.
THE LEEDS MERCURY,
27th March, 1824.
The speech of the King of France on opening the
Chambers has reached us. It gives no definite information
with respect to the two most important pointswhich at pre-
sent agitate the cabinets of Europe-viz. the occupation
of Spain, and the affairs of South America. The mention
made of the former subject, however, by no means bears
out the expectation excited by Mr. Canning's speech,
that some early period was fixed for the evacuation of
the peninsula on the contrary, the King intimates that
a French army will occupy Spain, till that country is
restored to tranquillity-an event apparently still dis-
tant, and which the French can defer at their pleasure.
On the independence of South America no remarks
whatever are made that bear meaning. It appears that
the French Chamber of Deputies is in future to be
elected septennially; instead of having one-fifth re-
chosen every year, and the whole renewed at the end
of every five years, as is ordained by the Charter: at
least the King intimates that this proposition will be
made to the Chambers, and in the present construction
of those Chambers its enactment as a law is certain.
The change will doubtless be found a convenience to
the Court and the Ministers; and the time of making it
is chosen quite félicitously, as the present Chambers are
likely to give no sort of disquietude to the cabinet.
The Secretary of State for the home department
introduced a bill in the House of Commons on Tuesday,
to continue to government, for twelve months longer,
the power they possess of sending foreigners out of the
country at their discretion. We are unable to see aný
advantage whatever in an Alien Act, under the present
circumstances of England and the continent; and the
objection to it is, that it invests government with an
arbitrary power, which may be abused to the vexation
and oppression of many thousand persons. Mr. Peel
contends that ministers ought to have the power of
preventing foreigners from conspiring in this country
against the tranquillity of other states. We are of an
opposite opinion. The continental despots having
leagued together to exclude freedom from Europe, and
having for this purpose established a military and police
system from St. Petersburgh to Cadiz and from Berlin
to Naples, having, moreover, in pursuit of their
tyrannical object, violated the independence of nations,
and stigmatized the principles and practice of the
English constitution,-and having thus far succeeded in
destroying liberal institutions, and preventing free dis-
cussion, we think it is the duty, and should be the
pride of the British government to keep open one city
of refuge in the old world for the persecuted friends of
liberty, to allow them there to expose the tyranny of
ministers are sincere in their detestation of the princi-
ples of this league, the Alien Act will be an encumbrance
to them for while they possess the power of expelling
from this country individuals who may be obnoxious to
the leaguers, it will be ungracious not to exercise it at
their request; whereas they would not be troubled with
applications to remove obnoxious individuals, if they
had not the means of complying with them. Mr. Peel
has one merit in this bill, which the acts passed under
Lord Castlereagh's administration wanted: he has
adopted the suggestion repeatedly made by Sir James
Mackintosh to exempt from the operation of the act all
foreigners who shall have resided seven years in the
country. By this clause, 10,000 persons, out of 26,000
who before were liable to immediate expulsion, are pro-
tected; and to these the protection is very important, as
they are probably for the most part settled in trade, and
would be ruined by banishment. We do not understand
why the present bill is to continue for the short period
of one year. If an Alien Act is necessary now, it must
always be necessary: never did circumstances less
require or justify it than at present; and if ministers
demand it at a time like this, they had better propose it
as a permanent measure.
Mr. CANNING has become quite a glutton of popu-
lar and parliamentary applause. The House of Commons
has on several distinct occasions, testified its approbation
of the policy adopted by government in the invasion of
Spain; yet the foreign secretary, not satisfied with these
repeated encomiums, when Lord John Russel moved
last Thursday for the production of papers relative to
the occupation of the peninsula, insisted on receiving
another panegyric. These complimentary and gratula-
tory resolutions, repeated without assignable cause,
cannot fail to appear ridiculous to any one who shall
hereafter examine the journals of the house: the infe-
rence drawn from them will be, either that the house
was obsequiously subservient to a vain minister, or that
it felt a cowardly and irrepressible exultation at having
escaped the danger of war. But the house has on this oc-
casion gone out of its way to state, that it sees nothing
"in the present circumstances that calls upon the house
"to express any apprehension of a permanent military
"occupation of the Spanish territory by France." Why
then does the house speak at all? If it sees nothing to
remark upon, why does it not hold. its tongue? Do
legislative assemblies usually pass formal resolutions,' to
declare that they have nothing to say? Passing by these
absurdities, however, it is agreeable to hear from Mr.
Canning, that the period fixed for the evacuation of
"Spain is shorter than even the honorable gentleman
"opposite could reasonably or even possibly hope."
And it is further pleasing to find, that all the members
who spoke on the ministerial side of the house had the
justice and good feeling to applaud the noble devotion
of Sir Robert Wilson to the cause of liberty. Though
the hostility of the continental despots sufficiently attested
the merits of this fine-spirited soldier, it must be gratifying
to himself to see that his countrymen universally ac-


THE WARNING VOICE.
115
knowledge his excellent motives and gallant conduct.
It is also creditable to the country, that there are no
persons in it (except a few parasitical journalists) mean
enough to think that the honors of Sir Robert are in
the least impaired by his loss of the decorations bestowed
by a confederacy of tyrants.
Abstract from Lord John. Russell's Speech in the
House of Commons on Parliamentary Reform,
on Thursday the 25th of April, 1822.
"The natural balance of our constitution was, that
the Crown should appoint its ministers, that these minis-
ters should possess the confidence of the House of
Commons, and that the House of Commons should
represent the sense of the people of England. Such was
the nature of the machinery; and if any single wheel
went wrong, the whole of the machine must immediately
become deranged. Thus when the Stewart's were on
the Throne of England, their ministers did not possess
the confidence of the people; and the consequences
were tumult, insurrection, and civil war. At the pre-
sent time, ministers possessed the confidence of the
House of Commons, but the House of Commons could
not be said to possess the esteem and respect of the
people. Much was it to be apprehended that the con-
sequences would be equally fatal.; for tumult and
insurrection had already burst out in many parts of the
-empire. This popular frenzy exhibited at one view,
alarm in the upper classes, and disaffection in the lower.
And what were the remedies applied to the evil? Severe
eversion-restrictive laws-large standing armies
enormous barracks scattered all over the face of the
country.; symtoms not of strength and confidence, but
of weakness and alarm (hear, hear, hear!) It might be
said that to the decisions by which these measures were
enforced, many of the friends of the liberties of the
people were parties. If he were obliged to admit that
some of his personal friends, for whom he entertained
the greatest respect, were of the number of those who
imposed these undue restraints on the subject-who had
assisted in pairing down the bill of rights, and in
diminishing the liberty of the people, he should only
look with more regret at the proceeding, and deplore
the fatal mistake which they had committed. In his firm
and unalterable persuasion, the liberty of Englishmen
was founded on the common consent of all being re-
quired to the establishment of the law. The freedom
of England must rest on that basis, or it could no longer
exist. It was not in England that the liberties of any
particular class could be curtailed. It was not in
England as in the senate of Venice, that the interests of
of one class of the community could be permitted to
bear down the rights of another. It was not from
between the bars of a prison, that the notes of English
liberty, could be expected to manifest that grace and
sweetness which must also have something of wildness
to impart to them their full charms (hear, hear, hear!).
Unless the liberty of England ranged uncontrolled, vain
had been the efforts of our brave ancestors. The liberty
||
of England adjured the countenance of extensive bar-
racks scattered over the country. The liberty of Eng-
land could never allow itself to be maintained by despotic
demonstrations of that nature. Melancholy, indeed,
would be the result of any attempt to govern this country
on any other principles than those which had been
formerly and firmly adopted; and yet they had seen his
Majesty's ministers resorted to other principles, for the
purpose of obtaining majorities in that house. Such a
proceeding was unwise as it was unconstitutional.
was unwise, for it occasioned even to Government
themselves an inconvenience, of which he conceived
that they would wish to get rid of. If Parliament were
once reformed, Government would have noting more
to do than to submit their measures to Parliament; and
if those measures were not approved, to alter or nullify
them; but if approved by such Parliament, they would
be sure to receive the sanction of the people. Instead
of that course, his Majesty's ministers adopted a narrow
winding path. They employing nearly the whole
sessions, in obtaining the concurrence in their measures
of certain borough proprietors; but after the prorogation
of Parliament, they found their whole work undone;
they found that whatever approbation their measures had
received in Parliament by the popular opinion and by
a free press, they were condemned; and that, however
sanctioned by a House of Commons, it was impracticable
to carry them into execution Thus it was, that the very
ministers, who in 1816, proposed 99,000 men as the
military establishment of the country, had been com-
pelled by the voice of the people to reduce that number
to 69,000, being no less a reduction than a third. Such
a reduction would have been spontaneously preferred
by wise ministers. It might have been proposed even
by such ministers as the present (a laugh). For his own
part he confessed, that he never attributed to the present
ministers, any dark and dangerous preconcerted plans,
against the liberties of the country. He believed that
their only wish was to do as little good or evil as they
could help (a laugh). He believed that their sole object
was the retention of their places, and of the power and
profit which belonged to them (hear, hear, hear!).
He
believed, that in many cases, his Majesty's present
ministers were perfectly indifferent as to the success of
their propositions-that they were perfectly indifferent
to the disgrace of popular odium; and had no objection,
after a measure had been rejected with indignation, to
bring it down again in an altered state, that might give
them hope of its adoption (hear, hear, hear!). Under
such circumstances, in his opinion, it would be con-
venient to such ministers, to find in that house an echo
of the popular voice, to be able to feel at once the pulse
of the people of England (hear, hear!) What was the
course which they were at present compelled to pursue?
In what way had they endeavoured to gain support?
The present year afforded a happy exemplification of
their policy. It was well known, that before the com-
mencement of the session, the diffculties of the nation
were extremely pressing, that there was great distress,
and above all, the country gentlemen, who had always
been the staunch supporters of ministers, declared that
in their opinion Government had not acted wisely.
What did ministers do in order to fortify themselves
•
E2


116
THE WARNING VOICE.
against the effect of these loud complaints? Did they
resort to any popular measure? Did they seek for the
support of public opinion? Far from it. They went to
A certain party known in this Country by the name of
"The Grenville, Party (hear, hear, hear.) That was a
party which derived weight and importance from the
character and talents of Lord Grenville, whose power
of mind, whore energy, whose talents, and whose rare
combination of extensive learning of every kind, with
great official experience, constituted him a man en-
titled to the greatest influence and anthority among any
set of men to whom he might think proper to unite
himself. Some years ago, however, Lord Grenville
had declared his intention of retiring from public life,
an intention to which he (Lord John Russell) believed
the Noble Lord had steadily adhered. Deprived of
Lord Grenville, the Grenville party became as nothing,
(hear, hear, hear.) Whatever might have been their
merits; however great their merits; and he had no
inclination to deny that they were immense (a laugh,)
such had been their political conduct, that the whole of
the people of England held them in particular abhor-
rence (a loud laugh.) Whoever had abused the Whigs,
whoever had abused the Ministers, whoever had abused
the Radical Reformers; all combined, all were ready,
to club their sum of vituperation against "the Gren-
vile party" (loud laughter.) His Majesty's Ministers, in
despair of obtaining the aid of the popular sentiment,
asked and received the support of this party, which, as
far as public opinion was concerned, was literally
nothing (a laugh.) With utter astonishmeut, however,
the Country witnessed a levy en masse of the whole
of the family and conneotions, with all their adherents
and dependants, for the service of the Crown (a laugh.)
It seemed as if a general press warrant had been issued
to force the whole clan into the support of Government
(a loud laugh.) One of them was sent to Switzerland
with a salary large enough to corrupt the whole senate
of the Country. A right honorable gentleman, like
another bacchus, was sent to India, thence it was pre-
sumed to return laden with the rich spoils of the east
(a loud laugh). Thus had the whole party become all
at once a set of persons on whom the hatred of the
people, and favors of the Crown, were unreservedly
bestowed (hear, hear.) They became a chosen and
privileged class-held, on the one hand, to deserved
execration, and on the other to be worthy of power
(hear, hear, hear.) With respect to the people, the
With respect to the people, the
accession of that party could afford no strength to
Government. In the House, however, their strength
was unequivocally felt whenever a division took place
(hear, hear, hear.) There was another view of the
subject which it was desirable to take. It was a con-
stitutional rule, established by our ancestors, in the
same way in which our other liberties had been esta
blished, namely, by the most severe and unremitting
exertions, that such members of the house as took
office, should be returned to their constituents, in order
that the opinion of those constituents might be pro-
nounced upon them. Now, of course, the members of
Now, of course, the members of
"the Grenville party," were thus sent to their constitu-
ents. If so, they might be compelled to answer many
questions. They might be asked if they had changed
their opinion on the subject of the salt tax (hear, hear,
hear.) They might be asked if they had done any
thing for the catholics of Ireland (hear, hear, hear.)
They might be asked if among their numerous bargains
and stipulations, they had made any bargain or stipula-
tion in favor of five millions of their fellow creatures,
whose claims they had formerly estimated so highly,
that they had considered the denial of those claims a
sufficient reason for keeping aloof from any connection
with Government (loud cries of hear. Whether or
not those Honorable Gentlemen had obtained any such
stipulation he knew not; but if he (Lord John Russell)
were one of their constituents, he would say that they
had not behaved consistently with their former conduct,
unless they had made some such stipulation, and unless
they had a prospect of being speedily enabled to obtain
for the sister Island that concession for which it had so
long struggled in vain (hear, hear, hear.) It so hap-
pened, however, that the world would never know how
the question which he had enumerated had been
answered-for they had never been asked (a laugh.)
The greater portion of the Grenville party," had no
other constituent than the individual who accepted
rank when they accepted office, and who was a princi-
pal partner in their recent coalition with the present
Government (hear, hear.) That individual, the gen-
tleman in question, no doubt represented faithfully and
entirely. Between him and them there was what Mr.
Pitt once said there ought always to be between the
people and their representatives-the deepest sympathy
and the closest connection (loud cries of hear, hear,
hear.) But no opportunity was given to the people to
express their sense of the conduct of these their
assumed representatives in thus accepting of office.
Such was the aid which Ministers thought proper to
seek; and he maintained that their having done so was
with him a strong additional instance of the necessity
of Parliamentary Reform. But there was another
argument in favor of his motion which he had not yet
touched upon--he meant the opinion of the great Lord
Clarendon, who in speaking of Cromwell's plan of
reform, observed, that it was a plan which was worthy
of a better source. In addition to the authority of this
great man, he had in his favor the opinions of Mr Locke,
the most liberal of whig philosophers; Judge Black-
stone, one of the most able, and at the same time most
cautious of constitutional writers; the great and virtu-
ous Lord Chatham; Mr. Pitt, the object of the praise
and admiration of one great party in this country; and
Mr. Fox, the object of the love and affection of another
(hear.) He owned that such a powerful union of
authority, coming as it did from different men, who
lived at different times; men who formed their opinions
upon different grounds, and scarcely concurring in any
two sentiments upon other points, struck his mind with
a weight which he could not describe, and gave him a
confidence which could otherwise only be attained by
the dictates of experience. The opinions of such men
ought to be considered as a series of precedents. Their
names and authorities were blended with the laws and
institutions which we venerate, and were calculated to
smooth down and remove that ruggedness which the
question of reform presented to some Gentlemen on the


THE WARNING VOICE.
117
other side of the House. He knew no authorities to
be cited against him, except indeed those of Mr. Burke
and Mr. Windham, and without meaning to disparage
the characters of those Gentlemen, he must say, that
the names he had already quoted were more than an
overbalance of authority in his favor. Having now
stated the situation of the Country; its improvement in
wealth and knowledge. Having pointed out the
present defective mode of election and representation;
and the great mischiefs arising therefrom; it remained
for him to state to the House the nature of the plan which
it was his intention to recommend. In considering
what plan would be most for the advantage of the
county, he naturally looked to the great authorities to
whom he had before alluded. He found that the great
Lord Chatham recommended the addition of one
hundred members; and that Mr. Pitt also recommended
the addition of one hundred knights to be elected from
the different counties; that Mr. Flood also recommend-
ed the addition of one hundred knights to be elected
by the resident householders of the different Counties;
and that Mr. Fox, in speaking of Mr. Flood's plan,
said that it was the best outline of Parliamentary
Reform which had come within his knowledge. Seeing
this, he felt inclined to propose the introduction of one
hundred members to that House. He did not wish that
they should be all returned from counties, nor yet all
from towns. He should therefore propose, as far as the
thing could be at present settled, that the counties
should return sixty members, and the towns and com-
mercial interests forty. But here he felt a difficulty
which did not occur in the recommendations of Lord
Chatham, Mr. Flood, and Mr. Fox. It was this, that
since their plans of reform had been proposed, one
hundred members (the Irish members) had been added
to the British Parliament. But in order to meet this
difficulty, he should propose that one hundred members
should be taken from one hundred of the smaller
boroughs, leaving each of those boroughs one member
instead of two. If a former motion of his had been
attended to, it would have gone a great way towards
reform, inasmuch at it would have disfranchised many
boroughs in which corruption was notorious. But he
regretted to say, that that question had not been taken
up with sincerity by the House. If it had met with the
sincere co-operation of Parliament, it would have gone
far to put down bribery and corruption at elections.
The house said "If you bring a case of corruption
before us, and prove it, we are ready to convict; but
we will not stir one step to discover any such case,
though they are as notorious as the sun at noonday."
In short, the House of Commons acted as a Police
Magistrate would, who would say, "If you bring a
thief before me, I'm ready to commit him; but I shall
not send out a single Police Officer, though I know that
there are nightly complaints of thieves parading the
streets." (hear, hear.) Under all these circumstances of
the case, he certainly was of opinion that the plan of
reform, which is now proposed, was the safest and best
which could be adopted by Parliament (hear, hear.)
There were, he was aware, a variety of other consider-
ations connected with this plan; as for instance,
whether the right of voting should be in leasehold or
copyhold property, or in what other way it should be
granted, together with various other details into which
it was unnecessary now to enter. The question for the
consideration of the House now was, whether the
question of reform was worthy their consideration or
not. If they decided that it was, why then would it be
an easy matter to arrange and decide upon the details.
Leaving this part of the question, he should now pro-
ceed to answer what he conceived to be the most
material objections, which could be urged against his
motion. First, he supposed it would be urged that the
smaller boroughs were the means of sending men of the
greatest talent into Parliament. This he admitted.
He was far from undervaluing the talent so introduced,
or the means of introducing it, but to the objection he
answered, that the same course would still remain open.
He had no objection to the existence of small boroughs,
but he did object, and that strongly too, to the small
borough members forming a majority of that House,
and giving the sanction of Parliament to measures
which were in point of fact the acts of private individu-
als. This was giving a weight and consequence to
mere forms and ceremonials of representation, at the
expence of the real substance of the constitution.
There is something so venerable about the constitution
of this House, that he could not better illustrate his pre-
sent argument, than by drawing a comparison between
certain proceedings in ancient Rome, and those now
under consideration. In doing this he must beg the
particular attention of the honorable member for Corfe
Castle (Mr. Bankes,) who, it is well known, was the
commentator on the history of Rome; the tory com-
mentator, as another great writer, was known to be the
whig commentator. About 370 years after the esta-
blishment of the Roman Republic, a contest arose whe-
ther one of the consuls should be chosen from among
the plebians, or whether they should both be chosen
from among the patricians; (a question, by the bye,
not very assimilar to that now under discussion,) it was
argued by the aristocracy of that day, that the admission
of a plebian to the consulate, would be productive of
great evil; that the chickens would not eat, would
not come out of their coops, or out of their shells-that
the anguries could not be performed, and that all the
system of divination would be deranged and destroyed;
or in the words of the historian, Livy, "Quid enim est
si pulli non pascentur,? Si ex cavea tardius exierint?
Si occinuerit avis? Parva sunt haec: sed parva is ta
non contemnendo majores nostri maximam hane rem
facerunt." Such were the arguments used by a great
Senator of those days. This contest, it should be
remembered, arose upon the return of Camillus, at the
conclusion of a great war. What was done by the
Senate of Rome? It might be supposed that they intro-
duced seditions Meeting Bills, Gagging Bills, and other
such restrictive measures. But no such thing occurred;
the dictators and the Senate yielded, and a plebian
consul was appointed. Nor had it been told that any of
the predicted evils followed this deviation from aristo-
cratical influence. The Romans went on in their usual
course; they carried on their wars against Pyrobus and
against Carthage, without it ever having been discover-
ed that the chickens refused to eat, or to come out of


119
THE WARNING VOICE.
view to relieve and sooth, as much as possible, the
distresses of the country. But there was another argu-
ment, which, when all else failed, was brought forward,
not to affect the understandings, but the nervesof the peo-
ple of this country. He meant allusions to the Frenc hre-
volution, and the civil wars in the time of Charles the
first. Now he wished to know what the persons who
used such arguments meant? Did they mean to say
that the tyranny of Charles the first, who wished to
govern the country independently of parliament, and
by divine right, who wished to levy taxes without the
intervention of parliament and contrary to law, was a
government which it was wrong to resist? Did they
mean to say that it was wrong to resist such a govern-
ment as Louis the sixteenth, who wasted and squandered
the treasures and resources of the country, in a most
profuse and extravagant manner? But unless those
gentlemen argued in this way, it would be difficult to
understand what the nature of their arguments were, or
why they introduced those bugbears the French revo
lution and the civil wars of Charles the first (hear, hear.)
He must be more learned than Seldon, more prudent
than Pym, more patriotic than Hampden, more wise
and learned than all those about him, who could put his
finger upon that period in the reign of Charles the first,
when the people might have stopped short and preser-
ved the Monarchy without surrendering altogether the
liberties of the country (hear, hear.) This being the
case, it behoved them to stop and enquire how and why
it was that the people rose and why, having risen, they
were so difficult to be overcome? It appeared to him,
that the real cause was the want of unity among the
aristocracy of the country, a great portion were joined
with the crown against the people. This it was which
produced a great portion of the evil at that period.
Where the people were united, there were no calamitous
consequences to be feared. James the second was
dethroned without opposition, without ereating civil
war. He called then upon the aristocracy of the coun-
try to unite in support of reform. He called upon the
whigs to unite in support of this grand object. The
principle of the whigs, as far as he understood it, was
to obtain for the people as much liberty as they were
capable of enjoying.
Did not capable of enjoying. Indeed, the great fault of the
whigs was, their demanding too much-witness the
exclusion bill and the acts of Mr Fox. It was by
continuing the borough system, and preventing too
great a preponderance from being given to counties,
and to land, that the House of Hanover was established
on the throne, and we were preserved from the continu-
ation of the reign of the Stewarts As they then
furthered the cause of liberty by their conduct, so he
called upon them to do it now, by giving to the
increased intelligence of the people an increased repre-
sentation in that house (hear, hear) The people were
were now so much enlightened, that they were fully
competent to guard any portion of liberty confided to
their care. Let the whigs now shew themselves ready
to give up a portion of the boroughs; let them support
the cause of reform, and they would take the most
effectual means of preserving the constitution [hear.]
He could not conceal from himself the fact that there
existed a sort of jealousy between the opposition
their coops, or that the auspices of the birds had been
1'ss favorable. The honorable member for Corfe
Castle would bear in mind that Camillus had acceded to
the wishes of the people, and had stated as his ground
for doing so, that he was tired of bearing the odium
which such his opposition to their wishes had brought
upon him. He should beg to put to the honorable member
for Corfe Castle, the example of Camillus, and to
remind him whether it would not be wise to concede in
time, that which could not long be denied; and also
to consider whether he (Mr. Bankes) and his friends,
had not borne long enough, the odium and unpopular-
ity, of having refused what the people considered with
justice to be their undoubted right and inheritance
(hear, hear.) There was another point which he
expected would be urged against him, namely, that
though the House of Commons was said not to represent
the people, yet that its decisions were received and
obeyed by the country as those of the most perfectly
constituted assembly. To this he answered, that the
people of England were remarkable beyond all other
countries for their attachment to the laws and constitu-
tion of the country. The people of England were
well aware, that nothing brought forward by ministers,
could have the force and authority of the law, until it
had received the sanction of the House of Commons ;—
and when any such measure did pass the Commons, the
people felt that they must either be silent, or at once
rebel against Government. But did silence shew that
the people approved? Did it follow that because the
people ceased to speak of the omission of the late
Queen's name from the liturgy, that therefore they
were satisfied with that omission? (hear, hear.) Did it
follow, that because the people ceased to speak of the
office of joint post-master general, they were therefore
satisfied that two persons ought to be paid for holding
that office? No! the people were silent, because they
found that all observations would be useless, unless they
rose to actual resistance; and in so doing they judged
wisely, for much as affairs might be bettered, nothing
had hitherto occurred which would justify any resist-
ance. But when Government talked of the acquiescence
of the people, he would ask whether the same had not
taken place under the worst of tyrannies? Did not
James the second find the same acquiescence, surround-
ed as he was by lawyers, flattered as he was by the sub-
serviency of addressers, and the base surrender of
corporate rights, until at last a violent resistance was
made, and he was obliged to abdicate the throne (hear,
hear, hear.) Paul of Russia was obeyed by his subjects,
until a sudden resistance terminated his life by the
bowstring. Fernidand of Spain was enabled to sign
the death warrant of the best of his subjects, and was
implicitly obeyed by his subjects, until, at last, the army
burst forth in rebellion and hurled him from his des-
potic throne. All those powers thought themselves
secure in the affection of their subjects, until they were
ju an instant overthrown and destroyed. Let gentle-
men look to the actual situation of this country.
We
have been engaged in a war which brought bankruptcy
and confusion upon a great portion of the community,
and in such a state of things, it became the duty of
ministers to act with the greatest caution, and with a


THE WARNING VOICE.
119
within and the opposition without the walls of Parlia-
ment. This arose, he believed, from an impression
without, that the opposition in that house did not
advocate the cause of the people so fully and so
strenuously as they ought. In calling upon the whigs,
he at the same time called upon the whole aristocracy
of the country to advocate the same cause. It had
It had
been well observed by Sir W. Temple, that even in the
greatest changes in this country, if weight and number
went together, England would still be safe (hear, hear.)
He (Lord John Russell) now called upon the weight
and numbers of the country to go the same way;-he
beseeched members not to allow themselves to be
swayed, either by pedantic or interested motives;-he
entreated them not to allow any temporary interests
to exclude from their minds the great permanent stake
which they held in the country. Let them keep in
mind that all the great talents, weight, and character of
the country arose out of the freedom we enjoyed (hear.)
As our ancestors had acquired for us the liberties we
enjoyed, so we owed to posterity to transmit them those
liberties untainted and unrestricted (hear.) By adhering
to the principles of the constitution, which was now
little more than a century old, they would make this
country become one of the most free and stable
Governments that ever existed in any country or in
any age. (The conclusion of the Noble Lord's speech
was followed by loud cheers.) His Lordship then
moved "That the present state of the representation of
the people in Parliament requires the most serious
consideration of this House."
The House then divided on the motion:
........
.. 269
Ayes
Noes... .....164
..
Majority...105
Abstract of a Speech made at a Public Dinner at
Nottingham, given in Honor of their Representa-
tives in Parliament, on Wednesday, Sep. 4, 1823.
"There never existed a Government-no, not even
the Roman Empire in its days of most lavish resources
-which possessed such a mischievous extent of means
-it had not a tenth of the corrupt power which the
narrow oligarchy of England commands. It is not the
King who enjoys this supremacy; for the King, with all
his power and prerogatives, extensive as they necessarily
are, for the representative of the people of England, as
such the King of a free nation ought to be considered -
it is not the King, but the boroughmongering oligarchy
of which we have to complain; it is that oligarchy
which oppressed and loaded the King himself with
obloquy (cries of hear.) The King and People upon a
just and mutual understanding of their rights, had, and
could have, but one common interest. The Crown is
bound to maintain the rights of the people, and the
people owed allegiance to the King, but none to the
oligarchy (applause.) That oligarchy deserves punish-
ment rather than respect-rather than the privilege of
being respectfully sued to permit the people to reform
themselves. Sooner than yield to so base a power as
this oligarchy usurped, he hoped the people would
never cease to petition the King till they have effected
its complete annihilation; it is against this usurpation
that the public are called upon to unite, against it they
are bound to direct their loudest execration (applause.)
If any thing could put this oligarchy into a more degra-
ding light than its monstrous usurpation, it would be its
most odious hypocrisy. Did not the company recollect,
that when an aged gentleman, Sir Manasseh Lopes,
was detected-detected, they called it! (a laugh) in
doing that which five-sixths of the members of the
House knew they had done themselves to obtain their
seats, the unfortunate gentleman so detected, not
having the luck of his colleague, who, wiser in his
generation, bribed off the petitioners who complained
of bribery (loud laugh) became at once the object of
the indignation of the House. Really the spectacle was
ludicrous, were it not that the system itself was full of
public danger. Poor Sir Manasseh Lopes was instantly
overwhelmed as an example, forsooth! even the very
judge who tried him, who must have got his own seat
in Parliament in the very same way, and who possibly
made the seat he had so acquired the stepping-stone to
his subsequent promotion-even that judge read the old
gentleman a long lecture upon the heinousness of his
crime (a laugh.) Big wigs and long robes not only
hide a man's face from his acquaintances, but also from
himself; or else the public could never be treated with
such exhibitions as the sentence of Sir M. Lopes. It
was a sort of drama, which contrary to the rules of
drama, began in farce and ended in tragedy; for the
poor gentleman who was prosecuted, had to endure
two years imprisonment, to pay £10,000 fine; a more
odious act of injustice, heightened by hypocrisy, had
never been exhibited (hear, hear.) As it was said,
from the foot of Hercules you could know the statue ;
so he might say that from this one act they might esti-
mate the general composition of the House of Commons.
The worthy gentleman concluded amid great applause,
by reiterating his sentiments in favor of Parliamentary
Reform, and of the value of such meetings as the
present.
Norfolk Fox Dinner.
FEBRUARY, 1822.
The Annual Dinner to celebrate the Anniversary of
the Birth-Day of Mr. Fox, was held on Thursday week,
at the Assembly Room, Norwich.
So great was the anxiety of the Gentlemen of the
County and City to be present on this occasion, that
applications for tickets were made several weeks back,
but as the Assembly Rooms could dine no more than
250 persons the issue of tickets were restricted to that
number; the consequence of which was, that upwards
of one hundred Gentlemen who wished to be present
were excluded from the dinner. Notwithstanding the
precautions taken by the Stewards and Gentlemen of
the Committee to prevent an overflow, from fifteen to
F 2


120
THE WARNING VOICE.
twenty Gentlemen were obliged to dine in the orchestra.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, who is on a
visit at Holkham, being expected to attend the dinner,
several persons crowded forth to witness his arrival. At
a quarter past three o'clock the ringing of the church
bells announced that his Royal Highness had entered
the city; he proceeded immediately to the Bishop's
Palace, where he was to reside during his stay in town.
At half-past four o'clock the Duke of Norfolk and
the Earl of Albemarle entered the dining-room, and
were received with loud and repeated cheering. Mr.
Coke entered shortly after, and was greeted in a similar
manner. Soon after five o'clock the Duke of Sussex
made his appearance, and was received with the highest
possible demonstrations of respect; every Gentleman
stood up and cheered as his Royal Highness passed to
the upper end of the room. Among the Noblemen and
Gentlemen present we noticed the following:-
-
His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, the Duke of
Norfolk, Earl Marshal; Earl of Albemarle; Viscount
Bury; Hon. W. Fitzroy, Hon. E. Keppel: Sir W. W.
Dalling, Sir R. P. Joddrell, Sir T. B. Beever; Sir W.
Middleton, Sir W. J. H. B Folkes; Sir J. E. Smith;
T. W. Coke, Esq. M. P. Wm. Smith, Esq. M. P.———
Honywood, Esq. M. P. N. W. Ridley Colborne, Esq.
M. P T. R Lennard, Esq. M. P. for Ipswich, E. R.
Pratt, S. T. Southwell, E. Lombe, M. Micklethwayt,
J. Postle, Admiral Lokin, Greg, Joseph Grigby,
J. W. Tomlinson, Collinson, W. F. Keppel,
J. Keppel, J. P. Bagge, L. Self, W. Allen, Hogg,
Colonel Stevenson, Colonel Dixon, Major Hussey,
Major Turrel; Captain Worth, R. N. Captain Money;
Alderman Leman, Alderman Bolingbroke, Alderman
Finch; Sheriff Graves; A. Hudson, Esq. Dr. Wright,
W. Dalrymple, Esq. T. Hudson, Esq. T. B. Tooke,
Esq. W. Foster, Esq. W. Lukin, Esq. John Parkes, jun.
Esq. of Warwick, E. Postle, Esq. B. Gurdon, Esq.
P. Gurdon, Esq. J. Bloom, Esq Reverends Archdea-
con Bathurst, C. Collyer, R. Odell, R. F. Elwin, J. B.
Collyer, F. Howes, W. Collet, Goddard, W.
Gordon, H. Wilson, G. Preston, L. B. Foster, T.
Steward, Esq. W. Steward, Esq. E. R. Finch, Esq.
W. Repton, Esq. G. Sandby, Esq. Rolfe, Esq.
Havers, Esq. J. M. Smith, Esq. G. Brown, Esq.
.&c. &c.
The Earl of ALBEMARLE having taken the chair,
supported on the right by the Duke of Sussex, and on
the left by the Duke of Norfolk, the party sat down to
an excellent dinner.
The cloth having been removed, "Non
Domine" was sung,
Nobis
The Earl of ALBEMARLE. This was the fourth
time he had the honor of filling the chair. On a
former occasion he had congratulated them on the
presence of an illustrious member of the House of
Brunswick, and he had to perform the same duty now.
(loud cheers.) Near him also sat the Hereditary Earl
Marshal of England, who set the high example of his
station at the head of the nobility, to uphold the true
principles of the constitution, and who ever felt it as
his highest honor to be foremost in supporting the
rights and privileges of the people (applause.) What
could he say of their distinguished representative,
Mr. Coke, but that which he had been long saying of
him wherever his name appeared? He had no new
line of politics; the old ones were too good to be
changed (applause.) He was proud to see so great an
assembly of the rank and wealth of the country; it was
a proof of their spirit, and contributed in swelling the
triumph of their principles. He saw them all high in
spirits as heretofore, but, unfortunately, lower in
pocket (hear, hear.) He knew they felt the change,
for what honest man in the country did not? (hear,
hear.) That was a topic on which he could not dilate
coolly; for he felt nothing but anger and indignation
for the authors of their calamities. He was too sincere
to observe false delicacy on such an occasion, or to sup-
press the sentiments of anger which arose in his bosom
when he spoke of such men (applause.) Was it for
those calamities, which oppressed them all, that their
thanks were due to the pilot who weathered the storm?
"the pilot who gathered the storm" was a friend's
reading of the passage, (hear, hear,) and that reading
was right. It was to the accursed measures of that
pilot, as he was called, that the country owed its present
calamities. They were told, indeed, that they ought
not to grumble at them, because the war had terminated
with glory-it had achieved triumphs for the nation,
and preserved the liberties of Europe. Was that the
true picture of the result? No. Where had the
rights of the people, or the condition of the world, been
bettered by the measures of the Ministers? Had they
contributed to make the British name respected abroad,
or had they secured the prosperity, or gained the
affections of the people at home? Had they secured
the confidence of an enemy, or established the happiness
of a friend, in any quarter of the globe? No: the
historian would look in vain for the accomplishment
of such achievements: he would vainly seek any of these
advantages; but in their place he would find the esta-
blishment of a "Holy Alliance," (hear) the liberties of
nations suppressed by the sword, and a Ferdinand
replaced upon his throne. This was the system which
had cost the best blood and treasure of the country; it
was for this that they owed their thanks not only to the
pilot that "gathered" the storm, but to the crew who
succeeded him at the helm of the vessel (hear, hear.)
Very different were the principles of that great man
whose anniversary they were now celebrating (applause)
This was not the time to point out, in detail, the contrast
between the principles of Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt; but as
he had loved the former in his life time, and revered
the principles which he had left as the best record of
his fame, he might be permitted to dwell shortly upon
his character. The public and private worth of that
great man had endeared his memory to Englishmen,
and his fame must ever rest upon the contrast which his
opinions presented to those of the men who had brought
the country to its present situation; his predictions,
now fulfilled, had unhappily been slighted when they
might have averted the evil. The benevolence of his
amiable and expansive mind, and that sagacity which he
displayed in the knowledge of human affairs, never
entered into the constitution of the ministers who
wielded the destinies of the country. Were such
sentiments congenial with theirs, that blot and stain,


THE WARNING VOICE.
121
which now disgraced the annals of Englishmen- the
Manchester massacre-would never have fallen upon
them (hear, hear.) Had Mr. Fox been heard, they
would not have to lament the passing of the accursed
Six Acts, nor would they have had to deplore the intro-
duction of the abominable system of spies and informers,
who created and aggravated the evils against which it
If such a mind as
was said they were embodied to act.
Mr. Fox's had ruled the councils of Great Britain in the
past year, that outrage upon decency, that gross
violation of public morals, against an unhappy and
illustrious female would never have happened, nor
would the military murder which had occurred, when
the last outrage was offered to her name, have disgraced
the annals of their history (hear, hear.) Had the
authors of these manifold and bitter calamities possessed
the statesman-like vigour of Mr. Fox, guided by his
sagacity, they would have known that Englishmen
were more easily led than driven, that kindness and
affection were always more powerful engines for a good
government to command their feelings, than the iron
rod of power, and the constraint of coercion (hear.)
"Far, better far,
"By winning ways to conquer willing minds,
"And let persuasion take the place of force."
But it was time to profit by the great example of Mr.
Fox In the poetical language of Mr. Taylor-
"We come to his tomb; but not to weep,
""Tis freedom's holiday we keep;
"This should the sacred altar be,
"Around which we vow to liberty."
(applause.) The chairman concluded by proposing
"The Memory of Charles James Fox," which was
drunk in respectful silence.
The next toast was-" The King and Constitution."
The chairman would not delay the company a
moment. They all knew the illustrious personage near
him, whose public and private character had rendered
him so deservedly dear.
"The health of the Duke of Sussex."
His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex always
conceived that acts spoke better than verbal appearances,
and by his acts he would be judged. He had sometimes
heard, and in courts of justice, that truth was a libel.
He had not, however, heard that truth was yet high
treason (hear, hear.) In glancing at the public life of Mr.
Fox, it was impossible to avoid taking a retrospective
view of the wars that had taken place in opposition to that
great statesman's sentiments. They had been called
necessary wars; and in looking at their character, it
was natural, in the first place, to ask why or wherefore
they had arisen? That when men's liberties were in
danger, they might be driven into war to protect them,
could easily be conceived. It was owing to the neces-
sity of a war for the defence of their liberties, that his
family owed the illustrious rank to which they had been
called in this country. Those were no friends either to
the Royal Family or the Constitution, who would
pervert the principles to which they owed their con-
nexion with the throne (applause.) The war appeared
to have been carried on solely for the aggrandizement
of the sovereign, and not for the liberties of the
people, (cheers.) From the beginning to the end no
traces of any efforts in favor of national rights were to
be found (hear, hear, hear.) The alliances against
France had been formed by those who had either
participated in the spoliations of Poland, or quietly
looked on.
The allies entered Paris, and of their own
act, replaced the Bourbons without any condition in
behalf of the people. The war had been carried on by
the fiat of sovereigns for their own purposes; it was a
warfare of bayonets to put down the liberties of the
people. A single individual had made legitimacy march
What
out of France more rapidly than it marched in.
a proof of its being the choice of the nation! The
victory of Waterloo left the people in as humiliating a
condition as defeat could have done. In former times,
when England interfered in Continental politics, it was
Such had been
to save the people from oppression.
But now there
the interference of Queen Elizabeth.
was a community of effect to crush, not to save, the
oppressed. It was painful that, in the negociations which
led to this state of things, more harm had been done to the
liberties of the world by the diplomatie course pursued
by an illustrious individual, than good had been acquired
by the brilliancy of his career in the field (cheers.)
The system of spies and informers was not the growth
of an English soil,-it was an emanation from the Holy
Alliance, and constituted one of the glories which
attested the salvation of the country (cheers.) Of a
piece with this was that beautiful Bridge-street concern,
whose secretary was treasurer to the Society for the
Relief of Foreigners in Distress, and in consequence
had access at pleasure to the persons invested with
diplomatie cares in this country, for such purposes as
he chose to be engaged in. Next came the system of
terrorism. John Bull was incapable of tolerating the
atrocities which were committed under the name of
The John Bull. The process of terrifying a man from
Were he a father, it was only to
his duty was easy.
send him an anonymous threat that if he did such an
act, he would next Sunday read such a story of his
wife, his son, or his daughter. This was the system
which they now saw reared in England, and associated
with the principles of men in power. Could such evils
have arisen, had Mr. Fox's principles prevailed?
(repeated cheers.) The present distress proceeded
Ministers had been dividing and
from taxation.
distracting by setting one interest in the community
against another, and had at length made such a juggle
of all interests, that none could extricate themselves
from the mass of confusion. The first step in the way
of remedy was to remove the cause of excessive taxa-
tion. Why uphold a great standing army, and an
immense unnecessary expenditure in every department
of the state? The Holy Alliance might want it, but of
what use was it to England? (loud cheers.) He was
perfectly convinced, however, and he spoke it without
pledging himself to specific details; or shutting out
particular qualifications, that a rational reform in
Parliament could alone save the country. It was only
repeating what he had said in the House of Lords when
the head of a party, which at that time was shackling
his friends with their support, had declared that those
He had then
who called for reform were Jacobins.
challenged that Noble Lord to meet the friends of


122
THE WARNING VOICE.
reform, and see which were the real and best friends of Royal Highness had fallen into a mistake, which many a
order and the constitution (enthusiastic cheers.)
Mr. WATSON said he was a firm Whig of the Con-
stitution of 1688. He prayed that the Royal Family
might ever act upon the principles to which they owed
their elevation, and not be led away from them by
sycophantic ministers, who would betray the King and
sacrifice the country for the attainment of their own
corrupt private ends. (Applause.)
The CHAIRMAN gave the Bishop of Norwich's
health, and after quoting an elaborate character of a
perfect man, by Dr. Blair, challenged contradiction
when he applied it, paragraph by paragraph, to the Lord
Bishop of Norwich. (Applause.)
The Rev. ARCHDEACON BATHURST feelingly
expressed thanks for the compliment to his revered
father.
The DUKE of NORFOLK expressed his deep sense
of the honor done him in drinking his health, associated
as that compliment was with the growing diffusion of
the great principles of Mr. Fox. (Applause.) By
those principles alone could the country be yet saved.
(cheers.) He begged to assure them, that he felt the
same pride in now avowing these principles, that he had
experienced in obeying the commands of his sovereign
at the ceremony of the late coronation. (Great applause.)
The Rev. Mr. COLLYER was called up by the toast
in favor of Catholic emancipation. The present state
of the country was solely owing to the unjust wars which
had so long been waged in defiance of the prophetic
voice of Mr. Fox. He knew of no course but one for
averting the ruin which impended, and that was to
change the men and the measures that had created the
evil-in one word, to restore the constitution to its
original purity. This could be effected only by a wise
and temperate, but a real and effectual reform in the
Commons House of Parliament.-(Great applause.)
The DUKE of SUSSEX, in proposing the health of
the Earl of Albemarle, expressed his regret that the
Noble Earl did not exert those powerful talents, which
were so well known to the country, in his proper place
-in the House of Peers. A certain
A certain distinguished
personage had characterised County Meetings as farces;
but if, after the exertions of the Noble Earl and his
friends, such expressions were in future applied to County
Meetings, they might turn out to be very serious tragedies
indeed. He concluded by proposing "The health of the
"The health of the
Noble Chairman," which was drunk with loud applause.
The EARL of ALBEMARLE said, that when a man
knew his own faults, it was the first step towards
correcting them. He was aware, that two faults were
attributed to him. Of one of these he was conscious,
but he was not entirely disposed to submit to the
imputation of the other. However that might be, he
was sorely afraid he was not likely to amend, either in
the admitted or imputed fault. The fault which he
admitted was talking too much at that Meeting; that
imputed to him was his talking too little elsewhere. When
his Royal Highness first proposed his health, he had
determined to correct the first fault, at least, by not
speaking much about himself. He begged, however
to say one or two words upon the remark which his Royal
Highness had made upon him. In the first place, his
kind hearted man had fallen into before him. He
allowed the kindness of his heart to get the better of his
judgment, for those who best knew him, knew how
unfit he was for the House of Lords. He was not at all
fitted for the solemnity, the gravity, the wisdom, and
decorum of that assembly; he had no ambition to gratify,
no private object to attain, and in honest truth he must
say, that he thought an attendance on the House of
Lords a useless and a thankless exertion. He did not
perceive the good which was to come from it. He had, it
was true, been ready to come forward in the county,
and he did so for this reason-that he thought his exertions
there more affective than they could be as a daily debater
in the House of Lords. He hoped they would accept
the thanks of a plain man, who had no ambition beyond
a wish to hold the good opinion and good will of those
who knew him best, (applause.) There was no man
who wished more sincerely than himself the happiness
and prosperity of his friends, or the general welfare of
his country. (Applause.)
Mr. COKE.-Mr. Fox was an Englishman of frank
dealing and plain speaking with his countrymen ; he was
a man of the most unbounded benevolence, the firm
friend of civil and religious liberty all over the world,
and the determined opponent of tyranny and corruption
in every shape.-(Hear, hear.)-Mr. Fox had used his
greatest energies to avert from his country, the calamitous
war with France against the efforts of the people to
assert their liberties; but his counsels, unfortunately for
mankind, had not prevailed. Let, then, the haters of
the liberties of mankind rejoice at the success of their
schemes; let them take the glory of which they talked
so much, and with it the taxation, which was the price
of the glory. (Hear, hear.) He had still hopes that the
energies of the people would compel even the present
Ministers to be less prodigal. Unless some speedy step
were taken, it would be difficult to preserve the country
from ruin and destruction. He hoped, however, that
something might yet be done, and that the example of
one revolution would not be productive of another.
(hear, hear.)- The author of all these accumulated and
still accumulating miseries, was the pilot who, as it had
been well said, gathered the storm which now required
such a united effort to allay. Where now were the
Pitt-dinners to record the career of that minister? A puny
effort had been made to get up one in that county, which
he regretted did not succeed; for he was persuaded that
if the company had met, the opportunity would be taken
by men like Alderman Thurtell, who would come forward
for the purpose of correcting the errors into which they
had been betrayed by the advocates of the Pitt system.
He had no doubt that there were many who would, if
allowed the opportunity, take their leave, as Alderman
Thurtell had done, of the politics of the Pitt-school; for
he firmly believed, that its general supporters in the
country had now abandoned it. That there was a
description of people who had amassed wealth under
it, at the expense of their country, who still retained
some gratitude for the source of so much wealth and
emolument, he was perfectly prepared to believe; but
they were only the fragments of the pile, and, with a
few of the clergy perhaps, its last adherents; but the


THE WARNING VOICE.
123
great bulk of the nation had no common feeling with
them, (hear, hear.) He greatly feared that there was
a wicked and bloody set of men, bent upon establishing
arbitrary power in this country by means of military
despotism.
Mr. W. SMITH, his health been drank, addressed
the company. That such a meeting should be held to
commemorate Mr. Fox's principles so many years after
his death, was in itself its greatest eulogy, (applause.)
What were the different circumstances under which the
commemorations of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox took place?
The one had for 25 years dispensed the patronage and
wealth of this great country, and created around him a
host of dependants whom he had enriched for their at-
tachment. Yet with all these stimulating and powerful
means for the preservation of his name, his adherents had
fallen off, and confessed the delusion under which many
of them had acted; but very different were the circum-
stances under which the attachment of Mr. Fox's friends
had been formed. Their tribute to the great ascendancy
of his mind had grown up amid the poverty, and
sometimes unpopularity, of their leader; for often was
it his lot to be assailed by the ungrateful people, for
whose protection he was struggling against the engines
of power.
It was this distinction in the fortunes of
these two Ministers, that at this distance of time, when
opinions could be estimated by their consequences,
placed Mr. Fox's fame upon so high a pinnacle (applause)
The CHAIRMAN, in proposing the next toast, said,
that he should not trespass long upon the attention of
his audience, as an anecdote, which he recollected of
the late Sir Philip Francis, warned him of the im-
propriety of so doing. His Royal Highness, who was
His Royal Highness, who was
well acquainted with Sir Philip Francis, could bear
testimony to the eagerness of mind and impetuosity of
temper which so much amused and delighted the friends
of that celebrated individual. Sir Philip Francis was
once in the presence of a person of the very highest
consideration in this country, who was relating a story
in a very round-a-bout sort of a manner, indeed, just as
he (the noble chairman) might be then doing. Sir
Philip Francis bore for some time with the tediousness
of the narrator, but at last he forgot all decorum, and
cried out with his characteristic impatience, "The
result, Sir, in the name of mercy, the result," (laughter.)
He would not give an opportunity of a similar interrup-
tion. The toast spoke for itself. Its object in spite
of all that could be said or done, would inevitably come
at last;"A speedy and effectual reform in the repre-
sentation of the people in Parliament" (repeated cheers.)
The Duke of SUSSEX, excusing the Chairman on
account of the relative situation in which he stood,
gave "Lord Bury."
be counteracted by withholding the supplies, and
cutting down the expenditure by which they were
supported (cheers.)
"Lord Holland, the representative of the name and
principles of Mr. Fox," (great cheering.)
"Mr. Honywood, Member for Kent."
Mr. HONYWOOD said, that he had been educated
in the principles of Mr. Fox, and his riper judgment
fully adopted them. If Mr. Fox's warning voice had,
been listened to, such calamities would not have fallen
upon the nation; they would have seen a population of,
moral and industrious habits, instead of a population
degraded and demoralized; they would have seen a
population among whom crime was comparatively.
unknown, instead of a population which was daily
filling our gaols with criminals of every description.
The only way of removing or remedying the great and.
crying evils of which every man had now reason to
complain, was by destroying the cause of them. Op-.
pressive taxation was the cause, extensive retrenchment
the cure; but that cure could never be obtained but
by a reformed Parliament (cheers.)
The Duke of NORFOLK gave-" Mr. James Mac-
donald, M. P."
Mr. MACDONALD said-Mr. Fox was a man who
sincerely loved the people, and desired their happiness;
who was the uniform denouncer of war, and friend of
peace; whose mind was as much distinguished for its
energy, as his heart for its tenderness; who never en-
tertained one mean or selfish thought, but lived and
acted solely for the well-being of his country, and the
amelioration of mankind, (loud cheers.) Were not the
present, times when it was expedient to hold up to
public imitation such merits and such virtues? Let the
meeting contrast with the manly counsels which he
would have given, the shabby, shuffling counsels which
have been exhibited during the last six years, (cheers.)
Let them contrast with his constant and undeviating.
rectitude the bold encroachments and base compliances
-the blustering menaces and abject entreaties of which
the Ministers of the Crown, during that period, had
repeatedly made use, (cheers.) If they neglected the
great paramount duty of attending at such meetings as
the present, the game was up with them-their chance
was lost,and no alternative would remain to them except.
a desperate tyranny, or a desperate revolution, (loud
cries of hear.) The necessity of a Reform in Parlia-
ment, he must again repeat it, was becoming every day
more and more apparent. Even those, who had formerly
disputed that point, were now obliged to concede it. For
his own part, ever since he had had the honor of a seat
in Parliament, he had supported the necessity of re-
forming it, (cheers.) And whatever obligations he
might feel to those who sent him, he would not consent
to sit there one moment longer than he had the power
of voting for the application of that elementary cure to
the diseases of the Constitution-reform in Parliament --
(warm cheers.) The eloquent gentleman afterwards
animadverted in the most pointed language to the nipping
of the flower of freedom in Italy, while yet in the bud,
by the instruments of the Holy Alliance. Having alluded
to the struggle of the Greeks against the Turks, he pro-
ceeded:-Where was the man, with one spark of
Lord BURY said that he was sorry to observe, that
Ministers had flourished and grown great at the very
period that the country had been impoverished by the
system they had pursued. That system was to divide
those whom they had to govern-to set the agricul-
turist against the manufacturer, and the manufacturer
against the agriculturist-to employ spies, to calumniate
their opponents, and to degrade the Roya! Family in
the estimation of the kingdom (cheers.) The ruinous
measures which they were daily pursuing, could only
G 2


124
THE WARNING VOICE.
But
ment, had voted in its favor. The support of those
gentlemen had confirmed him in his intention to proceed
at some future period with the same motion, (cheers.)
"Earl Grey and the friends who adhered to the
principles of Mr. Fox." (Loud cheeers.)
The CHAIRMAN, in giving "Sir Francis Burdett,”
said that during the greater part of his political life
he had differed from the Honorable Baronet. They
were now perfectly agreed.-They were agreed, because
they knew that such an union alone could save the
remnant of their liberties and property, (cheers.) They
were agreed, because it was their anxious wish to see
the constitution administered in justice, purity, and
economy,-(cheers.)-They were agreed, because they
knew at the present moment it was not so administered
-because they felt that a change, not merely of the
members, but of the system of administration, was im-
peratively called for by the exigencies of the state-
because they were aware that such a change could not
be effected without a thorough reform in the Commons
House of Parliament, (loud cheering)
generous feeling, that did not wish the Greeks successtative, and a few other independent members of Parlia-
over the cruel tyrants who had for so many years lorded
over them? He was sure that every man who he then
saw around him, earnestly wished for the emancipation
of that great but unfortunate nation, (cheers.)
did they imagine that Lord Londonderry wished it?
(Cries of No?) No: the cry of Downing street was
"The Sublime Ottoman Porte, and the cause of
legitimacy;" for the Sublime Ottoman Porte, though an
unholy member, still was a member of the Holy Alliance,
(laughter.) He trusted, however, that that legitimate
power, the Ottoman Porte, would not succeed in
crushing the rising energies of Greece: but whether it
did or not, it was impossible to deny, that since their
last meeting, the cause of liberty had advanced in
Europe, not indeed with the aid, but in despite of the
effects of England to prevent it. In France indeed,
measures were under discussion which were destructive
of the very appearance of liberty. It was worth while
to see the protection which a legitimate Monarch gave
to his people, to whom he had previously given a piece
of paper which he thought fit to denominate a charter,
(laughter.) Not only was it proposed to abolish the
use of juries in all offences of the press, but with one
fell blow to abolish it altogether. Such were the blessed
effects of the friendship of the Allied Sovereigns to
France; and from the effects of such a friendship he
prayed God that this country might be always delivered,
(cheers.) If the people in England should allow these
violent infractions of public to pass by in silence, and
without expressing their indignation against those who
committed them, their own Constitution would soon
undergo a very material change indeed.
The CHAIRMAN said he had seen a farrier's bill lately,
of which the only item was "For curing your horse till
it died, so many pounds." He supposed that the item
of services performed by most of the pensioned gentry
would be of a similar nature, It might, perhaps, run
thus," For taking care of the interests of the country
until they were annihilated, such an annuity for life,'
(cheers.) May all corrupt advisers of the Crown meet
their just punishment in the general execration of the
country." (Great Applause.)
The toast was drank with loud cheers.
Mr. E. TAYLOR read a letter from Sir Francis, in
which he said the late Norfolk meeting appeared to him
perfect in every part.
The Noble CHAIRMAN should not wish the meeting
to separate without some allusion being made to the
infamous Bill of Pains and Penalties, which could never
be sufficiently execrated-which ought never to be
permitted to be forgotten, (loud cheers.) He was the
more inclined to allude to that unjust and odious measure,
because there was no topic so obnoxious to ministers
and their creatures, (cheers.) They objected to it
more than to any other, and used the strangest argument
in the world to deprecate the discussion of it. If any
thing was said against it, the answer immediately was,
"You must not mention that subject, because it excited
indignation from one end of the country to the other.'
As well might a convict say to his judge-" True it is,
my Lord, that I have been guilty of a most atrocious
crime-true it is that I have excited by it general indig-
nation; but for God's sake let the subject drop, as the
revival of it is to me a very unpleasant subject," (laughter.)
Last year ministers had subjected an illustrious individual
to a trial where it was impossible that justice could be
obtained, (cheers.) This year they had condemned
another individual, without even the form or shadow of
a trial. (Great cheering.)
"
"Sir Robert Wilson, and may the English soldier never
forget his rights and duties as a citizen," (shouts and
applause.) "Lord Suffield, "(great applause.)
Mr. LENNARD, M.P. said it was quite manifest that
the principles of Mr. Fox, which had been so well
illustrated in America, and which alone could form the
basis of a free government, would speedily have a more
signal triumph than any which they had yet obtained.
The delusion of the Pitt system, which rested on a vast
paper currency, was rapidly approaching to its end.
Without a considerable Reform in Parliament, the people
would not be able to obtain any real improvement in
their situation. From the approaching meeting of that
body, nothing was to be expected save partial measures.
The motion to repeal the six acts which had been
coupled with his name by the Noble Chairman, had
received little support. Though two of them were most
hostile to the liberty of the press and the exercise of the
right of petition, his motion to repeal them met with less
discussion than any ordinary turnpike bill. Mr. Denman,
whose support was valuable to every cause that he
espoused, was the only member of opposition that had
spoken in behalf of it, though Mr. Coke, their represen-inch by inch, (cheers.)
The Duke of Sussex in giving" The brave yeomanry
of the county of Norfolk," said that if the cavalry in
another county had really been yeomen, the county
could never have witnessed the disgraceful outrage
committed at Manchester. In allusion to the six acts
his Royal Highness said, that they had begun by passing
an Alien act in compliment to the Holy Alliance.
What
happened since? Why six infamous acts had crept into
their statute-book against their own liberties, (cheers.)
A property tax he for one would resist, foot. by foot and


THE WARNING VOICE.
125
"Mr. Hume, to whom our gratitude is due for the
complete detection and exposure, of the system of
corruption."
The company separated about one in the morning.
The Norfolk Meeting was graced by the presence of
a Royal Duke justly celebrated for his virtuous, inde-
pendent, consistent, and liberal conduct in public and
private life; by that of the first peer of the realm, of
a man who is at once its best agriculturist, and one of
its most upright legislators; and of many other gentle-
men equally respectable for their rank, property, and
principles. Several of the ministerial papers have had
the extreme indiscretion to censure the Duke of Sussex
for attending the celebration of Mr. Fox's birth-day,
and for taking a part opposed to the King's Govern-
ment. Surely these men must intend to cast underhand
censure on the King himself. They cannot have forgot
that Mr. Fox was, to his dying day, the bosom friend
of his present Majesty, who from his 20th to his 50th
year decidedly entertained, and spiritedly and constantly
professed, the principles of that illustrious statesman.
They will not have the hardihood to censure political
consistency, or the steady maintenance of opinions
confirmed by the reflection of experience of more than
thirty years. It is true the Duke of Sussex blames a
war, to which the King himself was opposed. It is true
that he condemns an association, instituted under
pretence of defending the constitution, but really to
restrict the liberty of the press, and which public
opinion only has rendered nearly harmless. It is true
that he abhors the system of malignant slander esta-
blished by the supporters of the John Bull. It is true
that he still advocates the reform in Parliament, which
the Prince of Wales and Mr. Pitt once advocated. It
is true that he ridicules that "Holy Alliance," whose
arowed and unholy object is to establish the absolute
power of Kings, and to crush the friends of freedom
throughout the continent. If, in holding those senti-
ments and principles, he opposes his Majesty's ministers,
doubtless he glories in the opposition, and will no more
be daunted by the abuse of hirelings and apostates, than
he has been seduced by the smiles of men at court.
At a Meeting of the Constitutional Society,
August 2, 1782,
Resolved, That the following Letter written by a
Member of this Society, be printed in the public
Papers:
To the People of Great-Britain,
Friends, Countrymen, and Fellow-Citizens,
To a weak, wicked, and profligate Administration, and
to a corrupt and venal Parliament, may be attributed all
the Disasters that have befallen this unhappy country.
Britain has been rent asunder by its own Hands, and its
Empire divided, to fill the Pockets of a few rapacious Men.
The House of Commons, which ought to be the real
Representatives of the people, are now universally known
and acknowledged to be the Dependents of the Kings
Ministers and the Tools and Engines of that Power
which they were intended to check and control.
That beautiful Fabric which our Forefathers, at the
Expence of every Thing that was dear to them, so
admirably constructed and formed on the wisest princi-
ples, which the Crown heretofore looked to with Awe
and Reverence, has been sapped and undermined by that
undue Influence, which has pervaded every Department
of the State, and made us inglorious to all the World.
It is this cursed, this detested Influence, that every Man
who has the least Spark of an Englishman left in him,
ought to oppose, and endeavour to reduce and annihilate.
But it may be asked, How is this to be done?-To
which I answer, by the People petitioning Parliament
for their just Rights-for a more free and equal repre-
sentation, and for shortening the Duration of Parliament.
For nothing can be so effectual a Bar to the Encroach-
ments of the King's ministers, or so radical a Cure for the
Corruption and Venality of the Times, as a free and
universal Representation of the People, and a frequent
Call upon them for a Choice of Representatives. The
Hands of Government would then, instead of being
weakened by Ambition or the Lust of Individuals, be
strengthened and upheld by the Integrity of Men, who
would only live by the Breath of the People, and whose
Power would instantly cease the Moment they departed
from that Line of Conduct.
You then, my Friends and Fellow-Citizens, must
restore your Country to its former Splendor and
Greatness, by an internal Reform of that Branch of the
Legislature, which should speak no other sentiments
than your own, and be dependent on none but yourselves.
Let me then exhort you, by every Thing that is dear
to Englishmen-by the sacred Remembrance of those
who spilled their Blood in Defence of the Constitution,
as well as those who wisely framed it, to animate and
encourage each other to sign the Petitions now circu-
lating for a more equal Representation, and shortening
the Durations of Parliament-to strike the Iron now it
is hot, now the Minister has pledged himself in Behalf
of the People, and not let, by our Negligence and
criminal Indifference, our Children and Posterity lose
the Blessing we so many Years have in vain been
struggling for.
We have hitherto shewn our Zeal and Patriotism for
Individuals, who have deserved well of their Country;
Let us now unite in the common Cause, and convince
these, who had but one Doubt, that it is the Sense of the
People, that there should be Reform in Parliament, and
that the Language of the Petitions is the Language of
every Englishman's Heart.
THOMAS YEATES, Sec.
Earl Grosvenor, on Reform.
Earl Grosvenor speaking of reform said, "it is that
which, when arrested, compressed, and confined, will
in its expansion carry all before it; it will break opposing


126
THE WARNING VOICE.
bayonets, and bolts, and bars to atoms; and still more
powerful gold will vainly endeavour to restrain it. If
you heap Pelion upon Ossa, it will dash them in its
struggles to fragments. If it hold that rational freedom
is the right of a people, they will become rationally free;
if it deem moderate reform necessary, moderate reform
will prevail; if it consider that abuses shall be rectified,
abuses will cease. All history proclaims the triumph of
public opinion. What put down the tyranny of James
11.? A single shout, the echo of the public opinion,
which resounded from Westminster Hall at the acquittal
of the seven Bishops. What accomplished the French
Revolution? Not, surely, the small handful of men
who stormed the Bastile; but the sentence which public
opinion had pronounced upon the tyranny of the
Government, the vices of the state, and the condition
of the nobility."
Copy of a Letter from a Friend to R. Milnes,
12th April, 1821.
Queries to Mr. Ricardo.
To the Editor of the Morning Chronicle.
Sir,
Permit me, through the medium of your Paper, to
propound the following queries to Mr. Ricardo ;--
I. Is not the cause of the present distress of the
Farmer the want of a remunerating price for his produce?
2. Is not the cause of that want of a remunerating price
the expence of production, as compared with the actual
value of produce?
3. Is not taxation the most formidable item in the
expence of production?
4. Is not taxation, therefore, the specific cause of the
distress-inasmuch as it absolutely prevents the existing
price of produce from being a remunerating price?
5. Is it not impossible, without ruin to the manufacturing
interest, aud destruction to our foreign trade (now just
beginning to breathe) to force up the price of agricultural
produce?
6. Is not therefore the diminution of the expences of pro-
duction the specific remedy for the existing Agricultural
distress?
SIR,
10. Will not any other measures of a merely temporary
nature ultimately injure all parties, delude the country
and speedily bring again upon our heads all the evils
which they might pretend to remove?
I thank you very sincerely for the compliment you
have paid me, in sending me your philanthropic and
patriotic observations upon the causes of the cure of
the evils under which our once happy country is now
suffering. It has been my fate to see nations that 8. Would not the repeal of taxes, conjoined with the
enjoyed, and nations that were deprived of that free-lowering of rents, completely remove Agricultural
dom, which God has intended as the birth-right of all distress, by making the present prices remunerative?
mankind; and I have invariably observed, that their 9. Would not this course, combined with severe
internal happiness and prosperity corresponded with economy, place the public credit of the country on the
the degree of liberty and freedom which prevailed firmest posssible foundation?
amongst them. Such being the case, I have ever felt
anxious that England, which has so nobly maintained
her independence against foreign foes, should not allow
her constitution to be undermined by domestic traitors,
who, for their own private ends, are exerting them-
selves to calumniate whatever is good, generous or
virtuous, amongst us, and by the undue influence of
corruption, are endeavouring to establish the worst of
all tyrannies, "a despotism in the name of the law."
I certainly do not look upon the evils you enumerate as
the first cause of the distress that pervades all ranks;
I merely regard them as arising from the one great
source which has produced all the injustice, extrava-
gance, and oppression which has for some years back
marked our foreign and domestic policy, "the want of
a House of Commons really elected by and represent-
ing the sense of the people." Had the nation been
actually represented by men who had their country's
good alone at heart, the waste of the public money
which we have witnessed, and the system of corruption
and oppression that threatens the ruin of the Empire,
would certainly never have been tolerated.
I am, Sir, your obedient Servant,
Feb. 12, 1822.
As things are, reform will become every day more
difficult of attainment, unless the people will give the
important subject their most serious attention, and dis-
cover that they all think alike upon it, with very few
exceptions. But unless it is prevented, slavery will
inevitably be in time our lot, and then, as is now the
case in Spain, it is to be feared, all the miseries of
anarchy and revolution will inevitably follow.
7. Is not an extensive repeal of taxes the only measure
by which Ministers can assist in the accomplishment of
that object?
COMES.
Earl Fitzwilliam, Sir George Saville and
Mr. Pitt.
Leeds Mercury, 19th January, 1822.
The present deeply depressed state of the Agricultural
Interest has occasioned several County Meetings to be
held in the South, in order to deliberate on the means of
relief; and it is highly probable that, before the assem-
bling of Parliament, many other meetings of the same
kind will take place. The landlords and farmers have
indeed the greatest reason to complain; the first have
sustained a very large reduction of their income, and
the second are for the most part living upon their
capitals. It was stated six months ago in the Report of
the Agricultural Committee, and has since been fully
confirmed, "that at the present price of corn, the
"returns to the occupier of an arable farm, after allowing
"for the interest of his investment, are by no means
"adequate to the charges and outgoings, of which a


THE WARNING VOICE.
127
"considerable proportion can be paid only out of the
"capitals, and not from the profits, of the tenantry." An
evil like this, affecting so vitally the whole agricultural
population of the kingdom, is national, and demands
the immediate and serious attention of Parliament. It
is supposed, on good grounds, that the value of the
agricultural produce of the kingdom has within the last
ten years fallen off one-half; and during that time the
weight of taxation, notwithstanding the subtraction of
the Property and Husbandry Horse Taxes, has con-
siderably increased. Wheat, which sold at twelve shil-
lings per bushel, now sells at six, and the value of other
grain, as well as of live stock, has fallen off in an equal
proportion. While the present rate of taxation con-
tinues, it is impossible for the tenant to live, without
such a reduction of rent as would make the income of
the landlord almost nothing; the landlord feels this and
acknowledges it, he makes an abatement in his rents,
but knowing that this is insufficient, and apprehending
that he will soon be left without a tenant, he joins the
farmer most cordially in his well-founded complaints
Rents must undoubtedly be greatly lowered throughout
the kingdom, or the owner and the tenant will be ruined
together. Earl Fitzwilliam, ever among the foremost in
acts of patriotism, justice, and humanity, has set a Noble
example in the reduction of his rents to his North-
amptonshire tenants, not less than 35 or 45 per cent. He
has found, from experience, that the tenant cannot pay
a higher rent, if he maintains his family with decency.
It is even doubtful whether, ultimately, he will be able
to pay a rent near so high, seeing that agricultural pro-
duce is sinking fast to its former level, while the taxes
are four times their former amount. The landlord, there-
fore, who, during the war, thought himself a much
richer man than he had been, and therefore eagerly sup-
ported the system by which these wonderful effects were
produced, will now find himself a much poorer mau than
he ever was, since he will receive not merely a less
amount of rents, but will out of that less amount have
to pay a prodigiously increased weight of taxes. To
such agriculturists as are hampered with mortgages, this
state of things must bring speedy and inevitable ruin;
many of those who have purchased their lands during
the high prices of the war will be involved in deep
distress and all, except the immoderately rich, must
reduce their expenditure to their means, by the abandon-
ment of much display and many luxuries. In this state
of the Agricultural Interest, they very naturally meet
together to confer, and to petition Parliament for relief.
It is very gratifying to observe how much narrow
political prejudices of all kinds are on the wane: in all
these meetings we hear scarcely a word of that old and
favorite cry of the farmers-for high prices. When
they were formerly in this state for a time, that cry was
universal, and very few of them doubted its justice and
propriety; but now there are few comparatively who
utter it; the veil which Ministers and the Pittites put
before their faces is torn off, and they see with great
plainness that it is an enormous taxation by which they
are overwhelmed. Even the farmers, slow as they are
of comprehension, seem at length to understand that for
the last three years nearly they have monopolized the
home market, and that beyond monopoly protection
·
cannot go. Since, therefore, prices cannot be raised to
a level with their outgoings, the outgoings must be re-
duced to the level of the prices; this step towards the
truth they have also taken, and are consequently peti-
tioning from many parts of the kingdom for reduced
taxation. One step further we believe they will yet be
driven to by distress; finding that a corrupt parliament
can be induced by ministers to refuse them efficient relief,
they will come to the conclusion that that Parliament
must be reformed. Our account of the Agricultural
Meeting in Norfolk will show, that the farmers and
landholders there have come to this opinion very gene-
rally, and have now expressed it very decidedly. What
hope of relief, indeed, can there be from a House of
Commons, which, during a whole session, voted for
keeping every establishment of state at nearly a war
expenditure, in defiance of all expostulation and warning,
in defiance of the sense and sufferings of the country,
when there was such room for retrenchment, that
ministers themselves began the work immediately after
the session had ended? How gross must be the subser-
viency of such a body! how far must it have departed
from its original intent, of being a check for the people
upon the crown? The Agriculturists of Norfolk, with
the Earl of Albemarle, Mr. Coke, and Lord Suffield at
their head, say truly-" that the amount of the public
'expenditure, and consequently of public demands by
"direct and indirect taxation, is the plain unquestionable
"cause of their present sufferings; and that the only safe
"and practicable remedy is to be found in such a
"diminution of those demands as may enable the farmer
"to grow his produce at a reasonable rate, and thus
equally spread the benefit of its influence through
"every class of society throughout the kingdom" We
are afraid that no mere reduction in the expenditure of
the country, though performed with the most rigid care,
will replace the farmer in the situation from which he
has fallen; but it is most obvious that the first operation
ought to be rigorous retrenchment, and that other steps
should then be taken according to the necessity which
may yet remain for them. But we entertain very small
hopes that any economy worth the name will be prac-
tised by the present House of Commons; and, to speak
candidly, our wishes for that event scarcely exceed our
hopes.
hopes. We are convinced that the only safety for the
country is in reform, and equally convinced that reform
will never be accomplished but through the severe
pressure of misery. That clear-sighted and upright
patriot, Sir George Savile, long ago expressed this
sentiment. "Dearly," he said "as he loved his country,
"and much as he might expose himself to censure for
"divulging such an idea, he could not avoid confessing
66
66
66
66
that, for some years past, he had not received what
was called good news with any considerable degree of
"pleasure To him, they were as victuals to a sick man,
"which palled upon the appetite. He was sensible that no
"circumstance, short of the deepest and most ignominious
"calamity, could introduce a reformation, and bring
"back to their senses and to virtue an infatuated and
""
"degenerate people. The system of Mr. Pitt may
yet prove beneficial to the nation, and he himself though
he apostatised from his first principles, may yet be the
means of introducing, by the miseries he has heaped
H 2


128
THE WARNING VOICE.
upon the people, that reform, which his direct efforts
failed to obtain. The nation, and particularly the
suffering agriculturists, will no doubt observe with lynx-
eyed attention the conduct of ministers and of the
parliament during the next session. They will discover,
by the speech from the throne, whether the former intend
retrenchment, and by the address whether the latter will
enforce it. They will sagaciously discriminate between
profession and performance: they will mark the conduct
of Mr. Hume and his friends, in contrast with that of
the direct opponents and the more secret enemies of
reform: indeed thay have done this already, as the ex-
pressed gratitude of so many cities and towns to Mr.
Hume demonstrates But certainly the vigilance of the
people over their representatives will be more strict now
than it has ever been, and the consequences of prolonged
misconduct will be loud and general cries for reform.
Saville's must live revered with just applause,
Whose ruling passion was his country's cause,
Who nobly strove her freedom to maintain,
And guard the blessing thro' her wide domain :
Yet here his honor'd corpse neglected lies,
No sculptur'd marble guides our longing eyes,
Where we may sadly drop the grateful tear,
Or breathe the heartfelt sigh around his bier;
But faithful history will his loss deplore,
And paint those virtues we behold no more.
Quotations from Blackstone
Nothing says Blackstone "ought to be more guarded
against in a free state than making the military power,
when such a one is necessary to be kept on foot, a
body too distinct from the people. The soldiers should
live intermixed with the people: no separate camp, no
The Influence of the Crown, as described by Mr. barracks, no inland fortresses should be allowed; and
Pitt and by the Leeds Intelligencer.
The Intelligencer, speaking of Mr. Brougham's intend-
ed motion on the influence of the crown, says-
"Mr. Brougham cannot persuade the people of England
or their representatives, to believe, that the influence of
the Crown is greater than absolute necessity demands,
or that it in any way interferes with their liberty, their
happiness, their enjoyments, or their prosperity." "To
the people of England this influence ought to be sacred,
as their safeguard from oppression, as their protection
from anarchy.'
""
Mr. Pitt, in his speech in the House of Commons on the
7th of May, 1782, says —
"The influence of the crown is an influence of the
most pernicious kind; and at all times it has been
pointed out as the most fertile source of all our miseries.
It has been substituted in the room of wisdom, of activity,
of exertion and of success." "Nothing is more necessary
and essential to the permanent interests of this country,
than the total overthrow and extinction of this
influence."
The Editor of the Intelligencer is continually in-
volving himself in difficulties; last week he unwittingly
charged the King with having held principles fatal to
the stability of the English throne; and this week he
has brought himself to issue with Mr. Pitt, by ranking
amongst the first of our political blessings that influence,
which the statesman he affects to admire has denounced
as the fertile source of all our miseries.
Lines written in Thornhill Church, near Wakefield,
Yorkshire, where the late Sir George Saville is
interred, August, 1788,
BY MRS, COLLINGS, OF HULL.
If truest virtue and exalted fame
Can ere preserve a Patriot's sacred name;
perhaps it might be still better, if, by dismissing a stated
number, and enlisting others at every renewal of the
term, a circulation should be kept up between the army
and the people, and the citizen and the soldier be more
intimately connected together." B. I. Chap. 13. We
have, alas! departed from the wise principles here laid
down, and are now beginning to taste the fruits of our
deviation.
Is there not a grand principle in English jurispru
dence laid down by our highest law authorities, that the
accused in all cases shall have the privilege of challeng-
ing jurors, in order that no man, either interested or
merely prejudiced against him, may sit in judgment
upon his guilt or innocence. Jurors (says Blackstone)
may be challenged for suspicion of bias or partiality.
A principle challenge is such, where the cause assigned
comes with it evident marks of suspicion, either of
malice or favor: as that a juror of kin to either party
within the 9th degree; that he has been arbitrator on
either side; that he has an interest in the cause; that
there is an action depending between him and the party;
that he has taken money for his verdict; that he is the
parties master, servant, counsellor, steward, or attorney,
or of the same society or corporation with him. All
these are principle causes of challenge; which, if true,
cannot be overruled, for jurors must be (wholly
unexceptionable.)
Barrack System.
The House having resolved itself into a Committee
of Supply, a great number of sums were voted for
various purposes. On a grant of £241,000 being moved
for the expense of the barrack department, an animated
discussion arose-Mr. Hume, Mr. Bennet, and others,
strongly condemning the system of covering the country
with barracks, thereby tacitly confessing that the British
Constitution, which had hitherto been our boast as the
choice of a free people, could now only be maintained
by force of arms There was no other Government in
Europe that was obliged to have recourse to an increase


THE WARNING VOICE.
129
of troops, and to the erection of internal fortresses.
Where would this end? if, in every town and village
in which any appearence of disquiet were manifested
a barrack was to be built. What necessity was there
for an additional barrack at Barnsley or Carlisle? If,
as Ministers said, the feeling of the people were so much
alienated from the Government, that they were obliged
to have recourse to building barracks within four miles
of each other over the country, it was high time to
institute an inquiry how this awful and melancholy
change had taken place, and how it could be permanently
remedied. Whatever the state of the country was, it
should be recollected that it arose from the system of
internal policy pursued by his Majesty's Ministers. It
was that policy which created the discontent, to what-
ever extent it existed, and to cover the country with
barracks was an avowal that Ministers were determined
to keep down the discontents of the country by the
sword. There were already no less than 97 barracks in
the country-The Chancellor of the Exchequer alleged
that Government were unwillingly forced on the erection
of these additional barracks; that applications were
made for them by the Magistrates of different places,
and that Government considered it as their duty to
protect the peaceable and industrious against the danger
to which their lives and their property were subject from
the diaffected. It was desirable, under existing cir-
cumstances, that the soldiers should not be mingled with
a disturbed and agitated population. The extent of so
large a military expenditure was to be regretted, but it
was inevitable.-Mr. T. Wilson considered the speeches
of the Opposition calculated to increase the feeling of
discontent which now prevailed in the country. The
House divided on the grant in question and it was
carried by 72 against 30.
The £5,000,000 Annuity and Watch and Ward Bills
were read a third time and passed.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex's Visit
to York.
August, 1822.
We have this week been honored with the company
of his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, who has been
received with every mark of loyalty and esteem due to
his illustrious family, and we have only to regret, that
we had not a more enlarged opportunity of paying him
every attention so eminently due to his own personal
complacency and dignified deportment amongst us.
His Royal Highness arrived on Saturday evening, a little
after five o'clock, in a landaulette and a pair of horses,
followed by his own private carriage and four, with his
attendants.
In this unostentatious style, unattended by any escort,
the Prince drove to the house of Robert Chaloner, Esq.
where he was received and entertained in the most
hospitable manner.
On Sunday morning his Royal Highness attended
Divine Service at the Cathedral, where the assemblage
of persons of all classes, to witness his presence, was
more numerous than we have almost ever experienced
upon any former occasion. Upon entering the Cathe-
dral, Dr. Camidge commenced playing the "Hallelujah"
chorus of Handel, which continued until his Royal
Highness had taken his seat. The solemnity of the
service, and the great attention paid by his Royal High-
ness, added to the most respectful silence of so large a
congregation, had a very powerful effect upon the
auditory. When the service was concluded, his Royal
Highness (who had occupied the Judges' seat) withdrew
through the grand entrance under the organ, and pro-
ceeded down the middle aisle to the great western door,
bowing most courteously to the multitudes who had
lined the side aisles to get a view of his person
In the visit paid by his Royal Highness to the Friend's
Retreat, on Sunday afternoon, we learn that he spent
upwards of two hours there, and took great interest in
inspecting every part of that excellent establishment,
which appeared to give him the highest satisfaction.
An invitation had been forwarded to his Royal High-
ness to Cantley, to honor the Corporation with his
company at a public dinner at the Mansion-house,
which was fixed for Monday evening at seven o'clock.
MONDAY. This day, between twelve and one
o'clock, (having previously signified his pleasure on the
subject) his Royal Highness was waited upon by the
Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, accompanied by the
Recorder, Aldermen, Sheriffs, Gentlemen of the Twenty
Four, the Common Council, &c. in full costume, who
went in procession from the Guildhall to the house of
Mr. Chaloner; but there being no room in the house
large enough to contain all the company assembled, his
Royal Highness was pleased to express his wish to receive
it in the front of the house, and his Royal Highness
stood near a small summer-house. After a few words.
of introduction by the Lord Mayor, the Recorder read
the following address:-
"To his Royal Highness Augustus Frederick,
DUKE of SUSSEX.
"MAY IT PLEASE YOUR ROYAL HIGHNESS,
"The Lord Mayor and Commonalty of the ancient
City of York, in their own names, and in the names of
all the inhabitants thereof, humbly offer your Royal
Highness their warmest thanks for condescending to
honor them with your presence and countenance.
"Your Royal Highness's public and private virtues
have long been objects of their observation and approba-
tion; and their estimation of those virtues is not likely
to be lessened by a more intimate acquaintance with
your Royal Highness's well-known affability and good
nature.
"The principles that first placed the present illustrious
family (of which your Royal Highness is an amiable and
excellent member) upon the Throne of these Realms,
at the same time established a constitution founded on
the basis of Liberty and Law; which has nourished a
manly spirit and proud national character amongst us,
and has spread the British name and fame, by sea and
land, to the uttermost ends of the earth.
"Reflections from these sources, cannot fail to excite
in your Royal Highness's generous breast, as they do in


130
THE WARNING VOICE.
the hearts of all his Majesty's loyal subjects, the warmest
feelings of dignified pride and genuine patriotism.
"Your Royal Highness is humbly requested to accept
the Freedom of this ancient City, and to honor it by
permitting your Royal Name to be enrolled amongst
its Freemen.
Given under our Common Seal, this 26th Day of
August, 1822."
""
The Recorder having read the address, he presented
the same, and then spoke as follows:—
"Allow me to add, that it gives me real and unaffected
pleasure, in thus being favored with an opportunity of
testifying, as an individual, my profound respect and
veneration for your Royal Highness's general deport-
ment and character, and especially for your patriotic
and dignified system of public conduct; and likewise
of having the honor to present to your Royal Highness
this address of the Lord Mayor and Commonalty of the
City of York."
The Duke seemed highly gratified, and immediately
replied:-
66
My Lord Mayor and Gentlemen of the Commonalty
of the ancient City of York, I return you my best thanks
for the kind manner in which I have been received by
you and the inhabitants of this city on my arrival here,
as well as for your very flattering compliment on the
occasion.
"It is with pleasure, Gentlemen, that I accept of the
Freedom of your ancient City; and I shall always be
proud to know that my name is enrolled amongst its
Freemen; being assured by you, that I am indebted for
this distinction to your approval of those principles
which I have hitherto adopted, and ever shall observe
for the regulation of my public conduct; having always
been taught to believe, that the more attentively and
zealously the liberty of the subject is watched and pre-
served, the greater is the security of the Throne; and,
surely, no one can have a greater interest in supporting
the Constitution, than a member of the Royal Family,
however humble he may be, who derives from it all the
blessings he enjoys, and which he is equally anxious,
therefore, to secure to his fellow subjects.'
99
66
The Right Hon. the Lord Mayor then presented to
his Royal Highness the Freedom of the City, with the
gold box, &c. His Lordship, in presenting them, said,
May it please your Royal Highness to accept the
Freedom of the City, with this box; and it is my anxious
wish, that you may long live to continue amongst the
independent Freemen of this happy country."
The Duke received them, and bowed, evidently with
high satisfaction and pleasure. The ceremony thus
closed, and as the Corporate Body passed by his Royal
Highness, he bowed to each individual with the greatest
condescension and affability.
After the presentation of the address, &c. the Cor-
poration, whilst at Mr. Chaloner's, partook of a sump-
tuous collation, prepared for the occasion, by that liberal
Representative of the City.
Dinner at the Mansion-House.
According to the determination of the Corporate
Body, a most sumptuous dinner was provided on
Monday evening, for his Royal Highness the Duke of
Sussex, for the Corporation, and for such other gen-
tlemen as the Right Honorable the Lord Mayor might
think proper to invite.
The members of the corporation assembled at the
Mansion-house in their official gowns, &c. soon after
six, to be ready to receive his Royal Highness. At
half-past six his Royal Highness proceeded in an open
carriage from Mr. Chaloner's, through an immense
concourse of spectators, who had collected in the
streets, and at the windows of all the houses in the line
to the Mansion-house. His Royal Highness had bis
hat off and bowed to the multitude in the most com-
plaisant manner, who were highly gratified by his
attention.
It was remarked, with peculiar satisfaction, that upon
this occasion loyalty and patriotism superseded every
consideration of difference in political sentiments in
able city.
the respectable inhabitants of this ancient and honor-
The company assembled in the large room on the
ground floor, and the Duke joined them, and conversed
very affably with those around him till about a quarter
past seven, when the dinner was announced, and the
Corporation, preceded by his Royal Highness, the Lord
Mayor, &c. repaired into the state room.
There were two large tables down the room, with one
at the head, to join them. The Lord Mayor presided,
and on his right sat the Duke of Sussex and Mr. Chalo-
ner, and on his left sat the recorder, and the Honorable
Thomas Dundas.
In the course of the dinner his Royal Highness very
condescendingly took wine with the several members
of the Corporate Body. The room was so much crowd-
ed, that several gentlemen found it requisite to dine
below; for although the notice was so short that many
of the leading gentlemen in the county was thereby
prevented from attending, yet there were about 150
persons present.
The dinner, which consisted of a profusion of every
delicacy, including wines of all descriptions, was over
about nine o'clock. A most excellent dessert succeed-
ed; and, considering the shortness of the notice, it is
arranged so superior a repast.
really surprising that the Lord Mayor could have
The health of our most gracious Sovereign was drank
from the gold cup, previous to the second course, with
the usual dignified ceremony-three gentlemen stand-
ing, two on one side of the table and one on the other,
and the toast was passed in this manner throughout
King."
the whole company; the band playing "God save the
After a number of toasts had been proposed and
drank, the Duke of Sussex rose and said,
My Lord Mayor and Gentlemen,-It affords me the
highest satisfaction to have another opportunity of
expressing to the Corporation, and the other inhabi-
tants of this ancient city, the grateful sensations which
animate my bosom for the very handsome treatment
which I have received since my arrival in York,
(applause.) Gentlemen, it is, in my opinion, the
imperative duty of a Prince occasionally to search after
1


THE WARNING VOICE.
131
truth, in the assemblages of the people; and it is my
pride, as well as a great satisfaction, to mix with my
fellow subjects on all occasions-for, by seeing with
mine own eyes, and not stuffing my ears, I am enabled
to notice things in a very different light to that in
which they are otherwise generally represented, (loud
and repeated cheers.) Gentlemen, in acting thus,
I renounce every feeling but that of a sincere wish to
be enabled so to conduct myself, at all times, and on all
occasions, as to promote the welfare of my country, to
my own satisfaction, and in strict unison with the prin-
ciples of the constitution, (applause.) I have always
highly respected the peculiar privileges of the various
orders of society; and, I am sure, that by a jealous and
correct admission of the privileges of each, the lowest
will properly respect the highest, and the highest will
look with the most generous feeling of friendship and
benevolence to the lowest, (cheers.) Gentlemen,
having been absent from this country eighteen years,
I have had an opportunity of noticing, with minute
attention, the various revolutions which have taken
place in that time, and I have always seen that the
revolt of the people arose from a dereliction of the
principles of rectitude in the government, (loud and
long continued cheers.) Gentlemen, I am most
decidedly of the opinion that, in a land of liberty like
this, every man should be allowed the full exercise of
his rational powers, and never be restricted from the
honest expression of upright and liberal sentiments,
(loud cheers.) Such, Gentlemen, are the principles
which I have been taught; and I have learnt them not
in this country alone-I have compared one constitu-
tion with another, in distant lands, and I should feel
sorry if I should ever have to leave the country where
the British constitution was formed, and where it ought
to be protected, (cheers.) It is to this constitution that
my family are indebted for the honor of reigning
amongst you it is on the principles of this constitution
that their happiness and safety depend; and I hope that
the moment I forget to cherish the best interests of that
country which gave me birth, I hope that moment will
close my public life, and also my earthly career,
(thunders of applause.) Gentlemen, as to my visit to
York, I shall only add, that I have heard much of the
loyalty and intelligence of its citizens; but, having
now come amongst you, I am more than ever con-
vinced, that those who have honesty enough to speak as
they think, are the most deserving of, and the most
likely to enjoy the high privileges of civil and religious
liberty, (loud cheers.) It is only by thus entering into
society, and lending a willing ear to argument, that we
can possibly learn the truth, (cheers.) Gentlemen,
I again return you my thanks, and conclude by
proposing the health of the Right Honorable the Lord
Mayor.
The Duke now sat down amidst applause the most
unbounded.
His Royal Highness afterwards again shortly ad-
dressed the Meeting, and proposed the following most
excellent and constitutional toast:-
-
29
"The respectability of the crown-the durability of
the constitution-and the prosperity of the people.
This toast was received with loud acclamation, and
was drank with repeated cheers. It was then about a
quarter past eleven, and the Duke retired amidst the
loud cheering of the company.
On Tuesday, about two o'clock in the afternoon, his
Royal Highness left York, having, by his affability and
consistency, during his short stay, greatly increased the
number of his personal friends, and of his warm politi-
cal admirers. He intended to pursue the following
route, as nearly as unforeseen circumstances would
allow :-Tuesday night he would arrive at Catterick-
Bridge-on Wednesday, at Lambton-Hall-Monday,
Sept. 2, at Sir Matthew White Ridley's-Wednesday,
Sept. 4, at Earl Grey's, Howick-Monday, Sept. 9, at
Raby Castle, the princely seat of the Earl of Darling-
ton on the 15th at Cantley, the seat of M. A. Taylor,
Esq-on the 18th, at Newstead Abbey-and on the
24th at Holkham, the residence of T. W. Coke, Esq.
Spy System.
To the Editor of the Leeds Mercury.
Aberdeen, May 15th, 1820.
Sir,-The shameful levity and insolent tone of
defiance with which the Ministerial Members of the
House of Commons treated the motion of Alderman
W
Wood on the subject of Edwards the spy, are such an
outrage against moral feeling and decency of manners
as never before was exhibited in that assembly.
The conduct of Alderman Wood is above all praise.
His open, manly, and intrepid endeavours to elicit truth,
his high sense of moral obligation, his honest reprobation
of the baseness of that man whom Ministers attempt to
screen, entitle him to the gratitude of his country.
Ministers are little acquanted with the high spirit of the
people of England, if they imagine, that the paltry sneers
of Mr. Canning, or the pleadings of a Crown Lawyer
in the House of Commons, can stifle that feeling of honest
indignation which the crimes of such a miscreant as
Edwards excite. That Thistlewood and his associates
were profligate and unprincipled men, no one who has
read their own declarations will deny. But that they
ever would have combined and conspired to assassinate
Ministers, unless they had been instigated by Edwards,
and furnished with money and with arms, few will now
believe. Ministers were never even suspected to have
known of this instigation, till now that they attempt to
screen the person accused of such deliberate baseness.
If Edwards was simply an informer and not an instigator,
why refuse to inquire into the part he truly acted. Such
an inquiry would establish a distinction between the
evidence of an accomplice which the law allows, and the
evidence of one who acts upon a plan of cool and
deliberate instigation. It appears from the depositions
brought forward by Alderman Wood. that Edwards
sought out the most needy and desperate and irreligious
men he could find; he wrought upon their wretchedness
and desperation, and furnished them with arms, money,
and opportunity, for the commission of that assassination
which he contrived. Contrast the feelings of the populace
of London on the detection of the conspirators and on
the day of their execution; they rejoiced in the detection
1 2


132
THE WARNING VOICE.
and prevention of so wicked a project; they cheered
the Bow-street Officers when they dragged the con-
spirator Thistlewood from his place of concealment;
they were satisfied with the verdict of the Jury against
men who had dared to justify the crime of assassination.
This feeling of condemnation, however, was changed into
one of compassion, when it appeared that these poorwretch
es had been the victims of seduction. If Ministers wish
that the country at large should sympathize in the justice
of that law by which the conspirators suffered they should
not attempt to screen the man who is accused of having
prompted them. If in employing Edwards as a spy,
Government meant only that he should watch the motions
of the conspirators with a view to give such information
as should defeat the execution of the intended assassination
then the moment he went beyond this, he was guilty of
treachery even to Ministers. However the members of
his Majesty's Government may repose in the security of
the power, they may rest assured, that this is the im-
pression which the whole complexion of the case must
necessarily make, and has made, upon the mind of the
disinterested part of the public.
I am, Mr. Editor, yours respectfully,
Benevolence.
X. Y.
All our conduct towards men, should be influenced
by this important precept, do unto others, as you would
that others should do unto you. Feeding the hungry,
clothing the naked, comforting the afflicted, yield more
real pleasure than we receive from those actions which
respect only ourselves. Benevolence may, in this view,
be termed the most refined self-love.
Poetry.
DEATH.
Yes! ruthless Monarch! soon or late,
All, all must yield to thy stern power-
Though lurking in the womb of fate,
As yet unknown that solemn hour.
I scorn'd thee when the smiling Spring
Blush'd on these cheeks with rosy hue--
And, then, I thought thou couldst not bring
My sentence with the Summer's dew.
But in the Autumn of my life,
Whilst trembling leaves around are falling,
I know that we must live at strife,
And daily now expect thy calling.
The shelter'd leaf on yon tall tree
May 'scape awhile the wintry blast;
Mercy may hold her shield o'er me,
But thee and I must meet at last.
History and Death of Mrs. Garrick.
This lady closed her life on Wednesday night se'nnight,
at twelve o'clock, at her house on the Adelphi terrace,
Strand, in the 99th year of her age, having survived her
||
husband, the inimitable David Garrick, 43 years and
nine months, he having died on the 26th January, 1779.
Mrs. G. was married in July, 1749. Her maiden
name was Violetti, and she was a native of Vienna, but
chose, as Murphy says, "To grace herself with an
Italian name." From the same authority we learn, that
"she was an elegant figure, and as a dancer greatly
admired for the uncommon elegance which she dis-
played in all her movements" In early life she
unquestionably possessed great personal attractions, as
the portraits of her at Hampton bear witness.
"Signora Violetti," says Murphy, "was patronized
by Lord and Lady Burlington, who, it was understood,
gave her a fortune of six thousand pounds." This, at
least, seems to attach some degree of credit, if it does
not confirm the account of this Lady, which is detailed
at great length in Lee Lewis's Memoirs, vol. ii. page
66, which might otherwise be regarded as a fiction.
The following are a few of the particulars of this roman-
tic narrative, and as they seem to have been unknown
to, or escaped the notice of, the various biographers of
the great actor, and are in themselves not uninteresting,
we give them as follow:-
-
"It is rather singular that Mr. Garrick's numerous
biographers should have entirely omitted not the least
of the interesting particulars of his marriage with Sig-
nora Violetti, particularly as they have thought proper
to trouble the world with the most circumstantial and
minute account of his foibles, peculiarities and eccen-
tricities.
"The late Earl of Cork and Burlington, that dis-
tinguished patron of the fine arts, had, during his tour
through Italy, an amour with a young lady of family in
the city of Florence. Their intimacy produced, at a
naturally expected period, a sweet pledge of their
endearments. His Lordship was unfortunately called
home before he could have the pleasure of beholding the
dear offspring of his tender attachment; and the mother
although she was abandoned by her relatives for the
disgrace she had bronght upon her family, sought in her
infant the only comfort she could find for the absence
of its father. Family considerations obliged him, after
his return from Italy, to form a matrimonial connexion
with a native of his own country. But this union of
family prudence and accommodation could not oblite-
rate the fond remembrance of his former love, nor the
affection which he felt as a parent. In a word he de-
serted neither the Italian lady nor his child; he sent
ample remittances to her, and actually corresponded
with her by letters and several trusty messengers, whom
he employed for the purpose of hearing faithfully the
state of the mother and her infant, who he had every
reason to believe was his own. The lovely girl received
from her well-bred mother a virtuous and an accom-
plished education. She was the delight of her parents;
and the great advances she made in every branch of
politeness and elegance, rendered her capable of adorn-
ing the most exalted spheres of life. Unfortunately,
before she arrived at womanhood, she lost her mother,
whom she had the affliction to see gradually falling the
victim of a cause too latent for her to discover; and as
her mother never gave her the least personal knowledge
of her real father, she thus found herself, at a very early


THE WARNING VOICE.
133
period of life, in the situation of an orphan, without a
parent to guide, protect, or cherish that period of
female life, when all around is danger and delusion. She
had, however, the satisfaction of learning from her
mother that her father was of a family both honorable
and noble. His Lordship having early intelligence of
the death of the amiable woman, immediately formed a
plan for completing the education of his daughter, which
the mother had, with his liberal and powerful assistance,
considerably advanced towards a state of singular per-
fection. To effect this desirable purpose, he wrote to a
person at Florence, in whom he had great eonfidence,
to take charge of the young creature. This person
proved so unfaithful, as to appropriate to himself the
greater part of the allowance that should have supported
and educated the absent daughter with every splendor
and accommodation becoming her descent. She was
even thankful to him for an engagement he obtained for
her as a dancer in the Opera House of the Great Duke;
so much was she deceived by the pretences and repre-
sentations of this perfidious monster, that she even
received the most trifling allowance as the gratuity of
his own beneficence! Her appointment as a dancer soon
reaching the ears of her Noble Father and protector,
made him resolve that she should no longer continue
at such a distance from his care and observance. Being
arrived at the most precarious time of life, and her situa-
tion being, in every respect, truly hazardous, still more
determined him to dispatch a messenger for her, who
engaged her to come to England at a much greater
salary than she could ever possibly expect to have in
Italy. The offer was irresistible, and either a presenti-
ment of what followed, or a desire to visit other climes,
induced her to take the earliest opportunity of coming
to England.
"The period of the arrival of the Signora Violetti was
soon after Mr. Garrick (with whom she was engaged)
commenced manager of Drury-lane Theatre. The
graces that attended her first appearance charmed and
prepossessed every spectator in her favor. 'She won
the hearts of all the swains, and rivalled all the fair.'
Modesty, like her native handmaid, waited on all her
steps; and Dame Fortune, however cruel to others,
lavished upon her the most desirable of her bounties.
"My readers must almost anticipate my informing
them, that the Noble Lord, her father, although under
covert, was not the less zealous or inactive in establish-
ing her reputation. He likewise embraced every
opportunity of conversing with his fair offspring in her
language, in which he found her possess all the perfection
his most anxious wishes could have formed. But these
frequent and pleasing conversations to both were not
yet sufficiently satisfactory to the parent, who was
naturally impatient to have the mutual enjoyment that
arises from filial and parental intercourse, uncontrolled
by disguise, and unfettered by mystery. Nothing could
possibly ease the solicitude of the anxious parent, but
providing her an asylum under his own roof. To ac-
complish this desirable object required the greatest
delicacy and discretion. His Lordship being blessed
with a daughter* some years younger than Signora
• She was afterwards married to the Most Noble Marquis of Hartington;
who, on the demise of his father, came to the title and estate of the Duke of
Devonshire.
Violetti, this circumstance suggested to him the idea of
having his fair exotic the tutoress of her unknown sister.
Signora winning incessantly on his affections, increased
his impatience to effect his purpose of having her in his
family. As his daughter by his lady frequently accompa-
nied him to the Theatre, he availed himself of this cir-
cumstance to create an esteem in her for her unknown
relation the admired dancer. Particularly specifying
her graces and excellences, he soon caused his honorable
daughter to feel warmly in the interest of Signora.
Finding that he had thus far succeeded in his wishes, he
asked her one night, as they were sitting in the stage
box, if she would approve of Signora Violetti as com-
panion and tutoress in the Italian tongue, in which he
informed her that she was most eminently perfect, and
that her other accomplishments were equally excellent.
He was happy to find his ardent wishes almost anticipated,
by the ready and pleased compliance of the young lady.
Signora was, therefore, conveyed the same night, in his
Lordship's carriage, to the town mansion in Piccadilly.
"This fair and amiable stranger at home found her
accommodations in that abode of hospitality in every
respect equal, and even surpassing, the most sanguine
wishes of her heart; and she felt herself for the first time
in a state of happiness, in which nature had more con-
cern than reason at present could explain. But as the
tenor of human comfort was not meant to consist in a
continuity of satisfaction, her's was soon interrupted by
him who wounds every breast, either to fill it often with
the balm of enjoyment, or the bitterness of affliction.
Love sat heavy on her breast, and pallid on her cheek.
Her charms withered, and her health decayed; until
nature, exhausted, obliged her to recline on the couch
of sickness. Here, to the great alarm and concern of
her unknown relations, she languished a considerable
time. Her amiable pupil was uncommonly concerned;
perhaps the ties of nature latently increased the affliction;
the ablest physicians were obtained for her relief; but
notwithstanding all the care, ability, and tenderness,
that were employed for her recovery, the violence of
her indisposition frustrated every endeavour. Her own
delicacy would not permit her to divulge the secret
cause of her malady. Although it threatened her with
almost an instantaneous dissolution, yet the hopes of a
cure could not induce her to acknowledge herself the
victim of affection His Lordship felt the bitterest pangs
of a loving parent, distressed by the visible decline of an
amiable daughter. He saw with extreme distress the
tender plant that he was with so much care and anxiety
fostering, wither beneath the cold hand of an invisible
disease. His Lady was likewise greatly affected, and
sympathized with her noble partner, for the loss they
were likely to sustain. Her Ladyship, however, not
despairing for a remedy being found, took the most
prudential and effectual method, by delicately searching
the tender heart of the afflicted fair one. Dr. Mead, the
Esculapius of his day, pronouncing her disorder beyoud
his power, or even that of medicine, to remove, prompted
the good Lady to divine the cause. She was convinced
that love alone was the disturber of her mind, and the
destroyer of her frame. Assured of this, her Ladyship
made her fair guest a visit, resolving, if possible, to
discover the latent cause of her indisposition. For this


134
THE WARNING VOICE.
purpose she, with great address, asked her where she
felt the most pain? and in what manner particularly she
was affected? Not receiving to these questions, and
some others of a similar nature, the most explicit
answers, her first suspicions were still stronger confirmed.
With all the tender delicacy, therefore, which dis-
tinguished her amiable character, she seized her hand
with benign sympathy, and declared she was most ex-
tremely happy to have discovered that the cause of her
malady was not incurable. The cause is love,' said she,
and for which I think a certain cure may be found.'
The change she perceived this observation made in her
fair patient, confirmed its propriety. She then entreated
the indisposed damsel to own to her, who was the object
of her affection; and promised, upon her honor, not to
betray her confidence. She further prevailed, by assur-
ing her that she would, were it possible, obtain for her
the object of her languishing desires. I have so great
an opinion of your discretion, my dear Signora,' con-
tinued the worthy Lady, that you could not possibly
fix your affections on an improper object, that I am the
more impatient to know who he is, that I may the sooner
find the means of restoring you to your woated charms,
health, and happiness. My Lord is deeply afflicted in
consequence of your indisposition. He is, indeed, much
more distressed than I could have thought he could,
with all his tenderness of nature, have been for any
stranger to his blood, even as amiable as you are, my
dear Signora.'
"
66
"O, my dear Madam!" said the much-to-be-pitied
young Lady, spare, spare me! I dare not confess my
weakness, even to you-all gracious as you have been
to your orphan charge. And I cannot express the
remorse I feel at my being obliged to behave with
ingratitude to your dear Lord, by concealing from him
as well as from you, two such generous benefactors,
what preys upon my existence, and must finally bear me
to my grave.'
"My dear Signora,' replied the Lady, 'tis now in
your power to acquit yourself of all conceived obligation
to both him and me, by so far convincing us we deserve
your confidence as to trust us with the important secret.
We would wish to have this assurance of your reposing
in our zealous efforts being exerted in your welfare.
It is no idle curiosity that urges my entreaty, but an
indescribable interest I feel in your favor. Should there
be found, upon inquiry, any insuperable bar to an honor-
able union, that can alone restore you to your former
peace of mind, the secret shall ever remain undiscovered
to the impertinence of inquiry, or the censure of
malignity.'
"The above candid, sincere, and interesting declara-
tion of the good Lady was too prevailing. It won at
once the confidence and heartfelt gratitude of the
afflicted fair one. She confessed that Mr. Garrick was
the object of her esteem; but that he was as yet entirely
ignorant of being the cause of what she had so severely
felt from her tender attachment.
"The amiable Lady, with the greatest concern, heard
this confession, and told her with symptoms of apprehen-
sion, that she feared the possibility of her desires ever
being gratified by the attainment of their object; that
Mr. Garrick was a young fellow universally caressed by
families of the first distinction, and who had been
already suspected of aspiring to rank and fortune
in a matrimonial alliance. She represented likewise to
her languishing patient many other difficulties; but
finding they had visibly affected the tender state of the
now all-desponding fair, she assured her that no means
should be left untried. She begged that neither lang our
nor hopeless grief should be suffered to prey any longer
on her now almost exhausted frame. Confide,' said
she, in my Lord's good offices, and be assured of our
best efforts being exerted to obtain you consolation and
relief."
6
"His Lordship was rejoiced that his lady had obtained
the secret cause of his beloved (although unavowed)
daughter's indisposition; in proportion to its concealment
having caused him the greatest uneasiness its discovery
afforded him pleasure. Being possessed of the truth, his
hopes of his child's recovery began to revive. Knowing
Garrick's love for money was the ray of his expectation,
and the guide of his measures, Mr. Garrick was instantly
sent for to his house. He had no sooner arrived, and
inquired after the health of Signora, than his Lordship
opened the negociation of Hymen, by informing him
with a smile, that the lady's indisposition was not to be
removed by any other than one Docotr Garrick, an
intimate acquaintance of his.'
6
"Pray, my dear Lord,' said the astonished manager,
explain yourself.'
"Well, Sir,' answered his Lordship, 'should you find,
upon the strictest inquiry, that Signora Violetti is a lady
of family and fortune, and possessed of every virtue
indispensable to the honor of the female character, do
you think you could satisfactorily receive her from my
hands, with a portion of ten* thousand pounds? And
here let me inform you that she is my daughter.'
"The enraptured Garrick gave his Lordship ten
thousand thanks for the unmerited honor and fortune to
which he so unexpectedly, but generously invited
him. He at the same time declared, with all due decorum,
that the lady was, from the first moment of his acquain-
tance with her, far from being indifferent to either his
views or his wishes; and that he had ever felt more than
a common interest in her favor.'
6
"
"You add to my satisfaction, and relieve the parental
apprehensions I felt for the recovery of my daughter,'
replied his Lordship; until the cause of her complaint
was discovered, the fear of losing my child was my
constant affliction. And now, Doctor, if you please, I
will conduct you to your patient. My Lady, will, I
know, accompany us.'
"When Mr. Garrick entered the chamber he flew to
the bed-side of his enamoured fair, and acted his part
with as much grace, and perhaps more nature, than he
had ever performed it on the stage. His Lordship then
pleasantly informed her, that her Doctor had been in
danger of the same disorder, aud from the same cause
-an obstinate unnecessary silence. From this auspicious
hour the God of health re-bloomed her cheek, and
reilluminated her eye. And the English Roscius con-
tinued unremitting in his attendance on the young Lady,
Mr. Murphy mentions the sum to have been six thousand pounds.


THE WARNING VOICE.
135
whose cure was speedily effected, to the great joy of the
noble family.
"The nuptials being celebrated, Mr. Edward Moore,
the ingenious poet, inscribed a very pretty copy of verses
to Mrs. Garrick, wherein he describes Fortune in search
of a favourite daughter. After many a weary step, she
stopped her giddy wheel at Burlington-gate, where she
found the object of her inquiry, and lavished on her the
choicest of her favours."
"She never told her love, but let concealment like a
worm i'th' bud, feed on her damask cheek. She pined
She pined
in thought, and sat like patience on a monument
smiling at grief.”
By the death of Mrs. Garrick the library of the British
Museum will be further enriched by the addition of her
husband's valuable collection of old English plays:
besides which, the celebrated statute of Shakespeare, by
Roubilliac (of which the one over the fire-place in the
rotunda of Drury-lane Theatre is a cast) will grace the
hall of that national establishment. The chair, too,
made from Shakespeare's mulberry tree, will also, it is
supposed, be there deposited. It is richly carved, and
would, if put up to auction, fetch an enormous price;
as would, doubtless, many other articles of vertu, as
having once belonged to the "best living commentator"
on the works of the Bard of Avon. Amongst these
must not be forgotten four originals by Hogarth of the
"Election." The fate of these species of saleable pro-
perty, which were bequeathed to Mrs. Garrick during
her life, will shortly be decided by the hammer.
The children of Mrs. Garrick, of the Hay-market
Theatre, will also, it is said, come in for considerable
legacies, in consequence of the decease.
1
POETRY.
On being asked,
SONNET,
"How do you like this Country
and the Ladies of Halifax?"
BRIGHT blooms the Spring amid your vales,
And richest verdure decks your hills;
While sweetest scents perfume the gales,
And music flows in purling rills.
And still more bright, and still more fair,
Your female Beauties pass along;
Objects of many an ardent prayer,
And themes of many a tuneful song!
Yes, all the charms that Nature pours
On blossom'd vale, and fruitful field,
Fair Spring herself, and all her flowers,
To these more splendid Beauties yield.
Those that admire, can have one fear alone,
That like their native hills, they hide a heart of stone!
A STRANGER.
Halifax, June 11th, 1801.
She should, and she should not!
For the HALIFAX JOURNAL.
Mr. Editor,
As you seem friendly to the interests of the Fair
Sex, I shall be glad if you will record the following
short particulars:-
-
-
"A good wife should be like three things, which three
she should not be like :—1st. She should be like a snail,
always keep within her house; but she should not be
like a snail, to carry all she has upon her back. 2d.
She should be like an echo, and speak when she is spoken
to; but she should not be like an echo, to have the last
word. 3d. She should be like a town clock, always
keep time and regularity; but she should not be like a
town clock, to speak so loud that all the town may hear
her."I beg leave to add, that she should be like
the Halifax Journal, full of good things; but she should
not be like the Halifax Journal, always in public, with
her price in her face!
SOLOMON SHORT.
Halifax, June 10, 1801.
Eulogium on Woman.
The following testimony to the universal benevolence
of the female character, is borne by Mr. Ledyard, an
accurate observer of human nature, and one of the
African Association:-
first Geographical Missionaries employed by the
"I have always remarked," says he "that women of
"all countries are civil and obliging, tender and
"humane, that they ever incline to be gay and cheerful,
"timorous and modest; and that they do not hesitate,
"like men, to perform a generous action. Not haughty,
"not arrogant, not supercilious, they are fond of
"courtesy, and fond of society, more liable in general to
"err than man, but in general also more virtuous and
"performing more good actions than he. To a woman,
"whether civilized or savage, I never addressed
"myself in the language of decency and friendship,
"without receiving a decent and friendly answer.
. With man it has often been otherwise! In wandering
"over the barren plains of inhospitable Denmark,
"through honest Sweden, and frozen Lapland, rude
"and churlish Finland, unprincipled Russia, and the
"wide spread regions of the wandering Tartar-if
"hungry, dry, cold, wet, or sick, the women have
"ever been friendly to me, and uniformly so; and to
add to this virtue, (so worthy the appellation of
"benevolence) these actions have been performed in so
"free and kind a manner, that, if I was dry, I drank
"the sweetest draught, and if hungry, I ate the
"coarsest morsel with a double relish."
"The importance of woman in society has been
universally felt and acknowledged; her influence is
potent; to her we are indebted for social comfort, and
domestic joy. Let her heart confine her wishes and
K 2


136
THE WARNING VOICE.
66
affections within the circle of intellectual improvement, |
domestic duties, and domestic pleasures, and woman
becomes what her Creator designed,
a help meet for
man;" the gentle friend of his youth, the kind instructor
as well as the mother of his children; his counsellor in
difficulties; the soother of his sorrow in affliction; and,
I might almost add, the arbitress of his fate."
Song on the Goodness of Women.
I The goodness of women, some men will dispute,
But I will their arguments fairly confute,
Undeniably prove that they do what they ought,
And say what you will, they are seldom in fault,
Derry down, &c.
2 You sometimes object to their voluble tongues,
That they harrass your ears, and destroy their own
lungs,
Should they talk, pretty creatures, from morning 'till
night,
From fifteen to fifty, they're all in the right,
Derry down, &c.
3 The poets strange tales tell of Orpheus you know,
How he followed his wife to the regions below;
But it must be a falsehood, because one so fair,
So loving and kind, was too good to be there,
Derry down, &c.
4 No more at these charmers, ye unthinking, rail,
But o'er your barbarity let them prevail,
Perfection to Kings and the fair sex belong,
For women, like Monarchs, can never do wrong,
Derry down, &c.
ACROSTIC ON MISS HILL,
Who became the Wife of Richard Milnes, wrote
by Miss Ann Spencer, a very particular Friend of
her Youth.
Honest and open, with each heart to please,
In every action, elegance and ease;
Lively and smart, yet with discretion join'd,
Lavish was nature, when she form'd her mind.
CECILIA.
Peace to the spirits of my honored parents. Respect-
ed be their remains, and immortalized their virtues!
may time, while it moulders their frail relics to dust,
commit to tradition the record of their goodness; and
Oh! may their orphan descendant be influenced
through life, by the remembrance of their purity, and be
solaced in death, that by her it was unsullied! But
though thus largely indebted to fortune, to nature she
had greater obligations; her form was elegant, her
heart was liberal, her countenance announced the
intelligence of her mind, her complexion varied with
every emotion of her soul, and her eyes, the heralds of
her speech, now beamed with understanding, and now
glistened with sensibility.
Wrote in a Book on a Lady changing her Name.
O! Happy day which blotted out
The name that in this book is wrote,
The Virgin joys perhaps are great;
But marriage makes the bliss complete:
And that the change may happy be,
Is the ardent wish of A. B. C.
To the half of a man who wastes his estate,
Add the third of a word which will end a debate,
If rightly you place them, they really prove,
The Surname of her that wrote the above.
Origin of a Lady being called a Toast.
It happened at Bath, in the reign of King Charles II. that
on a public day, a celebrated beauty of those times was
in the Cross- Bath, and one of the crowd of her admirers
took a glass of the water in which the fair one stood,
and drank her health to the company. There was in the
place a gay fellow, half fuddled, who offered to jump in,
and swore, though he liked not the liquor he would have
the toast. He was opposed in this resolution; yet this
whim gave foundation to the present honor which is
done to the lady we mention when we drink, who has
ever since been called a TOAST.
Breach of Promise of Marriage.
LANCASTER ASSIZES-MONDAY, SEPT. 4.
Nisi Prius Court-Mr. Justice Park.
Beattie versus Pearson. -This was an action brought
to recover compensation in damages for a breach of
promise of marriage. The parties being persons of the
highest respectability, an unusual degree of interest was
excited by this case ;-the Court was filled to overflow-
ing; and there was arrayed in the seats opposite the Jury,
an assemblage of female beauty, congregated to witness
the exemplary punishment which Lancashire Juries never
fail to inflict on faithless swains. Mr. Littledale opened
the pleadings, and Mr. Scarlett stated the case on the
part of the Plaintiff. The Plaintiff in this cause, Mrs.
Beattie, is the widow of a medical gentleman, who at the
time of their marriage resided in Liverpool, but who after-
wards went upon the Continent as a surgeon in the army.
She had been married at the early age of eighteen, and
her husband died in the month of May, 1818, at Colbeck,
in Scotland, where he had been settled some months,
and was interred on the very day in which Mrs. Beattie,
was to have joined him, she having been residing some


THE WARNING VOICE.
137
months with her mother at Mottram, in Cheshire-One
child only was the issue of this marriage. It was
admitted on all hands, that the connections of this Lady
were of the highest respectability, and Mr. Scarlett
described the Plaintiff as a Lady of great personal
a Lady of great personal
attractions, possessing every female accomplishment,
with a well cultivated mind, an excellent judgment, and
an amiable disposition; and he very ingeniously produced
as his witness a Lady of uncommon beauty and pleasing
manners, who was said very much to resemble the
Plaintiff, and which was probably not without its effect
upon the damages awarded by the Jury. The defendant,
Mr. Samuel Pearson, was stated to be a gentleman of
great opulence, at the head of an extensive silk manu-
factory at Macclesfield-he was a widower, and was 36
years of age; had been twice married, and had a family
of three or four children. This was the situation of the
parties. In the month of April, 1819, Mr. Geo. Kent
Pearson, married a Miss Lees, the niece of the plaintiff,
on which occasion, Mrs. Beattie was invited to spend
the honey month with the new married couple, and her
visit was extended to two months; it was during the
latter part of this period that the defendant began to
visit Mrs. Beattie: his attention soon became marked,
his visits frequent, and it was not long before he made
her an offer of his hand, which was not declined. After
this he introduced her as his intended wife, and he
introduced himself to her relations as her future
husband; consulted her upon choice of furniture; and
finally fixed the day of his marriage, which was to take
place on the Thursday after his return from London, to
which place he was going to attend the East India sale of
silks. He was accompanied by his cousin, Mr. George
Pearson, and in the course of his journey he informed
him that he was in a state of doubt, and did not know
whether he should be married to Mrs. Beattie or not.
His cousin remonstrated with him, and he admitted he
was much to blame, and deserved to be handled ; and if
an action was brought against him he expected he would
have to pay £5000. but he said he had not treated Mrs.
Beattie so ill, as he had done a young Lady in London,
upon which occasion the license and ring were bought,
the day fixed, and the party assembled. That instead
of going by the mail, he sent a letter stating that he had
altered his mind; and the shock had made such an inroad
upon her constitution, that he did not expect that she
would survive it. The defendant returned from London,
but he never visited or wrote to the plaintiff, or assigned
any cause for his change of mind. The effect upon Mrs.
Beattie was most calamitous, after suffering months of
anguish, she became distracted, and was obliged to be
placed in a lunatic asy'um at Manchester; fortunately
the efforts made to restore her reason were effectual, she
was returned to her friends with her mental powers
restored, but with an enfeebled and shattered constitution.
Serjeant Cross made an ingenious speech in reply, in
mitigation of damages, but he called no witnesses, and
made no satisfactory apology for his client. After Mr.
Justice Park had remarked upon the evidence, and made
some observations as to the grounds upon which they
were to estimate the damages, the Jury, after a short con-
sultation, and without retiring, found a verdict for the
Plaintiff-Damages FOUR THOUSAND POUNDS!
Margaret's Ghost.
'Twas at the fearful midnight hour, when all were fast
asleep,
In glided Margaret's grimly ghost, and stood at William's
feet;
Her face was pale like April morn, clad in a wintry cloud,
And clay-cold was her lilly hand, that held her sable
shroud;
So shall the fairest face appear, when youth and years
are flown,
Such is the robe that kings must wear, when death has
'reft their crown.
Her bloom was like the springing flow'r, that sips the
silver dew,
The rose was budded on her cheek, just op'ning to the
view;
But love had like the canker-worm, consum'd her early
prime,
The rose grew pale and left her cheek, she dy'd before
her time;
Awake she cry'd thy true love calls, come from her mid-
night grave,
Now let thy pity hear the maid, thy love refused to save.
Bethink thee William of thy fault, thy pledge and broken
oath,
And give me back my maiden vow, and give me back
my troth;
How could you say that face was fair? and yet that face
forsake,
How could you win that Virgin heart? yet leave that
heart to break;
Why did you promise love to me? and not that pro-
mise keep,
Why said you that my eyes were bright? yet left those
eyes to weep.
How could you swear my lip was sweet? and made the
scarlet pale,
And why did I young witless maid? believe the flatt'
ring tale;
But hark! the cock hath warn'd me hence, a long and
late adieu,
Come see false man how low she lies, that dy'd for love
of you,
The lark sung out, the morning smil'd, and rais'd her
glist'ning head;
Pale William quak'd in ev'ry limb, and raving left his
bed.
He ey'd him to the fatal place, where Margaret's body
lay,
And stretch'd him o'er the green grass turf, that wrapt
her breathless clay;
And thrice he call'd on Margaret's name, and thrice he
wept full sore,
And laid his cheek on her cold grave, and word spoke
never more.
A Sovereign Remedy for a Bad Husband.
I know one who was a disorderly, tippling, dissipated
man, who made his kind and affectionate wife miserable.


138
THE WARNING VOICE.
She like an amiable and true Philosopher, tried every
means she could devise to reclaim him, but he continued
his bad habits, till her patience was reduced to an atom.
One night he came home and went to bed before her,
and after laying alone some time, rang the bell, and
desired her to come to bed; she replied she had made
a vow, that if he did not reform, she would never sleep
with him again, and to confirm her resolution, did not go
to bed to him that night. Next day he was in great sorrow
and wept bitterly, and begged most humbly of her to
forgive him. And from that time he made her a solemn
promise that he would adandon all his bad habits, and
become one of the best husbands if he could obtain her
pardon. She forgave him without delay, and from that
time he fulfilled his vow, and became as good and as
orderly a husband as ever woman enjoyed, and from a
habit of disorder and idleness, bordering upon poverty,
has become a complete sober, orderly man of business,
and appears to be making a fortune, and they are become
a very happy pair.
I have known two bad husbands completely reformed.
The infallible way to happiness in the married State.
That no gratification or happiness in this life can be
compared with the happy married state, and the misery
of the unhappy one is universally admitted by all who
have experienced them. Then surely no earthly object
will be listened to with such zeal and anxiety, or pursued
with such avidity and hope. And as I have always
heard it admitted, that the greatest errors arise from the
smallest causes; I trust it will also be admitted, that
discord in the married state is a great error, and generally
originates from the smallest causes, or such as may be
easily avoided.
discord and contention, for want of both parties dealing
gently with each others errors, and leaving each without
complaint against the other.
Compare the happiness which may be enjoyed by all,
if they will observe these rules, and the excellent mar-
riage ceremony; with the misery which falls to the
unhappy lot of those who neglect them-the first is
Heaven-the second truly, Hell upon Earth.
Such of you men as cannot adhere to, and be governed
by the above mentioned Heavenly rules and marriage
ceremony, resolve never to marry, (or you fair ones,
deny such your fair hands,) I am sure you will not if
you consider what sin you would commit against the
lovely fair, against Heaven, and yourselves by marrying.
Ye fair ones and your lovers, let the marriage ceremony
and this humble easy warning voice, be your ieading topics
every time you meet during your courtship, and elsewhere
when you may think it proper. Be resolute, and shew your
inestimable value to the men described above, and that
will increase their esteem for you, and tell them you will
prefer a single life, if they will not make you a solemn
sacred vow, to adhere to the above mentioned rules, and
thus secure happiness, and you will conquer all the bad
habits and errors in men, which lead to unhappy mar-
riages, and this world will become a paradise as you all
hope and expect it to be, before and after you marry,
and many find it so.
I do think it is universally admitted, that the love of
women has a greater tendency to civilization, and im-
prove the men, than the love of money; and the more
value the ladies put upon, and more care they take of
themselves, and the more they would promote this
superior excellence and virtue in society. Then mark
how much good the females may do, by their own dear
self-love and self-interest.
Refer to the sacred, agreeable, and beautiful marriage
ceremony. Can there be so great a crime as breaking The Importance of the Knowledge of House-
the marriage vow, which is, or ought to be made, on the
most solemn and cool deliberation. Can there be so great a
sin against Heaven, as violating the same?
Ye parents teach your sons and daughters to become
religious, in the study and practice of which, they will
find the truest wisdom. Teach them to contemplate
and adhere to the marriage ceremony, and its heavenly
object, it will secure them true happiness in the married
state, and in the world to come. In religion alone they
will find the true authority for cheerfulness, mirth, and
joy.
Ye sons and daughters obey the above injunction,
and take warning from such as neglect those heavenly
duties, and remember how the bad habits of many lead
them into snares and vice, productive of the severest
misery, and the loss of the hope and happiness in the
world to come. And consider how much the habits of
the fair sex from their infancy, are the reverse of those
of many men. These beautiful, lovely, and amiable
creatures adhere to such rules of modesty, innocence,
and good habits as almost forbid my believing there are
any bad wives, but such as are made so by their husbands
not guarding against the trifling errors which often
increase to great magnitude, and are too often the cause of
Keeping and a Kitchen Education.
Every friend to the fair sex, as we all are, must be
anxious to promote their comfort, welfare, and happi-
ness, as every feeling mind will study, and promote the
happiness of the whole community, have to lament, that
the most vital and essential part of the education of the
females is almost totally neglected, except where they
have the good luck to have prudent, notable good
mothers, who have judgment, independence, and resolu-
tion enough, and do teach them the knowledge and
management of house-keeping, and practice and econ-
omy of a kitchen.
The want of this part of their education, even in
affluence, exposeth them to the following difficulties,
danger, discomfort, and displeasure, and plants their
path of life with briers and thorns, where it ought to be
smooth, pleasant and comfortable.
It is often the cause of discord between husband and
wife, and leads to evil consequences which cannot be
described, where the most refined cordiality, comfort,
and happiness ought to exist.
It makes the Mrs. dependent upon the maid, by which
she loseth her authority over her, which is perhaps the


THE WARNING VOICE.
139
cause of ridicule, where all deference, confidence, and
respect would otherwise prevail.
It is often the cause of extravagance and waste which
leads to ruin and poverty.
It makes the good wife feel uncomfortable and un-
happy, when she feels the want of all this useful and
necessary knowledge, and makes her say, Oh! what I
would have spared out of my fortune, to have given my
good mother, or any other person who would have
instructed me in this most useful, interesting, and enter-
taining part of my education.
It must mortify an amiable wife, to see a breakfast,
dinner, or supper imperfectly put upon a table, and
not know how to teach her maid better, which must
bring ridicule and censure upon the Mistress of the house;
and if the tradesman's wife should have the folly to keep
a house-keeper, it would be incompatible with her rank,
and most likely be accompanied with all the above
mentioned inconveniences and evil consequences, and
deprive herself of the enjoyment of the most vital,
essential, pleasant, interesting, and entertaining part of
her education; for the occupation of her time, which she
will find when she is married, cannot be spent in reading,
music, and tea table talk, to her own satisfaction and
pleasure.
As I have said before, none can describe a state of
poverty and want of bread, but those who feel it; so none
can describe the want of the education of house-keeping,
but those who experience it, when their fortune is wasted.
And if this advice should be taken by any good lady
who has a good fortune left to her, and has the misfor-
tune to lose it, as many do, I rejoice to think how she
would praise this book, should it be the cause of this
valuable part of her education, or a fortune being given
to her thereby, which she can never spend, though some
unavoidable casualty, extravagance, or misfortune may
have wasted her money, and reduced her to want.
If a person know, and can do, and teach others some
good thing, they are always respectable and of conse-
quence, whatever their rank may be.
But should a good fortune forsake an amiable and
happy pair, the value of a kitchen education would be
magnified in a ten fold degree.
One of the most amiable, sensible, agreeable good
ladies that I know, who had the good luck to have a
most prudent notable father and mother, who with all
their affection, paid the greatest attention to the education
of their children, but made house-keeping and the
kitchen education, the primary and most important part
ofit, and after that part was completed sent their daughters
to the boarding school, to enable them to associate with
good company, and get through the world with credit,
pleasure, and satisfaction to themselves and others. This
good lady is married, and appears to have completed
both the kitchen and boarding school education to the
utmost perfection, both in theory and practice, and is
one of the most agreeable companions that I know, with
a mind completely ornamented with charity, humanity,
and philanthropy, and indeed she does merit that polite
and elegant appellation, (which I think is too often
misapplied for want of the kitchen education) of being
completely accomplished.-This good, amiable, and
completely accomplished lady, who in her great love to
promote the happiness and welfare of her dear, amiable,
lovely sex, often laments with me, that there are no
schools opened for the education of kouse-keeping in
this age of improvement. She lives in Yorkshire, and
laments the want of it there; but when she visits her
friends in our wonderful Metropolis, she is quite sick-
ened to witness the total ignorance of house-keeping
and kitchen knowledge, which prevails among the ladies
of moderate rank in that great city; the want of which
she fears many of them will have much cause to repent.
Mr. Arbuthnot's Letter.
The following is a copy of the letter from Mr. Arbuthnot,
the House of Commons:-
to which Lord J. Russell alluded on Friday night in
64
(PRIVATE)
Downing-street, 9th March, 1822.
66
a
My dear Sir,-On Wednesday next, the 13th instant,
motion is to be made by Lord Normanby, to abolish
14th, the day following, Mr. Creevey makes a similar
the office of one of the Postmasters-General; and on the
motion against the Board of Control. In this manner
the just and necessary influence of the Crown is from
day to day attacked; and as other motions of a similar
quite impossible for any set of men to conduct the
nature are to be made by Lord Althorp, &c. it will be
kind shall be successfully resisted. It seems as if the
Government of this country, unless practices of this
Opposition, in despair of coming into office, had deter-
mined to break down the means of administering the affairs
of the country; and as this subject is become most serious,
I have no scruple in apprising you of what is now passing,
with the hope and expectation that you will think it
necessary to attend, and thus lend your aid in stemming
the torrent of such dangerous innovation.
"Yours, most sincerely,
"C. ARBUTHNOT."
Will not this strange doctrine of Mr. Arbuthnot's rouse
the people to join to a man in petitioning the King-
for a reformation in Parliament.
What I call the people, are every rank, in every link
of the chain, from the Cobbler's cottage to the King's
throne.
What does Mr. Arbuthnot mean by the stale nonsense
It
of telling us, that opposition want to get into power.
in the House of Commons. The innovation is made
is the people that want to resume their legitimate power
upon the people's rights by the Oligarchy, It is not
the influence of the Crown which the people complain
of, but the influence of the K. M. which is become
superior to the King and people.
Joint Postmaster General,
LORD NORMONBY rose to move for the abolition
of one of the Postmasters General. He clearly proved
that the existence of two joint Postmasters was not only
altogether useless to the public, but even injurious, by
the constant shifting of authority which it occasioned in
L 2


140
THE WARNING VOICE.
that office. The salaries of the postmasters was £2,500
each, and in the present state of the country, with the
present demands of the agriculturists, it was incumbent
on the House to grant every possible relief, by cutting
off all unnecessary expences. He called upon the House
to discharge their duty to the country, and particularly
he called upon the Hon. Member for Yorkshire (Mr.
S. Wortley) who had pledged himself the other night
to vote in favor of every retrenchment which was con-
sistent with the safety of the state, to support the motion.
Mr. F. ROBINSON opposed the motion, on the sole
ground of the improper reduction which it would make
of the influence of the crown.
Sir J. SEBRIGHT thought the motion quite necessary,
and should vote in its favor.
Mr. H. SUMNER thought the influence of the crown,
too much curtailed, and would oppose its further reduc-
tion.
Sir JOSEPH YORKE, though little disposed to yield
to popular clamour, did not think that the influence of
the crown among the representatives of a loyal and
generous people, required to be bolstered up with half
a dozen useless places. He was convinced that the
office of the second postmaster was entirely useless, and
he was surprised that Ministers ventured to keep the
office, after the sense of the house had been expressed
on the reduction of two lords of the admiralty.
Mr. S. WORTLEY thought, unless gentlemen were
prepared to say that the government of this country
ought to approach more nearly to a republican form,
they must oppose the present motion. He would not
join in pulling down the influence of the crown, and if
his constituents thought that he ought to do so, they
must return another member. If he was sure that it
would stop here, he would vote for the present motion;
but as motions were made day after day with the same
object, he must at once make a stand. He should
oppose the motion.
Mr. BANKES complimented Mr. Wortley on his
diligence and honesty, but differed from him totally.
How was economy to be practised, if the patronage of
the crown was not to be touched? The pledges of
economy which the house had given had not been
redeemed: his expectations were exceedingly disappoint-
ed. He regretted the conduct of Ministers extremely;
not a word had been said in defence of the office, and
he sincerely and confidently hoped that by the vote of
this night it would be abolished.
Mr. PEEL and LORD LONDONDERRY opposed
the motion. Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH and Sir
JOHN NEWPORT supported it, The House divided,
when there appeared
For the motion,
Against it,
........ .......... .....
Majority in favor of Ministers,
.......
.159
...184
-25.
Would not many a clever good Man be glad to execute
this Office for five hundred pounds per year, better than
two of them, and save the Nation £4500 per year; do not
Mr. Freeling and his Clerks do all the business, and the
two Post Masters General perhaps never write their names
but to receipts for their salaries.. Is not this a proof of the
unnecessary waste of the public Money, and the greater
evil of its influence in bribing and corrupting the people,
directly and indirectly, or in all directions, and a loud
call for their being truly represented in the House of
Commons and elsewhere.
It must puzzle every one how to discover what Mr.
Wortley and other gentlemen can mean by the above
mentioned expressions of fear, that the Crown should
lose its influence, while every individual in the land
admires the constitution of England in its original purity,
and consequently the Crown as the most essential and
vital part of that Constitution. They are therefore ready
at all times to lay down their lives for the preservation
of the King: but the people have discovered to their
sorrow, that the influence of the
-have set up a
power in this nation, unknown to the Constitution, for
their own indulgence, aggrandizement, and fancied
security of themselves, their friends, and adherents,
which is grown enormous and superior to the King and
people, and alarming to the whole nation; for this over-
bearing power has rendered the Constitution, which we
all love, a nonentity, by having deprived it of its vital
part, its original power in the House of Commons, which
used to be the watchman and guardian of the national
purse and all the people's rights. But this power has
assumed a control over the national purse, and all the
people's rights, by bribery, corruption, influence, and
nobody can tell what besides; and when this constitution
is extolled, in enlighted companies at home or abroad, it
is treated with ridicule, because they say it does not
exist. It is this monster which moves every member of
the House of Lords and Commons, who are not under
its baneful influence, to point out to the King and people,
the danger which that Constitution is in, which we all
love and wish to preserve, and has always been the envy
and admiration of the world. And they all wish to enjoy
this inestimable treasure, which we are thoughtlessly
suffering to expire. That there is such an overbearing
power, is as notorions as the sun at noon day, and too
well known and felt by us all.
My dear ladies and gentlemen of this dear inestimable
that of a true patriot, and a sincere friend to my King,
and the welfare of my country, which I have been all
my long life, and I feel my zeal increase in proportion
as the necessity of it increaseth, which I pray sincerely
may be the case with all others. But I am alarmed with
most of the nation, at the danger our dear constitution
of England is exposed to by this overbearing monster.
Should you question the truth of these my humble but
honest assertions, which I have been a true attentive
anxious witness to the truth of this growing evil at all
times and seasons, above half a century past. I presume
one of the Royal Dukes, most of the first nobles of the
land, many of the House of Commons, and a great majo-
rity of the people are ready to confirm the same.
And if every man would throw aside all influence,
interest, prejudice, fear, and alarm, and become a true
patriot and friend to his country and himself, and declare
the honest opinion of his heart, they will, to a man, be of
my opinion, that the constitution of England is in danger
of expiring, if a speedy remedy be not applied. Have
not many men of all ranks discovered their error, and


THE WARNING VOICE.
141
seceded from this dangerous, unnatural, pernicious com-
bination; and many others feel sickened at the vicious
practice, who have not yet openly declared their disgust.
Can there then remain a shadow of fear, but the King
and people will soon join hand and heart, to restore the
darling patient, the constitution of England, to its native
and pristine health. If I can only dispel that fear, that
groundless fear which has been raised in the minds of
many good men, for the purpose of blinding and bewild-
ering them, and feeding the combination, I shall have
gained the point, I have been trying to gain at all times
above half a century past; then I shall be ready to die in,com-
fort whenever it may please the Almighty to call me hence.
I now beg leave to speak to every one privately, who
are concerned in destroying the health of that favorite
of all the world, the constitution of England, and say
unto them upon their pillows, in their silent hours of
retirement, are not you offending the whole nation,
and are not you offending the Almighty, your-
selves, and all the world thereby, and putting to the
hazard your everlasting happiness, for a momentary,
imaginary, indulgence, in this precarious transitory life,
by the expectation only of some profit, place, pension,
or preferment for yourselves or others. Will not all
these good things be to give and enjoy with more com-
fort, when the King and people have united and des-
troyed the above mentioned monster. Methinks I hear
you to a man start from your pillows, and with one voice
confess, that last night our consciences rose up in judg-
ment against us, and forced us to see our error, repent,
and become sorry for what we have done.
Many good men have joined in this wicked measure,
without any other cause than alarm and fear that there
was danger in doing otherwise, and done contrary to
their own native and sincere opinion. But if they will
consider well what has been said in many parts of this
honest publication, they may soon discover they have
been afraid where no fear was, and that they have been
frighted into their misconduct by false alarms.
All that I wish for is to gain the attention and candid
consideration of every one, for the sake of themselves and
the whole community, then I am sure we shall soon
become the happiest, most powerful, secure, and
respected people in the universal world.
Is it not of the utmost importance to the freedom,
liberties, and happiness of the world, as well as this most
valuable country, that the constitution of England should
live and spread its fostering hand universally, before it
loses its power to do so.
It is said the bill of rights, which is a great and vital
part of the constitution of England, expressly forbids
the Peers of the realm interfering in the election of
members of the House of Commons, directly or indirectly,
under severe penalties. Here mark the consummate
wisdom of our forefathers, in guarding the incomparable
constitution which they had made; and I do hope this
humble Warning Voice of mine and many others, will
induce the present age to do the same. This leads me
to wish most heartily, that I was a nobleman of great
fortune, and a great owner of rotten boroughs; I would
with pleasure, and without delay, move for a reformation
in Parliament, and support that motion by an offer to
give up all my rotten boroughs, with a view to promote
and support such reform for the good of my country
and the world, hoping that such a laudable example
would be followed by all others, to annihilate all the
bad, and promote all the good mentioned above. And
to guard against the above mentioned penalties being
inflicted upon all noblemen concerned in this illegal,
pernicious, and dangerous practice, which is too com-
mon, and a dishonor and disgrace to their dignity, honor,
and respectability, and destructive of the most vital parts
of our constitution.
I lament, I grieve, 1 mourn beyond my power to
express, that the amiable, the patriotic, the good, the
brave, the great, the excellent Mr. Stuart Wortley,
who is an honor and ornament to human nature and his
country, should be against a reformation in Parliament.
With this exception, I never heard or witnessed the
least defect in his character or conduct; he appears to
possess all the excellent and superior qualities which a
nation could wish to see, in one of its most amiable,
exalted, and excellent Senators; and with this defect,
he does in that capacity discharge his duty with zeal,
ability, honor, integrity, and sound judgment on all
occasions.
But I do entertain a most sanguine hope, that the
present shaking of the nations, the conduct of the holy
alliance, and our being implicated therewith; the
president's message to the United States of America in
December, 1823; the Marquis of Landsdown, Lord
Liverpool, and Lord Holland's speeches, upon the ad-
dress of the 2d of February, 1824, all which will be found
in page 36, with many other reasons, will convince him
of his error, and that the friends to a reformation in Par-
liament and their country, will soon have his high
respectability, example, power, and influence in that just
and very necessary cause.
Then the whole nation will soon become united in one
common effort, to promote the comfort, happiness, and
safety of every individual in the land, and set a bright
example to the world, as our forefathers did in the days
of old, and let all nations discover, that the original
principle and object of all governments, were the wel-
fare and happiness of every individual; without which,
thinking people cannot be happy and comfortable in
their minds.
Abstract from the Rev. Irwin's sermon, who is mini-
ster of the Caledonian Chapel, Hatton-Garden, London,
which is attended by ministers of state and fashionable
ladies; and all other ranks of the people flock in
crowds to hear him; the chapel will only contain one
thousand, and three thousand often attend, so that two
thousand are through necessity excluded; and they say'
his popularity has not abated, because 2 or 300 gentle-
mens carriages attend his chapel on a Sunday.
In speaking of the union which ought to exist
between the lovers of religion and friends of liberty,
he says, "The enemy taketh much profit from our
disunion to injure us both. You are not the noble men
your forefathers were when the foundation of English
freedom was laid. Then you were men of might, because
you feared the living God, and did your endeavour to


142
THE WARNING VOICE.
serve him; now you are men sound in spirit, and
often stained in reputation; in your zeal for liberty
trampling upon the virtues and decencies of life. And
we, we christians have suffered no less from the dis-
membermen: We have lost the manly regard of our
fathers for liberty and good government, and crouched
into slavish sentiments of passive obedience, as if we were
stooping the neck of our understanding, in order that
they might, by and by, wreathe the chain of our bodies,
or make us the instrument of wreathing it on others.
How we are fallen from the days of the glorious
reformation. There is no magnanimous assertion of
principles; there is a base desertion of those who assert
them all the glory of the church is gone; and I won-
der not that the free minded laymen hate and spurn the
slavishness of our sentiments. Every religious man
must wish well to the present shaking of the nations, as
likely to open passages for the light of truth, which
heretofore the craft of priests and the power of absolute
tyrants, have diligently excluded. I pray to Heaven
constantly, night and morning, that he would raise up in
this day, men of the ancient mould, who could join in
their ancient wedlock these two helps meet to each
other, which are in this age divorced, religion and
liberty; as it goes at present, the man who cherishes
these two affections within his breast, hardly knoweth
whither to betake himself; not to the pious, for they
have forsworn all interest or regard in civil affairs; not
to the schools of Politicians, who, with almost one con-
sent, have cast off the manly virtues and christian graces
of the old English reformers. But by the spirits of our
fathers! I ask again, are their children never to see the
re-union of religious and free born men ? Have our
hearts waxed narrow that they cannot contain both of
these noble affections.
I say no, they have not? There is as much true reli-
gion, love of liberty, true loyalty, virtue, and wisdom,,
now as in any age. But they are over-clouded, con-
taminated, infatuated, and in danger of expiring, by the
neglect of duty in the Clergy and superiors, and the
overbearing power of bribery, corruption, tyranny, and
oppression.
But I hope this Heavenly Divine is come as one sent
from above, to open the light of truth and duty to
the Clergy and superiors, and that we shall soon see the
two helps meet to each other, Religion and Liberty, as
cordially, lovingly, and firmly united as in any age.
And that we shall have a speedy return of the days of
the glorious reformation, and a complete annihilation
for ever of bribery, corruption, luxury, tyranny, oppres-
sion, and poverty, which are the disgust and hatred of
all mankind, and terror of all the civilized world.
Woe unto us people of this great nation, what have
we been doing a century past to subject ourselves to
such severe but just censure as above, and particularly
from a reverend divine in the pulpit, who has gained
the ear and attention of ministers of state, fashionable
ladies and gentlemen, and all other ranks of England;
and also many foreigners, which I do hope is a most
propitious and happy omen. Why have you Clergy of
Great-Britain suffered your better judgment to be in
throldom and bondage, to that baneful influence of
bribery, corruption, and you might not know what,
above one hundred long years, which are an infallible
source of vice, immorality, irreligion, insubordination,
disloyalty, and rebellion, all which vices you are in duty
bound to prevent or annihilate. Awake from your
lethargy, or what other vile or odious name shall I give
your willing slumbers, and discharge that duty which
you have so long neglected, (though some of you to
your honor have in a great degree fulfilled) and be
thankful to the Almighty and this good preacher, for
the admonitions he has so powerfully and judiciously
impressed upon this great and mighty empire. Do not
you rejoice to see the all-wise providence smiling in
every direction, and bestowing all the necessaries of life
and other comforts upon us at all times, with a most
bountiful hand, without respect to persons, sects, rank,
or parties, as an example of charity and philanthropy
to us all; though we poor frail mortals of this once
happy nation, continue in a more depraved state of
wickedness, oppression, bribery, and corruption, from
the lowest to the high ranks than ever was known; and
that it is the bad example, and want of duty in the
Clergy and superiors, which is the baneful cause.
I beseech you Clergy, be no longer afraid of telling
superiors, inferiors, and all ranks and degrees, boldly
and without fear from the pulpits, like this good and
blessed divine, that if they do not immediately reform,
and annihilate bribery and corruption, and set better
examples, and lead more virtuous lives, some heavy
judgment from Heaven will soon come upon us, (as has
been the case with other nations) for doing which, you
would soon have the grateful thanks and joy of the whole
nation, and fill your Churches, and empty the Meeting
Houses, and procure yourselves the thanks and prayers
of all your anxious ardent hearers. And consider him
a Warning Voice sent from Heaven, to guard this once
happy land, from that ruin which has been gradually
coming upon it the great length of time above mentioned.
And consider him as an Angel sent from the Almighty,
to encourage you to discharge the above too long neg-
lected duty, and again unite them two helps meet to
each other, religion and liberty, which have been too
long divorced by your neglect of duty, and other dire
causes. And I humbly warn you, that nothing but your
zealous efforts, and those of superiors, with the aid of
Heaven, can save us from ruin here and misery hereafter;
and teach every one to feel it his duty to slacken the
cords of oppression, whatever his rank may be, and to
set a good example to all. Then we will sing, rejoice,
be glad and thankful, that the Almighty hath so long
mercifully given us time to repent of our crying and
heinous sins.
And you, Clergy, become good, faithful, pious, and
gentle shepherds; learn to lead, comfort, and manage
your flocks, which you all know are much gone astray;
or else your new Churches will remain empty, though
they are to cost a million and a half of money at present,
and will entail unknown expence upon posterity, and
too many of the present age were impoverished before
they were called upon for this million and a half, and
none can tell what expence is to follow, even with all
the care you can take, that is sure to come. I know
you will pardon the liberty I am taking, because it is a
religious heavenly subject, and concerns the everlasting


THE WARNING VOICE.
143
welfare of this dear once happy country, which I am
labouring to help to restore to its pristine state. And
I hope from what I have said from the sincerity of my
heart, I shall have thousands and tens of thousands, and
millions of advocates, if not the whole nation. This
great expence would not have happened to a nation,
over head and ears in debt, and the mass of it in poverty,
had it been well considered, but it will have one certain
effect, it will increase the influence of the- —. But
a reformed Parliament would never have granted it,
because I think such an enormous expence in building
Churches was not necessary at any time, much less at
the present. The public and private gentlemen have
proved they were not necessary, by building plenty of
Churches and Chapels, and the poor by making the
houses and barns places of worship. What will follow
such conduct as this, the Almighty only can tell
But if you can only succeed in teaching superiors,
and all the good, loyal, and faithful people of this mighty
empire to study and practice the golden rule, which
saith "Wherefore all things whatsoever you would that
men should do unto you, do you even so to them, this
is the law and the prophets." And to do justice, love
mercy, and walk humbly with your God. You will
restore those two helps meet to each other, religion and
liberty, and snatch your country from the brink of ruin.
Many have given up the just and necessary cause of
reform, and say that a revolution is inevitable, because
the six dire enemies bribery, corruption, luxury, tyranny,
oppression, and poverty, which have been the cause of
all revolutions, are become so powerful, they will cer-
tainly force it. But I say no, I shall be joined by the
King, and every individual in the land, except a few,
who may perhaps remain, of those who have something
to hope or to fear, to get or to save, from the pleasure
or displeasure of the-
Then I am sure we shall prevent such a horror, and
teach posterity how to do the same, then we shall make
the six above mentioned dire enemies to all nations fly
like chaff before the wind, and become the happiest
people in the world. None but these enemies ever pro-
voked a nation to rebel or find fault with its government.
If the heavenly cause of religion, and the good of our
country had been the object of this million and half of
money, our first step would have been to improve the
conduct of the church ministers, and to have supplied
the churches with ministers of true piety, who would
have comforted and led their flocks as the dissenters do.
It is the want of this which is the cause of most or all
the dissenters; had this laudable act been done, and
filled your present churches and chapels, many of which
would hold double, and many three, some four times
the number which attend them, and emptied the meeting
houses, then there might have appeared some cause to
aid their zealous efforts, in the cause of religion, by a
little money, when it had been petitioned for; but
wantonly and thoughtlessly to lavish a million and
half, before trying this effect, must be a grievous con-
sideration to a nation, oppressed, impoverished, and in
danger of sinking under an unbearable load of debt,
rents and taxes. But like the increase of the army, it
will add to the enormous, baneful, and overwhelming
influence, which is the nations bane and danger, by
having to give appointments to officers in the army, and
Clergy in the church; is not that baneful influence feeding
and nursing bribery, corruption, luxury, tyranny, op-
pression, and poverty in all directions, and on all occa-
sions. This appears to be its unceasing study and
practice.
Had the cause of religion and welfare of society been
the object, they would have bestowed some of the opulent
livings upon the best of dissenting, distinguished, and
most eminent preachers, and have emulated and prefered
church ministers according to their merit; then they
would soon have found that most of the dissenters, like
me, are true church men in church and state, and they
would have followed their good shepherds to hear them
in the churches, with more pleasure than in their expen-
sive meeting houses.
It is not for want of respect for the established religion
in church and state, that they dissent, but for want of
zeal, emulation and piety in the church ministers, and
their love of true religion and toleration, which are the
greatest blessings this country enjoys, and I hope
will lead to the completion of all others which are
wanting.
And they would prefer hearing them in the churches,
because they neither would have the trouble, expence,
nor care which they have with their meeting houses,
and also have to pay their quota, in support of the church.
I have conversed with many of them, and gone to
their meetings to gain information, and they uniformly
declare they love the mother church, and the establish--
ment of it, both in church and state; and that they
would much rather hear their pious, zealous, gospel
preachers in the church, than in their meeting houses,
for the reasons above mentioned.
Can there be stronger proofs given, than in lavishing
this million and half of money without complaint from
the people, or the majority of those who should be their
true and faithful representatives in Parliament on all
occasions, that we are a blind, misguided, misgoverned,
yet brave, great, loyal and virtuous people; but many
of us contaminated by the luxury, depravity, folly and
bad example of superiors, and the want of better ministers
in our churches.
Is not this million and half, thus wantonly lavished, a
mystery above our comprehension? I confess it is a
mystery to me. Surely petitions will be poured in from
every individual in the land, praying that the half million
voted this session of parliament, may be suspended till
we see the churches supplied with pious good preachers,
who will endeavour to unite those two helps meet to
each other, true religion and liberty, who have been so
long divorced. Then we shall become the most happy,
the most safe, and most powerful nation in the world.
And here I cannot avoid asking what will a continu-
ance of this blind infatuated line of conduct bring upon
us, or our posterity? Who can tell what is in the womb
of time? Does not history unfold to us wonders and
miracles, greater than the fear that these new churches
may become a pretext for annihilating all religious
toleration; and establishing the Roman Catholic religion
in this or some future age, and forcing our posterity to
do mass in these new churches.
A gentleman at the Hampshire meeting in April, 1824,
M 2


144
THE WARNING VOICE. T
to petition for a repeal of the assessed taxes, said he was
anxious as any man, that the poor should have places of
worship fully provided for them, but he would make the
clergy supply them out of their five millions a year, let
the church support itself, or it would fall.
Is it not wonderful that the zealous efforts of the
Methodists, the most numerous class of dissenters, who
have now exercised their unceasing zeal in the heavenly
and happy cause of religion, about ninety-five years,
should not have been able to convince the Clergy and the
whole nation, of the necessity of what I have pointed out
and advised above. But I do hope this million and half of
money will do more towards promoting those desirable
objects, than all they have done in the above mentioned
ninety-five years.
Abstract of a Dissenter's Address.
"Allow me, however, to say, that it is not on slight
grounds; it is not in a captious spirit; it is not for the
sake of opposition, that we forego the protecting wing,
the warm patronage, and the rich benefits of the religious
establishments of the country. The inducements and
emoluments lie much more on the side of conformity,
than dissent. We have not the aid of Parliamentary
grants, for the erection of new chapels; nor can we have
recourse to parochial assessments, to repair them when
delapidated; but must contribute our quota towards the
Parliamentary and parochial funds, by which churches
and chapels, in which we have no interest, and to which
we do not resort, are reared or repaired. While upon
ourselves must devolve the great burden of erecting our
new places of worship, and of supporting our own
ministers. I mention these things not at all in the way
of complaint or recrimination, but in defence of our
consistency, and to show that our nonconformity is much
more costly and expensive to us than conformity would
be, could we only bring ourselves to comply with its
requisitions, nor is our dissent, either, the effect or symp-
tom of disloyalty. To the principles of the British
constitution, no class in the whole community are more
conscientiously and ardently devoted than the protestant
dissenters, as a body; and to the hero of the revolution
in 1688, and to the Princes of the House of Brunswick,
successively, they have cherished, and on some memorable
occasions, have evinced a most decided and zealous
attachment; an attachment which the sovereign has
repeatedly and unequivocally acknowledged. In separa-
ting from the church, therefore we manifest no disaffec-
tion to the state. In asserting liberty as christians, we
throw off no part of our allegiance as Britons; and in
withdrawing from the service and benefits of that altar
which belong to a particular sect, we gather round and
venerate the Throne which belongs, and belongs equally
to all. We believe every one has, and ought to exercise
the right of private judgment, and to worship. God in
the way which his conscience approves. For ourselves
we claim that liberty, and we would not interfere with
its exercise by others. To think and act for ourselves
in the momentous concerns of religion, we never can
egard as a privilege, and permission, allowed and
granted to weak and tender consciences, through the
liberálity of a clement Prince, or the policy of sagations
statesmen, but as a right which is born with us and
natural to us, which belongs as properly and absolutely
to that tender conscience, be it the conscience of a pea-
sant or a pauper, as of a wily statesman, or the Prince
himself. It is indeed the gift of him who gave us our
being, and with equal justice might any human power
capriciously destroy our lives as deny us this liberty."
Since writing the above, I have read the following
debates in the House of Commons, on this most important
subject.
Friday, April 6. 1824.
NEW CHURCHES.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed great
astonishment at the opposition made to the grant for
building additional churches. To give religious instruc-
tion and comfort to a great body of the people, was
surely a proper object; and as to the objection, that
Dissenters were compelled to contribute to the Church
Establishment, that objection would lead too far, for
Dissenters of course paid tithes, church-rates, &c. with
the rest of the community. There was a necessity for
the grant, for the present churches would not hold those
who belonged to the Established Church
With the
former grant 98 Churches, accommodating 150,000
had been erected; still there was a great want
persons,
of accommodation, which this sum of £500,000 would
assist to supply. The chancellor of the Exchequer
concluded by moving that Exchequer Bills to that
amount be issued, &c.
Mr. Hobhouse contended, that the Church had funds of
its own, which ought to be applied to the purpose. With
regard to the present alleged want of accommodation, be
was convinced, by inquiry, that such want was not gener-
ally felt. The official papers said, that three millions of
people wanted accommodation, and yet this grant would
only give it to 75,000 persons; so that twenty millions
sterling would be required to give the accommodation in
the way desired. But why not institute double or treble
service in the present churches? Chaples would be erected
in abundance, if those who built them were allowed to
choose the Ministers; and this might be done, by giving
the Bishop a veto on the appointment. Mr. Hobhouse
concluded by moving a Resolution to the effect, that it
was inexpedient to grant the sum proposed.
Mr. Peel observed, that in many instances the church
services had been augmented. Though the sum called
for would not do all that was wanted, it would act as
for
seed and be productive of a good harvest. He insisted
that the accomodation was much wanted and called for,
particularly for the poor.
Dr. Lushington thought the grant was necessary, more
particularly for the accommodation of the poorer classes.
Mr. Hume took quite a different view of the question.
By a return laid on the table in 1812, it appeared, that
out of 1,881 parishes, there were 2,533 churches and
chapels, belonging to the Establishment, and 3,438,
belonging to Dissenters, making, for the Dissenters, one-
third more than the Establishment.(Hear, hear.) Here


THE WARNING VOICE.
145
then, on the one hand, you had zeal and independence,
opposed to indolence on the other; and if they wished
to give the Church of England fair play, they must match
them with men of the same zeal, talent, and assiduity.
But, instead of this, how was it proposed to proceed?
Why, by building stone walls, as if they could impart
zeal or talent to inculcate the doctrines of the Church.
(Hear.) He had seen churches enough--he had seen them
tolerably well built, well furnished, and, no doubt, well
endowed, but very ill filled (a laugh)—and why? because
they were superintended by men who had been selected,
not on account of their qualifications to teach, but with
a view to maintain patronage, and to please the friends
of the patron. (Hear.) In Scotland, the parishioners and
land owners were bound to erect the Church, and to
maintain it and the Clergy; and before the House con-
sented to vote £500,000 for building Churches in England,
in addition to the million already voted, he would ask,
were there no funds alloted for the express purpose. He
could wish to hear for what objects were tithes originally
destined. He should quote the highest authority, he
meant Mr. Seldon, who said, that tithes were originally
dedicated to four purposes:-To maintain the Church,
to maintain the clergy, to provide relief for the poor,
and to maintain the Bishop. He could not agree to the
proposition that the people at present are rich; he knew
that there were at this moment thousands of artisans who
were working fourteen hours a day for 6 or 7s. a week.
Would the House call that rich? (Hear, hear.) He would
just ask the House to look at the enormous revenue of
the Bishopric of Durham. (Hear, hear.) Did the Gentle-
men opposite mean to say, that these revenues were
appropriated to the purposes of religion? There was
already too much paid for the duties which were to be
performed. And if they reduced the Church Establish-
ment, ample funds would be found for the erecting of
Churches, without calling on Parliament. At the
conclusion of his speech, Mr. Hume was loudly cheered.
After some further discussion, the original grant was
carried by 148 to 59.
the Poor Laws, except as to settlements, they will mar
them And as the Newspaper says, you would not
allow the man to be relieved that has no work, which
you know is the poor man's property, and if he cannot
sell it, I beg leave to ask you, what he is to do; is he to
go a begging, or is he to go out and steal, or break houses,
or rob upon the highway, or die of hunger for want of
bread. And as I believe there are thousands of Colliers,
thousands of Lime-burners, thousands of Watermen,
thousands of Husbandmen, and many others out of work
at this present time, for want of ability in their usual
employers to pay them wages.-And as I have the
pleasure of thinking in the further progress of your Bill,
that you, and Parliament will discover, or be informed,
that it will be more laudable in you all, to study a remedy,
by reducing rents, taxes, sinecure places and pensions,
and the expenditure of public money, and defend the
rights of the Poor, which has been the life and soul of
the prosperity of this once happy land, and their protec-
tion will continue to be the same.-I have lived many
years, and have the comfort of enjoying perfect health,
and faculties, and in the middle rank of society-Yet I
have only lately discovered what I sometimes tell my
equals and superiors, that if they will learn true wisdom
they may learn it from their inferiors.-About a month
since, a Colliery stopped where they employed fourteen
Colliers, what we call pick men, who were all thrown
out of work, with many others.-I lately met one of the
Colliers, who told me he had no work, was a widower
with seven children, the oldest incapable of doing any
work, that he had been seeking work all round the
country, but could find none, and that he had not a bit
of bread in the house, he did not beg, but I gave him
sixpence. He then said he was forced to go to the Poor
House to see what they would do for him; I said I am
going to the Rose and Crown, in Huddersfield, and if
they do not please you, come to me, and I will help you;
he came and shewed me a pound note, said they had
given him that, but he was not to go again of a month.-
I dare say you will admit that five shillings per week is
too little for a man and seven children. -But he said the
master of the Poor House had refused him, and said they
might all go to the Poor House. But when I told him
you would help me, he gave me the note directly.-Now
if this family had gone there, they would have cost three
or four times as much as they would cost at home, and
by being relieved at home, the man's humble independence
and strength of mind and body, are preserved, and he
will be ready to enjoy his work when the Colliery goes
on again, and live like a man independent of the town.
to-But if they had forced him to the Poor House, he
would have lost his humble home, and his strength of
Need I say, can there be stronger proofs of the necessity
of a reformation of Parliament, than in the above men-
tioned, and many other parts of this publication.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Richard Milnes, of
Mirfield, near Leeds, Yorkshire, to J. Scarlet,
Esq. M. P. on his introducing a Bill into
Parliament to mend the Poor Laws, which Mr.
Milnes has got printed to send to Members to
prevent the Bill passing if possible, with some
Additions, the Letter having been written and
sent in a hurry.
SIR,
"
Mirfield, May 16, 1821.
I am sorry that a gentleman of your Philanthropy
and Patriotism, should incline to invade the rights of the
Poor, who are not able to defend their own rights, which
they have enjoyed unmolested ever since the days of
good Queen Bess.-And feeling the same opinion I have
.always entertained, that if ever the Legislature meddle with
body and mind would have been impaired.
These reasons I beg leave to offer as my apology for
laying the two letters which accompany this before you,
and I shall be gratified if I have the honor of hearing
they all meet your approbation.-The Poor Law was
made for the benefit of the Poor, not the Rich I dislike
the Select Vestry for the management of the Poor.-
The Magistrates, Overseers, and Lay-payers are more
competent, if the Last will only do their Duty, and attend
an Open Committee on the Days the Poor are paid, which
I think they will do better than an arbitrary Select Vestry.


146
THE WARNING VOICE.
The Poor Laws as they are, are the brightest jewel in
the constitution of England, and I think perfect, except
as to settlements But much fault in the execution.
And if a nation have the wisest Legislature in the world,
and they make the wisest laws, if the people will not
execute them, it is not the fault of the Legislature, or the
Jaws; then why blame the law for the fault of the execu-
tion? And it is one of the most common and greatest
errors in human affairs, that the whole of the Poor are
blamed for the fault of the few idle, profligate, and
abandoned, without considering the thousands of thou-
sands, who are behaving well and bear the heat and
burden of the day with patience - And little do we know
who are to become poor, and be forced to apply at the
Poor House. Then mark the wisdom of our Forefathers,
in making a law which says, their children, or children's
children shall not be starved to death. But would they
contemplate that the time would ever come, when the
Legislature would think it necessary to apply to the poverty
of the poor man's table, to recruit her finances; that being
the case at present, and at a time when the land is
flowing with milk and honey, thanks to the Almighty-
Then may we not well exclaim, Oh! Old England! Old
England! canst thou disgrace thyself so much? for-
shame, forshame, tell it not in Gath, never let it appear
in the History of thy Country.
I have the honor to be, most respectfully,
SIR,
----
Your most obedient Servant,
RICHARD MILNES.
Appendix to R. Milnes' Letter to J. Scarlett, Esq
above.
POOR RATES,
It appears by the returns made to Parliament, that
the poor rates in England and Wales, from the years
1816 to 1821 inclusive, were as follows:
£. 8. d.
£. 8. d.
In 1816...5,724,840 0 0 | In 1819...7,516,705 0 0
1817...6,910,926 0 0 1820...7,330,256 0 0
1818...7,870,804 0 0 1821...6,959,249 0 0'
Admitting that they do cost this, it goes chiefly into
the hands of the farmer, and circulates money, which is
one of the great sources of wealth. But I do not believe
they cost near these sums, because many things are
charged to their account which do not belong to it,
particularly law suits about settlements, which might be
saved, if they would always put those disputes to refe-
rence, for they know one of them must take him after
they have imprudently spent much money.
The poor man's friends (who are much too scarce,
occasioned by the unbearable load of rents and taxes,
which the nation has to pay,) may know many aged
and infirm people from 70 to 90 years of age, unable to
work, who have only is. 6d.-28-28 6d. or 38. per
week allowed; why do not they allow them more, and
not let them starve, but make them comfortable, they
cannot have them to keep long.
And also many
labouring men, who are employed upon the roads for
want of better work, have only 58-68.-88.-or 98.
per week; those who have families, would consume
double the quantity of bread and meat, if they could get it.
Many have the folly to say, the poor man can afford
to take low wages, because corn is low, but it is not low,
it is near three times the price it was fifty years ago.
But they forget that he is often without work, or perhaps
sick at home; and that his rent is doubled, except where
they happen to have a rich and liberal landlord, if not,
he is forced to oppress his tenant, because all his out-
goings are increased by oppressive rents and taxes. His
shoes are doubled, and will not wear half so long as
they used to do, because the demand is so great, the
Tanner does not make the leather, in general, half so
good as usual; and many Colliers and others, have to
go two miles to and from their work every day.
The coach and waggon horses carry the best part of
the leather upon their backs, perhaps double weight
needful to the waggon horse. And the machinery also
use the prime part of it for straps, which compels the
poor and middle ranks of people to have the worst, at
more than double price, and their shoes are generally
more suitable for a dancing school, than such slavery as
they are forced to bear.
How singular in this ingenious age, that no man of
talent, invents a way of harnessing a waggon horse with
half the weight, and at half the expence, and relieve him
from much toil, heat, and sweat, in carrying this extra
leather on a hot summer day, by small links where prae-
ticable as a substitute in part for the leather, by which he
might perhaps make half the leather do better, which
would procure him the thanks of the poor horses if they
could talk; the poor and middle ranks of the people,
the Farmers, and the public, and leave some of the best
leather, to be useful on the poor and middling people
and drivers feet, instead of being an useless burden and
plague, on the poor horses backs on a hot summers day.
Why does the waggon horse require such a very large
top to his barcam or collar. The waggon horses carry
many tons of leather upon their backs every day, which
is oppressive to them, and might be a comfort to the
peoples feet.
Many of the poor peoples yeast cost them six times
as much as usual, if we consider the time lost and shoes
worn in seeking it at 6d. or 8d. per pound, which cost'
them little or nothing; when the cottager could afford
to brew, they gave it to each other. Malt is near three
times as much as was sold for fifty years ago, which
amounts to a prohibition with many, and forceth them
to the ale house to get a little ale, where they perhaps
get too much, which causeth discord between the hus-
band and wife, for want of brewing a little at home,
which they would certainly do, if the price was in pro-
portion to their wages as it used to be, and prevent their
unhappy discord. Coals double, tobacco four times as
much as usual, and many require it for their health.
Treacle double, sugar double, shambles meat three times
as much as it was fifty years ago, and many other things
which they want are double.
Mark how these extravagant prices diminish limited
incomes, and reduce the value of money, the owners of


THE WARNING VOICE.
147
which have no means of increasing their incomes, which
make many thousands upon thousands feel in poverty,
thousands feel in poverty,
when more moderate prices would make them like the
poor and labourer, feel rich in plenty, comfortable, and
happy. I have considered this very important point
with great attention, and I cannot discover, that high
prices add to the comfort, real pleasure, or happiness,
of any part of our extensive community, for these are
only to be found in moderate competency and rational
enjoyment.
I repeat again, that the middling and lower orders
are the sons and daughters of somebody, perhaps of
those who have been in affluence, and flourished like the
green bay tree. Then is it not the duty of the high
ranks to join in reducing the high prices, because we
do not know who are to be the victims of misfortune,
and become poor, and apply to the poor house, or have
a very limited income.
But wages are far from being advanced in proportion
to the advance in the price of provisions; few, very
few, command wages equal to the advance in the price
of the necessaries of life; this, I think, is a proof of
more poverty than I have described.
"What numbers once in fortunes lap high fed, solicit
the cold hand of charity. To shock us more, solicit it
in vain. Ye.silken sons of pleasure, since in pains you
rue more modish visits, visit here, and breathe from your
debauch. But so great is your impudence, ye blush at
what is right." Are there not many thousands in the
Metropolis, and other places, in the above mentioned
miserable situation, need I ask how the reader would
wish for pity and relief, was he so. And how few there
are in the world who are not of the middle and lower
orders, and perhaps many of the middle and very poor
are in the hardest situation, because they have seen better
days, and have the most claim to pity.
I know it will be said by some, they should take better
care. I answer it is not only the imprudent that become
poor, for poverty.cometh by many other causes, and if
we were all rich, who would work. The kind hand of
charity doth not inquire how the object became poor,
but gratifies itself by giving with pleasure and liberality.
Consider what poor people do for us, and how we should
do without them.
Poverty is the infallible source of immorality, irreli-
gion, discord, theft, vice, insubordination, disloyalty,
and rebellion. Surely all men will join me in my humble,
honest, zealous efforts, to prevent or annihilate all
these great evils. To gratify their charity, humanity,
philanthropy, religion, and loyalty, which virtues I hope
no one will find himself totally void of, but many, a great
many, I am sure, have the pleasure and happiness to
enjoy them all.
There never was such a scramble, such a hurry, such
a working, such slavery, such an attempt at getting, such
a saving, such a cheating, such a competition, such op-
pressing, such a contest, such discord, such strife, such
uneasiness, among a poor working and middling people
in the world as in this country at present; and when
they have done their best, they say they cannot get an
honest living by all they can do, and all their toil and
strife. All this originates with the extravagance of
government, and takes every rank beneath them, till it
||
gets to the beggar, the pauper, the poor house, and
lessens the consumption of bread, and are not our very
extensive corn warehouses full of corn, much of which
I fear is spoiling; this is all for want of government, and
all superiors slackening the cords of oppression.
Yet if all superiors were inclined to abuse their power,
in proportion as they are able, inferiors would be much
more oppressed and miserable than they are. Many of
the Farmers and middle ranks of society, are forced by
heavy rents and taxes, to oppress those beneath them,
contrary to their native good will and inclination. It
is only superiors that can slacken the oppressive cords.
Are not there thousands of thousands in France and
Spain at present, who have been in affluence, in fortunes
lap high fed, now fallen into poverty and misery, and
soliciting the cold hand of charity. Is not this a lesson
for the people of this mighty empire; may I ask them if
they have any security from the Almighty against such
misery, and little do they know who are to be the victims.
May I ask them to inquire, and they will find those
six enemies bribery, corruption, &c. which were the
downfall of the above mentioned, and all other great
empires which have fallen, raging in this country with
unabated fury.
And
I will ask them further, would you help to destroy the
above mentioned six dire enemies before it be too late.
And I will ask if millions would not fall from affluence
and competency, and comfort, to poverty and misery,
by the fall of our funds, they are so enormous.
have you any security from Heaven, that such a dire
calamity will never happen, if you say it never will
(without a reformation in Parliament) you will confirm
your infatuation indeed. I beseech you let this humble
honest Warning Voice, operate upon the mind of every
one before it be too late, and avoid such misery, if you
have any regard for yourselves, others, or posterity.
Now I will prove to you, that the poor law makes the
people of England and Wales work harder than any in
the world, though we do not hear of any poor law, but
in England and Wales, which is very singular. This
would almost lead us to believe, that all other nations
are void of charity, humanity, sound policy, and informa-
tion; and some stupid Englishmen have the folly to say
it promotes vagrancy and idleness.
i
You know it is very common for a bonny lad and
bonny lass to fall in love with each other, and married
they will be, and married they are. In about six or
eight years they will have five or six fine babes round
their table, and the husband has no means of supporting
them but by the coal pit,the loom, the plough, or some other
labour. He falls sick, and continues so until their money
and credit is exhausted. He says to his wife, Oh! my
dear we shall all be pined to death; no my dear she
says, there is the town, there is our estate which our
forefathers left us, which we can never spend. She
goes to the overseer of the poor, he relieves them, and
preserves the sick man's strength of body and mind,
and he returns to his labour with a vigour of both, which
be could never have done if there had not been a poor
law, without that, he would have sunk into weakness,
debility, despair, and misery, which he could never have
recovered.
Is not this law an honor, ornament, and comfort to
N 2


THE WARNING VOICE.
148
us, does it not do honor to the wisdom, charity, human-
ity, and sound policy of our forefathers. And have not
the poor as much right to it, and ought it not to be as
secure to them, as any man's estate is secure to him.
I say this law is almost perfect, except as to settlements,
and the remedy for that is simple and cheap. When a
dispute about a settlement happens, enter into arbitration
bonds, and put it to reference, and that will settle the
matter with little trouble and little expence, and they
know very well one of them must take him. I confess
there is much fault in the execution of this very excellent
law, and many blame the law for the fault in the execu-
tion.
A sudden influx of wealth or power too often intoxi-
cates, much worse than strong liquor. Make a man
drunk with that and he will sleep sound, and get up sober
in the morning; but intoxicate him with wealth or power,
and he will go to bed drunk, and get up so perhaps the
whole remainder of his life. How few men cau bear
the intoxication of a sudden influx of wealth and power,
which, and ambition, were the ruin of Bonaparte. And
when a man is suddenly raised to wealth or power, he
is too apt to forget what he has been, what he is, or
what he may be again before he die. And I hope this
will teach every man to guard against this species of
intoxication, for sake of himself, his family, and society.
Self preservation is the first grand law of nature, which
the Almighty hat given to all creatures. And it is
laudable in man to adhere to that law most strictly, when
he is poor, till he attain competency or affiuence; and I
admit it is laudable, and a virtue to regard self to one of
those two points, but to pursue the same strict and rigid
line of conduct, regarding himself beyond them is blame-
able and a vice, which is a virtue before he gain them
In affluence and competency, I say it becomes every
man's duty to attend to those beneath him, and promote
their welfare and happiness, with thankfulness, that he
is raised above them for that purpose, and become able
to do so.
A farmer at the Hampshire meeting in April, 1824,
to petition for a repeal of the assessed taxes, said that
he is giving the same wages to his labourers, as his grand-
father paid fifty years before. Are not such labourers
in poverty, and want of bread, in the midst of plenty.
'The greatest enemies to religion, are opulence, pover-
ty, idleness, oppression, slavery, discord, superstition,
and bigotry. And poverty is by far the greatest and
most universal enemy, because it is the offspring of the
others, and cries aloud in every town and village for
relief. Will not this million and half for new churches,
increase and multiply poverty. This enormous sum is
to be paid by Government, and Government is supported
by the people; and it is a stubborn fact, that all middling
and lesser men have already more to pay than they are
able, without oppressing those beneath them; and are
not the highest and middling orders supported by those
under them, and when any new demand is made upon
them by Government, they are too many of them forced
to oppress their inferiors to become able to pay it. This
is the cause and increase of poverty every where, that
greatest enemy to religion and all mankind,
Had this million and half been applied to the reduc-
tion of the national debt, instead of increasing it, that
ten thousand times more in favor of the established reli-
would have done much towards reducing poverty, and
gion, than stone walls, without pious, good, faithful, and
gentle shepherds, who would lead, comfort, and manage
their flocks,
The only plausible reason given by Government in
provide sittings for the poor; but the poorest of the religi-
favor of this unnecessary and unbearable expence is, to
ous dissenters assemble in each others houses, and barns, to
pay divine worship, where they have no chapels, and
some even do so where they have, because many of them
have no clothes fit to appear in a fine place of worship,
or keep themselves warm in winter, or shoes to go in,
was it only half a mile or less to church, and perhaps
unable to walk so far; how well then that they have
found such a convenient, comfortable substitute, for the
every man's religion should be left to his own conscience,
want of a chapel, to worship the Almighty. And I think
and the Almighty.
Had Government devised means to enable the poor
to get more food and raiment, and lessened their poverty,
and prevented its increase, they would have done ten
thousand times more for the cause of religion, comfort of
the poor, and satisfaction, safety, and pleasure of the
they can build. And such a charitable act would soon
whole community, than all the churches and barracks
annihilate the other enemies to religion; then religion
pleasure, harmony and happiness every where among
would bud and blossom as the rose, and infuse comfort,
all ranks and degrees; only here contemplate for a mo-
ment what unbounded felicity such an easy proceeding
would produce.
bread is, but the unhappy sufferers, and they, alas! are
None can tell what a state of poverty and want of
their pitiable tale; and those who should listen to them,
unable or not allowed to describe their feelings, and tell
sity and humble complaint. Then how laudable, how
are too apt to lend a deaf ear, and disregard their neces-
praise-worthy, what a God like and heavenly act it would
instead of increasing it, and set such a bright example
have been in Government, to have lessened their poverty,
of happiness to the whole world. I do entertain a most
sanguine hope, that such happiness will soon come, in
place of the oppression, poverty, and misery which pre-
vails at present.
Notwithstanding this rage for building new churches,
they appear to be building more new dissenting chapels
than at any former time. This I think is a confirmation
Chapel at Leeds, intended, it is said, to be the largest in
of all I have said above. They are building a Methodist
the kingdom.
less, hard hearted men, that so much poverty does not
I dare say it will be argued by some ignorant, thought-
exist as I have described, but the following account of the
poor rates, with the small pittance allowed the poor,
will, I trust, silence such weak opinions.
will prove they are in poverty, and what I say after,
The poor rates in England and Wales from the years
1816 to 1821 inclusive, were as follows.
In 18165, £724,840 0 0 | In 1819 £7,516,705 0 0
4817...6,910,926 0 0 1820...7,330,256 0 0
1818...7,870,804 0 0
1821...6,959,249 0 0
And there is a class above them, in as much or more
P
al
N
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THE WARNING VOICE.
149
poverty than those who are relieved by the town, one
proof is their running about the streets and lanes, over
and above their working hours, to pick up every bit of
manure which comes from the travellers' horses; and
there are thousands of poor sailors and soldiers, who
saved their country from ruin, who by law are not allowed
to beg, yet wander about the country in poverty, and
want of food and raiment, to indulge their love of liberty,
and to breathe in and enjoy the fresh air, with the chance
of re eiving a little here and there from the kind hand
of charity, rather than being confined to the limits of the
poor house.
live, and the Almighty continue my health and faculties,
because it will be a play thing to me,) my directions.
to my bottom stewards were, always, when they let a
piece of work to a collier or any other, and it proved a
hard bargain to the man, if he behaved well and did his
best in working it, to make him amends, because the
labouring man cannot afford to lose his labour; but if
he made a good profit of his bargain by working, I said
with pleasure it is his own, let him enjoy it. I beg leave
to recommend this rule to all masters and stewards of
collieries and others, as the best policy, and to gratify
their charity and good will towards men.
A Collier had worked five years at a colliery, both of I am sorry to hear of so many men, and particularly
which I know. This place is troubled with fire damp colliers, being committed to the house of correction; so
and black damp to such an extreme, that a Collier, his many as are committed, it does not appear to have the
son, and daughter have lately been smothered and burnt desired effect, but I fear makes them worse. The Colliers
to death. This poor Collier who is sitting by me says, must be very illiterate, because their fathers often take
that he and another Collier agreed with the owner to them into the pit at eight years old to wherry for them;
work or get one side of a pit of coal, a short time before they go on, and learn that trade and no other, and neither
the above mentioned misfortune happened, and no fire learn to read or write, except they be near a Sunday
damp had appeared before they made their bargain; School; and generally become old worn down men,
when the fire damp appeared some days after they began, unable to do this dark, dangerous, laborious work about
they were so much afraid of being burned, that they durst the age of fifty. I here beg leave to ask, are not such
not go into the pit, but being threatened with the house entitled to have their errors dealt gently with, and to be
of correction if they did not go on with their work, they treated with lenity, compassion, tenderness, and en-
ventured two days after, and when they had been aboutcouragement, rather than the house of correction and
a week at their work, they were taken with a warrant tread mill. And are not they more essential to our com-
from their work, and put into the house of correction forts, manufacturers, and commerce, than any other
for one month to the tread mill; this man could not trade. Is not coal our first local advantage, and of the
eat the greatest part of the food they offered him; when most vital importance to our manufacturers.
Aud can
he came out at the month end, he had lost much of his the coal be dug out of the bowels of the earth by any
flesh, and his health was much impaired by the confine- other men but Colliers, who are trained to it from their
ment, labour, and want of food, and has been under the infancy.
doctor's care ever since. From the time of his being
committed to this time, his wife, himself, and five children
one at the breast, have been in want of bread; they had
a letter written to the town which he belongs, to beg
relief, they never answered the letter or sent any relief,
though they did receive it, because the overseer
of the poor called to see him in prison, and promised to
come and see his family but never did, his credit was
exhausted, and he could not get any bread on trust,
which compelled them all seven to starve for want of
bread, except they went a begging, which they are forbid
doing by law; and his poor wife who had lost one eye
by poverty, got now and then one shilling by going out
to wash with the babe at her breast. I mention this as
a proof that more poverty exists than I have described, and
to show bywhat various ways it happens to men. Because
this is a sober, religious, laborious, good man, and if we
-could search the kingdom through, we should, I believe,
find many thousands in such poverty. Is not this a loud
call upon superiors, to look after the hard hearted over-
seers of the poor, to see that they do their more cha-
ritable duty to the poor, in obedience to the salutary,
charitable, politic, excellent poor law.
Near two years ago, this poor man's contract for
working at this colliery proved so much against him,
that he was reduced to much privation, and his wife
being almost without shoes, for want of which, she got
a severe cold, which caused the loss of one of her eyes.
When I was in full practice in collieries, (which I
hope to be again when I have finished this work, if I
I wish to see some other remedy. I once had two
Colliers committed to the house of correction at the same
time, and before they went in they cryed most pitifully,
and would have submitted to any conditions, rather as
they thought than the disgrace of that house; but I
thought it necessary for the sake of example, and I con-
sidered them great offenders. When they had been in
about two weeks, they became the most hardened, aban-
doned wretches; these were the first I had committed,
and I never had one sent there since, I have always tried
what I have found an easier, better, and more complete
remedy, by treating them with judgment, moderation,
encouragement, and civility, and directed my agents
and stewards to do the same, and found the Colliers like
others, very orderly good men, when they were well
treated, but they are human nature, which is soon co-
rupted, debased, and perhaps ruined by the evil usage
of superiors.
The Situation of the Farming Labourer in 1822.
The following has been furnished by a Land-owner
in Sussex :-Was it not for the aid afforded by his garden
producing potatoes, the labourer would be worse off than
the poor of Ireland. He is cost adrift by the Farmers
in general, and driven to the parish for relief. He applies
to the Overseers, who order him to attend at the Vestry,
where they have a weekly sale by auction. It is now
the custom for the Farmers at that place to purchase


150
THE WARNING VOICE.
their labouring men, who are sold by auction at so much
per head by the week. The best working men are now
bought at a shilling a-day; the inferior are sold at four-
pence to nine-pence per day. This is the regular practice
in many parts of Kent and Sussex, where the labouring
men are sold like slaves or cattle in a fair. He receives
for his work from two shillings to six shillings a week.
If he is a married man with a family, the whole sum he
takes is nine shillings a week; the difference between
his wages and allowance is made up by the poor rates.
Out of this nine shillings a week he pays rent, victuals,
drink, fire, and clothing, with all his other expenses of
a wife and family. The power given to the Overseers
is most unjust in its operation.--Suppose a landlord or
farmer, not approving the new system, does not attend
the public auction sale, but keeps on his old labourers,
paying a fair price of twenty-pence a day, whilst he is
subject to pay the parish poor-rates, he is by this means
doubly taxed, and has no fair chance to cope with his
neighbours, who hire men on the slave system. Their
work being done on cheap terms, at the expence of the
parish, and particularly to the injury of the shopkeepers;
mechanics, and others who do not employ labourers."
From the Leeds Patriot, 7th August, 1824.
LABOURERS' WAGES.
"When Arthur Young published his elaborate tours
through the East, North and South of England, in the
years 1771 and 1772, the wages of labour were actually
higher in most of the counties than they are at this mo-
ment, though provisions and the other necessaries of the
labourer were not half their present prices. At that
time the wages were determined by the distance from
London, the following are the rates of the different
distanees.
To 50 miles from London, medium wages
throughout the year
...
......
Per week.
£. s. d.
087
........0 7 10
....0 77 2
.0 7 0
.0 5 8
From 50 to 100 miles
From 100 to 200.....
From 200 to 300 .....
Upwards of 300 ...........
The board of a workman a day was then in the North
5. in the South 6d. A dinner in the North 3d. and in
the South 4d.
......
'In the North of England where wages were then
lowest, they are now highest. According to the report
of the committee on labourers wages, they are
In Northumberland 128.-in Cumberland 12 to 15s.-
in Yorkshire 128.-in the division of Oldham, Lanca-
shire from 12 to 188.-in Lincolnshire 12s.
On the other hand, in Suffolk, Sussex, Bedfordshire,
Kent, &c. wages are as low as 5s. and 3s." In those
five or more counties, I suppose these low wages are
increased by the poor rates.
What a state of poverty
is this, and how degrading. A lamentable consideration,
that some of the poor of this Island, are approaching to
the miserable state of the poor in Ireland, which has
long called aloud for a remedy. If the necessities of
the labourer were to determine the rate of wages, they
ought to be higher in the South than in the North, because
one material item in the expenditure of a labourer is much
dearer in the former than in the latter, that is coal.
House of Commons, Feb. 11, 1822.
DISTRESS OF THE COUNTRY.
Mr. BROUGHAM rose to bring forward his pro-
mised motion on the distress of the country. He was
aware that some persons would be ready to charge him
with precipitancy, for bringing forward his motion now,
seeing that the ministerial project of finance was to be
broached on Friday next: he would gladly have waited
the developement of their plan, had it not been for the
declarations of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the
first day of the session, from which he was led to expect
rather a budget of new taxes than a reduction of the old
ones. The whole House had heard the Chancellor declare,
that to diminish the burdens of the people, instead of
operating a relief, would but aggravate the evil. He had
a shrewd suspicion that this doctrine, though in words it
might be a little qualified, would be found hereafter to
pervade the whole of the budget; and he could not help
looking forward to the decided interference of the house,
as the only chance, the only hope of the country, to
prevent that doctrine from being carried into full effect,
and shining forth in all its glory in the measures of
administration. (Much cheering.) It would be unneces-
sary to waste time in commenting on the vast
amount of the distresses of the country: it would be
absolutely superfluous to describe the pressure upon the
various districts, to prove the wide extent of public
suffering and calamity, or to show how heavily, though
not by any means exclusively, it pressed upon agriculture.
Some persons were of opinion, that the distresses were
of a local, not of a general nature, and others thought
they were confined to a particular class-the farming
interest. He had taken considerable pains to inform
himself truly of the state of the country, and he thought
he might affirm with confidence, that, except in the manu-
facturing districts of the North of England, distress was
universally prevalent, was severe, nay, was terrible. If
any one large branch of the community suffered from
the
of the times, it was a necessary consequence,
pressure
arising from the intermixture of all parts of society, that
other classes must also be injured: but what must be the
effect, when the body who most complained of
distress-when that class of community who suffered so
generally, and for so protracted a period, comprised the
whole of these persons who were engaged in the cultivation
of the soil? The home market for all kinds of manufac
tures must necessarily be diminished; and if any branch
maintained a seeming prosperity, it must be by the
uncertain stimulus of foreign trade or speculation. Under
such a state of things it was essential to ask, what had
Government been doing to produce this result? He would
not enter into a minute detail of their financial and
commercial policy for the last 25 years, though he held
it to be perfectly true that no man, with a just view of
the finances of the empire, and a proper regard, for its
prosperity and wealth, could think of persisting with
impunity in the course that: Government had pursued
+


THE WARNING VOICE.
151
for many years.
He would take only three years, 1813,
1814, and 1815, in which their system had been carried
to its greatest extent, to elucidate his argument. In
those three years, the average expenditure was 132,000,
00. per annum; the revenue wrung from the pockets
of the people to meet this expenditure was 84,000,000l.;
leaving an annual excess of 50,000,0007. in our out-goings
over our income. Of the mode of expending these enor-
mous and inconceivable sums, he would rather speak in
the language of high authority than in his own.
He would therefore quote the report of the Finance
Committee of 1817, a committee nominated by the Noble
Marquis opposite, and consisting almost wholly of his
friends. That report was an absolute confession; under
the head" Extraordinaries" it contained the following
passages" Your committee learn that works, buildings,
extensions, and repairs, have been undertaken and
executed, both at home and abroad, in a manner little
checked or protected against profusion and waste; in
many cases without any estimate or general plan, and
sometimes extended, according to the statement of an
officer of the ordnance who attended the committee,
'as views opened during the progress of the work.""
Parliament, it appears, was never consulted in the matter,
and the expence was left to adjust itself to the "opening
views" of those whose emoluments became greater in
proportion to the magnitude of the sums expended.
"If(continued the report) the whole sum required for
these great works, or even for any one of them, had been
at once submitted to the House, by regular estimate, there
would have been an opportunity of considering the
propriety of undertaking them, and of making previous
inquiries with regard to three essential points:-1st. as
to the security or means of defence intended to be obtained:
2d. as to the probability of the works in question effecting
such security or means of defence; 3d. as to the value
of the objects to be accomplished by those works, com-
pared with the amount of the sums required for their
completion, taking into consideration the probability of
their being brought into use in consequence of any
operation of an enemy." The report then set forth that
£9,029,333 had been expended in this irregular and
unsatisfactory manner, "while the utility of these vast
works was never put to the proof in the various chances
of the late war." The evident meaning of the passages
he had read was this" That if you, the House of Com-
mons, had refused supplies, until the estimates were laid
before you if you had considered the necessity of
erecting those works before you voted your money-
not your money, but the money of your impoverished
constituents, (hear, hear)-if you had taken those fair
precautions which men of common honesty would have
adopted-those works never would have been attempted
-this monstrous evil would not have existed-those
millions, wrung from the industry of the people, would
not have been uselessly squandered." In the three years
he had mentioned there was taken out of the pockets of
the people, exclusive of county and parish-rates, the
amazing sum of £252,000,000, which would have been
more than sufficient to extinguish the national debt at
the time Mr. Pitt instituted the sinking-fund. Well, after
these years of unparalleled expence peace had arrived,
but not attended by the blessings which usually accom-
pany peace; for, leaving out of the question any difference
in the currency, the taxes were at the same nominal
amount in 1820 as in 1806, though the former was the
fifth year of peace, and the latter the fourth of active
war. Mr. Brougham then proceeded to show the vast
evils which had arisen from abandoning a metallic cur-
rency. He stated the different degrees of depreciation
in the paper money from the suspension of cash payments
in 1797, and the main conclusion which he drew from
his calculations was, that the country paid last year as
large an actual amount of taxation as it had paid in the
most extravagant year of the late expensive war. The
distresses of the farmer were not surprising, when it was
considered how much the weight of taxation had increased
since 1792: the revenue was then, including Ireland,
£18,000,000; now it was £61,000,000: the farmers
returns had fallen nearly to what they were in 1792,
but his establishments, his expenditure, his taxes,
were increased four-fold.
The reduction of rents had been strongly recommend-
ed, and was undoubtedly necessary. But as reduction
had become quite necessary to the farmer, so the
undiminished rents were necessary to the landlord, and
the utmost reductions which could be made were in-
adequate. The farmer complained that wheat sold 20s.
per quarter lower than it had cost him for growing it.
Suppose that 10s. was the truth, though he thought this
underrated it, and suppose that three quarters to the
acre was a fair average, the farmer would lose 30s. per
acre-more than the average amount of rent. So that
if the rent were reduced cent. per cent. or even
150 per
cent, the farmer would still have a right to complain.
Nothing was more just than the reduction of rents,
though it was more than the landlord could afford; but
it was not effectual relief to the farmer. (Cheers.) If
they could contrive to reduce the expences 30s. per
acre, then the produce would pay the expence. To
raise prices he held to be impossible; and to reduce the
expence of growing corn was only practicable by a
reduction of taxation. One of the reasons why the
agricultural class at present suffered more than others
from taxation was, that other classes could more easily
transfer their capital, proportion and modify their arti-
cle of production, than the agriculturist. When the
demand fell short, they could more inmediately curtail
the supply. One of the important effects of an augmenta-
tion of the taxes was a proportionate increase of the poor
rates, which, from half a million in 1750, and two mil-
lions at the beginning of the last war, had reached at
one time to eight millions, and might now be reasonably
estimated at six. The only hope of relief to the suffer-
ing classes lay in a determined reduction of the taxes
which oppressed them. (Hear.) Not in a paltry reduc-
tion of a million, or a million and half, or two millions,
but in lopping off at once some such considerable bur-
den as should enable the starving farmer to live-in
some serious relief to the community, which must enable
men to exist under the pressure that would remain. (hear.)
He had already shown that, under the name of paying
less than it had paid in time of war, the country, in fact,
was paying quite as much; that, with the semblance of
paying millions less than had been paid in the heart of
the war, the country, in reality, paid seven millions a year
02


152
THE WARNING VOICE.
of the state.
more; that with a pretence of paying less than had been more when proprietors were reduced to traffic in securi-
paid in those years called years of expence, the country ties-when they were compelled from day to day to a
paid a million more in the present year than she had ever life of traffic and of speculation, instead of living like
paid in the most extravagant year of the contest; and country gentlemen, and like gentlemen of England.
that in the year just passed, the situation had been the (Hear, hear, hear.) To be distressed by every little
same. Why, then, even say that taxes to the amount of neighbour within sight of the gate; to be fearful at the
7 or 8 millions were now taken off, the country would approach of every new comer who should appear; to
still be paying as much as she had paid in the year 1806, glean a scanty pittance of rent from a tenantry as suf-
or in the year 1807-years of war and of profuse expen-fering as themselves; and, at last, having gleaned from
diture-years of distress, and almost of ruin-years in that tenantry all their earnings, to be forced to come
which the country was told to look forward to peace upon their savings; and, their savings being exhausted,
for relief-years when all classes were gulled out of their to be obliged to drive them out or sell them up, taking
money, and when parliament was duped into becoming the rent (as it now was taken) out of the Farmer's capi
the accomplice of Government in grinding a suffering tal, and not out of his revenue; and then being forced
people to the uttermost, and when all the consolation, to emigrate, to mortgage, and eventually to sell; then
all the argument, all the temptation held out was this the process of transfer, as it was called, became com-
"this cannot last; peace must come; with peace will plete; and, instead of the former owners, a new race of
come retrenchment and a reduction of taxes, and with proprietors were distributed through the country. The
retrenchment and reduction will return the prosperity of only means of avoiding such a national calamity was to
England." Peace had come at last, but it had brought cut off every charge which it was possible to get rid of;
no healing influence on its wings. Still, in the defiance not only to lop off the salaries of a few poor clerks
of all retrenchment and all economy, much of public with an occasional little job of throwing three clerkships
burden would necessarily remain; and he (Mr. Brough- into one in order to provide for some favorite or friend,
am) had no hesitation in saying, that if, after all the re- but to begin the retrenchment at the very highest point,
sources of economy were exhausted-if after every pos- and to carry it downwards through every department
sible reduction had been effected-if after a large amount
of load was taken off, the country should still find the
state of the farming interest so bad, that landed gentle-
men could not continue to exist in such a state of things,
he was not prepared to say that the country ought not
to go still farther in relief; his decided opinion upon
the subject was, that where the pressure was so great
and the interest so mighty-for the very existence of
the state was bound up in the prosperity of the land-
the country had only one limit to relief-the making that
relief decidedly effectual:-that if one measure of reduc-
tion would not do, recourse must be had to another, and
from thence to another; and that if all reductions were
found insufficient, the country must prepare for other
measures, for measures only to be justified by a para-
mount unreasoning necessity. (Loud cheers.) He should
say that the hour of necessity was come, if the land-
owners of England were to continue permanently in the
state, or in any thing like the state in which they now
stood for it was well to talk, in honied accents, of
suiting the supply to the demand, and of throwing bad
land out of cultivation-of changes in society, from one
employment to another-of transfer, for that was an
expression which did wonders, and of what one man lost
being gained by another. These words, however smoothly
they might sound upon the tongue, would be found, if
interpreted, full of serious and of dangerous meaning.
They supposed the laying waste of a large and fair por-
tion of England; the breaking up of all endearing con-
nexions; the destruction of all local attachments; the
most frightful agonies to which the human mind could
be subjected; they looked to the tearing up by the roots
that fabric of society which might flourish perhaps in
this country, most ornamentally towards its summit, but
which was bottomed upon the foundation of a solid
landed interest, and which must crumble into dust when
that landed interest should be no more. (Cheers.) And
The (Mr. Broughan) said that the landed interest was no
The years 1815 and 1816 had been years of low prices
and of affected economy; and the year 1816 one would
have thought, of all years in the cycle, was the farthest
from warranting any increase of salary. And yet he
found the Commissioners of Customs and of Excise, and
the chairmen of those Boards, in the year 1816, endowed
with an addition to their already considerable stipends.
(Hear, hear.) At a time when, instead of adding any
thing, part ought to have been taken away, these in-
creases were given as compensations for some loss of
patronage. (Hear, hear.) Two or three yachts had been
laid up, the nomination of officers to them ceased; and
that was a calamity to be made up by an increase of
salary! But the taste of ministers in these matters was
quite delightful; the neatness, the uniformity which
their arrangements displayed: for, to preserve the sym-
metry of the whole set of officers, the commissioners of
stamps got the same increase of salary although they
had lost no patronage at all. (Hear.) [A member said
that the commissioners of stamps had lost some patron-
age.] He could not but be delighted at the style in
which these rights were asserted, and at the nicety with
which the worth of patronage was estimated in money.
But there was another instance of augmentation in the
year 1817, which was really worth the attention of the
House; it was to the salary of the Secretary of the Board
of Controul. The original salary attached to that situation
was 1,500 a year which was thought too little for an office
of such importance, and in the year 1813 or 1814, during
the war at all events 300l. a year was added, making
the salary 1,8007. Within two years after, to wit, in the
year 1815, it was discovered that the honorable member
who dignified the office had been no less than five years
in possession of his situation. Conduct so praise worthy
could not decently go unrewarded. (Laughter.) If
such an act did not deserve remuneration what did?
(Hear, hear.) If it was not merit, who could hope to


THE WARNING VOICE.
153
be meritorious. (Hear and laughter.) Five years in his
post! It was a signal instance of that propensity to keep
place, which was the support of ministers and the blessing
of the country. (Much laughter.) "Let his salary,"
"Let his salary,"
said ministers with one voice.-"Let his salary be in-
ereased 2001. a year." And for the honorable secre-
tary's religious adherence to office, and as an encourage-
ment to him to persevere still further in the same
virtuous course, his salary, from 1,8001. was made 2,0007.
per annum. (Excessive laughter.) So bright a reward for
meritorious conduct could scarcely fail to produce the
best effects; and in fact the honorable secretary continued
two years longer in office, to evince his gratitude for
the bounty which had been showered upon him. (Hear,
hear.) What! two years more? he must be rewarded
again, (shouts of laughter,) or the state would go to
decay for want of steady servants. It would be in vain
to have great places of 1,500l. and 2,000l. a year, if they
did not reward fidelity like this no one would accept
them. (Hear and laughter.) Accordingly the salary
was advanced 2007, a year more, attaining then-it was
hard to say the maximum-but attaining the line upon
which it rested just at present (Cheers.) from all he
had heard, not from ministers, but from those adherents
who were too much countenanced by them, he felt he
should not be discharging his duty if he did not guard
members against those visionary schemes by which it was
proposed to aid the distressed classes-schemes, visionary
in every thing from which real relief could be expected,
and substantial in nothing but in their being a bar to a
practical reduction of taxation. The hon. and learned
member concluded, amidst loud cheers, by moving a
resolution which was in substanee-"That it is the
bounden duty of this House, well considering the pressure
of the public burdens on all classes of the community,
and particularly on the agricultural classes, to pledge
itself to obtain for a suffering people such a reduction
of taxation as would afford them effectual relief.”
The Leeds Mercury, 12th June, 1824.
Ministers have done much, during the last few years,
to liberalize the commercial system of this country.
They have abolished several injurious monopolies and
restrictions, have boldly repealed some of the most ancient
laws erroneously imagined to protect the mercantile
interest, and now seem to act upon the just conviction,
that they cannot better promote the prosperity of the
country, than by leaving capital to choose its own em-
ployment, and traders to take care of themselves. The
East Indies have been opened to private merchants; the
West Indies have been allowed to find nearer and better
markets; a perfectly free intercourse with Ireland has
been established; the venerated Navigation Act, founded
upon principles of jealousy, has been repealed; the silk
and the wollen trades have been made comparatively
free; the beer trade is about to be disencumbered of its
restrictions; the penal laws against an open purchase and
sale of labour to be abrogated, and the chains intended
to bind down our artisans to this island to be broken.
These are great benefits, for which we feel grateful not
only to ministers, but to all those enlightened members
of parliament, who, guided by the sound principles of
political economy, have laboured to dissipate old pre-
judices, and to show the advantages of unlimited freedom
of trade. Several classes in the trading part of the
community, whose interests seemed to be protected by
the restrictions which have been removed, have viewed
and still continue to view these innovations with sensitive
apprehension. This is invariably the case, whenever an
improvement is projected; but we are convinced that
the general and permanent benefit resulting from the
change in our commercial system will incalculably out-
weigh the partial and temporary inconvenience, even
if any inconvenience should be felt, and that in a few
years the change will be looked back upon, with
universal and unqualified admiration.
We rejoice, however, in the liberal principles on which
ministers are acting, more from our hopes of what they
will produce, than from our approbation of what they
have effected. It would be a great mistake to imagine
that every thing has now been accomplished. The most
important subjects are yet to be approached, the most
grievous and pernicious monopolies are yet to be subverted.
The sugar trade and the tea trade, as at present engrossed
by the East India and the West India interests, impose
heavy taxes on the nation, for the sole benefit of a few
individuals, or the still worse end of supporting mis-
management, corruption, and slavery. Above all, that
giant grievance, that grand commercial anomaly, that
universal pest-the Corn Law, is to be revised and
corrected. The agricultural monopoly is the most
unmixed and enormous evil in the whole commercial
system of this country: its injustice and oppressiveness
to the nation at large are scarcely less to be deplored,
than the ruin it often brings upon the farmers and
landlords who cling to it as a protection In removing
minor restrictions on trade, we hope ministers have only
been clearing their way to attack this colossal restriction,
-have only been removing some of those defences, in
which the powerful but ignorant advocates of the Corn
Laws have formly taken shelter. The Chancellor of the
Exchequer in particular owes it no less to his own
reputation than to the country, to pull down, now that
his eyes are opened, the monopoly which in his blindness
he was the instrument of erecting.
The Corn Laws are avowedly intended to raise and
to keep up the price of the chief necessary of life. A
very simple calculation will show at what expense to the
community this is effected: forty millions of quarters of
corn are annually consumed in this country; therefore
every shilling added to its price is a tax of two millions
sterling on the public; it follows, that if the price of corn
is raised eight or ten shillings above what it would be
under a system of free importation, the restriction costs
the nation sixteen or twenty millions sterling a year.
This is plain arithmetic.
But what say the manufacturing and mercantile classes
of the community to this tax, so much worse than the
income tax?
income tax? What say the shipping, the silk, and the
woollen interests, who are left to compete unprotected
with other countries, at the continuance of this great
monopoly? They say truly that they are treated with
injustice; that the principles of free trade, to which
their own little monopolies have been sacrificed, are


THE WARNING VOICE.
154
not followed up by the abolition of that grand monopoly
which oppresses them in common with the whole country;
that they meet the foreign manufacturer under a disad-
vantage, owing to the high price of labour; that they are
compelled to put up with a low rate of profit; and that
this must be injurious not only to themselves individually,
but to the nation at large, in retarding the accumulation
of capital, and encouraging the transference of it from
this to other countries.
The Leeds Mercury, 26 June, 1824.
In our paper of the 12th inst. we showed the serious
evils and oppressive burdens brought upon the country
by the restrictions on the trade in Corn. We demonstrated,
by a simple calculation, that a tax of no less than sixteen
or twenty millions sterling was imposed on the nation
by the effect of the Corn Laws in raising the price of the
chief necessary of life. We showed that this occasioned
a universal rise in the price of labour, and a corresponding
diminution in the rate of profit. And we also proved,
by a reference to notorious facts, that the restrictions
which bore so heavily on the people at large were not
less pernicious and afflictive to the agriculturists them-
selves, by causing ruinous fluctuations in the value of
their produce. We shall now briefly examine the
principal arguments by which the monopoly of corn is
defended.
First the advocates of a restricted corn trade contend
that the English agriculturist is entitled to protection
against foreign competition, on account of the heavy
taxes he has to pay. It is manifest, however, that he
has no right to claim protection on the ground of the
general weight of taxation, but only on the ground of
these taxes which press exclusively upon agriculture.
For if the agriculturist were entitled to claim protection
on the account of the general oppressiveness of taxation,
every other produce in the country would have the
same right; and every foreign commodity, therefore,
which could come into competition with a commodity
of English production, would either be excluded or laden
with heavy duties. But to tax all imported articles
would be a general burden, not a general protection;
and to tax foreign corn alone would be unfair to every
class except the agriculturists. Now the taxes which
press exclusively upon agriculture are not numerous,
and they are in some degree counterbalanced by the
expense of bringing so bulkly a commodity as corn from
other countries, which of course operates as a tax on the
foreign producer: but if, in addition to this, a duty of
10 or 12 per cent. were laid on corn imported, the
English agriculturist would enjoy all the protection
which his exclusive taxes entitle him to demand. So
much for the plea founded on taxation as far as the
agriculturist is concerned. But let us look at this plea
as it affects the nation. The people of England have to
pay sixty millions of taxes a year, to support the
government, and discharge the interest of their debt:
therefore, it is fitting to lay on twenty millions more, in
or ler to protect the agriculturist! Taxation has raised
the price of labour, has lowered profit, has made it more
difficult for the manufacturer to cope with his foreign
competitors; therefore we must remedy the evil by a
still further augmentation of our burdens! This is silly
enough, but it is what the defenders of the Corn Laws
propose to the nation. The heavier our taxes are, the
of every foreign resource, which, by lowering the cost
more necessary it evidently becomes to avail ourselves
of the necessaries of life, shall diminish the encumbrances
that impede our course in the race of commerce.
The advocates of the Corn Laws plead, secondly, that
the monopolies enjoyed by several classes of our manu-
facturers justify them in demanding the monopoly of
corn. This plea would have something of fairness, if
the legislative protection given to our manufactures
notorious that our manufacturers of nearly every
were any thing more than a dead letter; but whilst it is
description are the best and cheapest in the world, and
have triumphantly maintained a competition with all
others in foreign markets, it cannot be supposed that we
have any reason to dread the competition of foreign
should be able to purchase our clothing, &c. cheaper
manufactures in our own market, or to hope that we
abroad than at home. This plea, therefore, is void. But,
supposing that it were not so, and that our manufactures
enjoyed a real protection, this would not justify a restric-
of so much greater importance and more extensive con-
tion on the trade in corn; because the latter article is
sumption than any of our manufactures, that a monopoly
which effects its price is incomparably more injurious
to the nation, than one which affects any other article.
have is gradually diminishing, in consequence of the
Whatever force this plea might once be imagined to
liberal commercial system now adopted, and shortly, we
trust, not a peg will remain in the statute book for the
agriculturists to hang an argument upon in favour of
monopoly.
We
of the Corn Laws assert, that, whatever arguments
Being defeated in the first two positions, the defenders
economists may use, it is a well-known faet, that, the
price of corn on the Continent is so low as to defy all
competition on the part of the English grower.
deny the assertion. Much error exists on this point,
representing the price of corn on the Continent as much
and the agriculturists have carefully cherished it by
lower than it really is. It was clearly established by
the evidence given before the agricultural committee of
the House of Commons, in 1821, that the price of coru
several years before the war, was such, that the com-
in Dantzic, Holland, and America, on the average of
modity could not be imported from any of those markets
into England for less than 57s. a quarter-a price very
little lower than that of this country in the years 1803
and 1804. This is a fact not to be set aside by any
vague representations of the fertility of Poland and the
Crimea, and the cheapness of cultivation in those countries.
the agriculturist need never fear) the importation of
It is plain, therefore, that we can never hope for (and
corn into this country at a price so low as to throw out
quality. We say hope for, because we are ready to
of cultivation any lands except those of very inferior
contend, that if foreign corn could be had for 30s, a
quarter, it would a great national blessing; that the
that (although a partial and temporary inconvenience
lower the price of this necessary of life the better; and
T


THE WARNING VOICE.
155
might result from throwing inferior soils out of tillage)
the same general and permanent advantage would be
felt from a reduction in the price of corn, as has resulted
from the reduction of the price of cottons. No one
doubts that the diminished cost of this latter article,
which has been effected by our improved machinery, is
a national benefit; and it would be just as wise to destroy
all that machinery, and recur to the old method of
manufacturing, as it is to deprive ourselves of the cheap
produce of other countries, for the sake of tilling the
stubborn soils of our own.
But
It is alleged fourthly, that however desirable it may
be to purchase cheap corn from other countries, we
have no certainty of procuring a regular supply, and in
time of war, our supplies being cut off, we should be
exposed to the peril of famine. This assertion, like the
preceding, is a delusion, and is refuted by the experi-
ence of this and other countries. Holland at no time
grew sufficient corn to supply the wants of its inhabitants
yet this necessary of life was always as plentiful in the
market of Amsterdam as in any part of Europe: with
this advantage superadded, that the price was more steady
in that country than in any other of the world.
are we not dependent on foreign countries for many of
the commodities which are absolutely essential to us,
without having ever been deprived of them. Hemp, the
very sinew of our naval strength, comes to us wholly
from the Baltic; yet we never were deprived of it even
during the height of the late war. We grow no cotton,
no silk, no oranges; but did we ever want them? Have
they not reached us in spite of all restrictions and all
wars? the fact is, that a country which exports any of
its products to a great extent cannot bear to be deprived
of the usual outlet; that the most ruinous consequences
would result to the sellers, as well as to the buyers, from
an interruption of the trade; that sovereigns, therefore,
very seldom venture to interrupt such a commerce: and
that when they do attempt it, they cannot succeed. If
we took a regular supply of corn from Poland or France,
the cultivators of those countries would look to us
regularly for a market, and would invariably supply our
wants. The closer our intercourse with these countries
became, the more it would be the interest of all parties
to abstain from war; and thus a great moral blessing
would be secured by the establishment of sound com-
mercial regulations.
As a last refuge, the supporters of the Corn Laws
plead the great destruction of capital that would be
occasioned by throwing the inferior soils out of cultiva-
tion. Unfortunately, however, nearly the same amount
of capital is liable to be destroyed every six or seven
years under the present system, in consequence of the
ruinous fluctuations in the price of corn, which at one
time give the highest encouragement to cultivation, and
at another induce the farmer to abandon the tillage of
his least productive soils. But if this were not the case,
it surely would be a blunder of the grossest kind to bind
capital permanently to a disadvantageous employment,
and to keep up the price of the chief necessary of life,
in order to avoid the sacrifice of a small portion of that
capital. When an improvement takes place in machinery
every wise manufacturer abandons his old machines and
purchase the new ones, finding the sacrifice of capital to
|
be far less than the sacrifice of profit that would attend
the continued use of the inferior implements. The same
principle applies to agriculture, and to every other
employment.
'The Corn Laws, then, being productive of so much
unqualified evil, we trust the manufacturing and commer-
cial districts of the country will, on the next meeting of
parliament, petition earnestly for their repeal. An
excellent petition has recently been sent up by the
spirited inhabitants of Liverpool in favor of an unrestricted
corn trade, and we should be glad to see the populous
towns of this Riding, with Leeds at their head, raise
their voice in favor of this great improvement in our
commercial system.
THE RENT LAWS.
To the Editor of the Leeds Mercury.
Sir. Though a stranger to you, I am induced by the
article in your paper of the 26th ult. on the Corn Laws,
or as I shall call them, the Rent Laws, to write you my
case, with a few observations;-I have a wife, eight
children under 14 years of age, and two in-door servants
-every mouth of which is fed at my expence. Prior
to 1822, I was getting in debt, in consequence of the
high prices of provisions. In that year, or thereabouts,
I was enabled, by great frugality, to apply about £20
yearly in the discharge of my debts; but now I am
suffering again, by having, not that £20 only, but £44
5s. 8d. yearly taken from me by the rent Laws, the
particulars of which I will thus state :-
Expences of
Agricultural
Produce in a Family
of 12 Persons.
Bakers' Bill
Butchers' Ditto..
Vegetables
Malt Yearly
In 1822
Corn Bill inoperative.
Weekly.
Yearly.
£. s. d.
050
11 6
1 2
000
In 1824.
Corn Bill in operation.
Weekly.
Yearly.
£. s. d.
090
£. s. d.
23 8 0
57 17 0
£. s. d.
13 0 0
29 18 0
3 08
9 15 0
1 2 3
027
6 14 4
12 0
17 8 55 13 8
1 13 10
99 19 4
55 13 8
The Artificial Price in consequence of Corn Laws.
Natural Price.
.....
Yearly Tax on a Family of 12 Persons
£44 5 8
This is independent of cheese and Butter, which my
wife provided.
As my credit, on account of my circumstances, is
not very good, and as the £20 cannot be longer applied
in discharge of my old debts, I cannot incur new ones
to the amount of the now deficiency in my income of
£24 5s. 8d. my family must therefore starve to that
amount, and the fat which ought to fabricate the entrails
of my children, must go to grease the wheels of the
carriages of the Landlords. This is a faithfull picture
of the sufferings of myself and my family, under the
high Rent Laws.
P 2


156
THE WARNING VOICE.
In the next place, I wish to call your attention to the
enormity of the Rent Tax in the gross.
In the first place, the Landlords are the people, and
the only people, benefitted by the Rent Laws; then
come the Farmers and their families: they may be con-
sidered as producers, not as consumers by purchase. In
this middle state, they (the farmers) are neither benefitted
or injured by high prices, otherwise than as farms will
always be let or rated in proportion to prices. The
farmer of any given quantity of land will require greater
capital with high prices, to obtain the same profit as low
prices would give him; therefore, in this respect he is
injured. To find the number of families taxed by high
Rent Laws, the number of non-producers must be
ascertained, and taking the number of each family to be
the same as mine, (12) there are in the United Kingdom
1,500,000 families. Allowing each Landlord on the
average to have 5,000 acres, and each farm to be 500
acres, the number of Landlords' and Tenants' families
are 154,000, which taken from the whole population,
leaves 1,346,000 families of 12 persons each, as Pur-
chasers each family taxed at £44 5s. 8d. yearly, is a
gross sum of £59,224,000, without the fractions, which
is upwards of £300,000 more!!! How many families,
besides my own, must not only spend that income they
should apply to other purposes, in the payment of this
high Rent Starvation Tax, but how many more must,
like my family, starve, or half starve, in consequence of
it? Those also who have enough, should petition, and
earnestly too, tor the repeal of such a Tax.
Add the above difference of £59,224,000 to the Taxes
of 1824, and see what the amount of taxation will be.
The Government taxes are reduced about 5 millions, and
the Landlord's tax of 59 millions laid on, this then is an
increase of taxation of 54 millions, instead of relief. But
to do any thing effectually, the public Journals should
take up the matter as you have done; meetings
should be held in every place as the Agriculturists held
theirs; the Chairmen of the County Meetings should
meet in London, as Webb Hall and his Compeers did;
and if necessary a "Free Corn Trade Journal" should
be established, to combat the Sophistry of the Farmers'
Journal; these things done, the High Rents Laws
would melt like snow in a Summer's Sun. I anticipate
much good from the article in your paper, of which the
Morning Chronicle gave an extract, I wish this may
appear in that paper through yours, I wish it may appear
in Cowdroys's Manchester Gazette, from which there
was another extract in the Chronicle.
Let parliament enact the import price at 60s. for the
next year, and to be lower 4s yearly, until it be quiet
free. The expence of importation is equal to sixpence
per bushel, and by the Corn Law Taxation Table that
clearly appears to amount to 21 milions, and it is curious
to observe the coincidence between that Table and my
calculation, £44 5s. 8d. tax on twelve persons, is £3 13s.
9d. per head, and by the Table 1s. 6d. rise in the bushel
of wheat, by Act. of Parliament, is a poll tax of £3. 10s.
Wheat is about 1s. 6d. dearer than in 1822, whence arises
my calculation. The gross amount in the Table is 63
millions, deduct for the landlords and tenants as I have
done, and it will agree in that respect also.
A SUFFERER.
Relief wanted to Cottagers and Farmers.
Forty years ago no farmer missed a rent day. If his
money did not come in time, his neighbours lent him
some to make up his rent, so that they never missed;
all confidence, comfort, credit, harmony and happiness
prevailed among them. Nor was there any want
among the cottagers, If the meal was delayed at the
mill, or the money, or any other provision wanting,
some of their neighbours lent them what they wanted
freely and hospitably, and the same obligation was
returned by both with the same good will, so that all
was concord and happiness among them. But now the
reverse has taken place; poverty, inability, discord,
and hatred of each other prevails; many, there are, of
both, who have the above-mentioned wants, who have
no friends to relieve them, and who are more ready to
steal from, and cheat each other, than to relieve them in
their need. Unbearable rents and taxes, and other
oppressive measures, are the baneful causes of this
poverty, discord, and hatred of each other among
farmers and cottagers; this is a truth confirmed to me
by many.
Is it not then a loud call upon superiors to destroy
these great evils. I beseech you, superiors, to help the
poor and the bold peasantry, who have been England's
glory, (and farmers) to flourish again, and once more
be the glory of Britain. -
Reasons for lowering the Price of Bread, and
all other Provisions.
The most weighty reason that can be urged in favor
of lowering the price of bread, and all other necessaries
of life, will be found in the comparison of the numbers
who are in affluence and competency, and those who
get wages which will support them comfortably, with
the number of those who cannot command such wages,
the sick and unfortunate, poor widows and orphans,
paupers and beggars, wounded soldiers and sailors, and
many others who have small limited incomes, which they
cannot increase.
I presume the nine latter classes will out-number the
three former in the proportion of ten to one in some
places, and twenty to one in others, if we take the
kingdom through.
kingdom through. And the latter nine classes would
be restored from poverty and want to comfort, by a
salutary successful effort on the part of superiors to
reduce the price of provisions; and little do we know
whose children of the present day are to have the
misfortune to fall into poverty. How much the nine
latter would thank and praise the two first for such a
salutary act, and how much comfort and pleasure they
would afford society thereby, is beyond the most
extensive imagination to describe. And I beg leave to
ask, would not such a salutary measure gratify charity,
humanity and the soundest policy by invigorating and
making strong all the essential and vital bands of
society.
I challenge those in affluence and competency, the
most acute agriculturist and the most profound philoso-


THE WARNING VOICE.
157
pher, or any other, to prove that the condition, com-
forts and happiness of affluence and competency can be
improved by increasing the price of bread, and the
other necessaries of life. Then why so many artificial
Then why so many artificial
means to keep up the price of corn and other provisions
The extravagant price of corn is the root of all the
great evils which come to all nations.
Having so sincerely advocated the cause of the poor
labourer and others, I must not forget to point out to
the labouring man his greatest comfort, happiness and
safety, which I hope to prove is in fair competent
constant wages. How often does the labouring man,
who commands greater wages than common, go to the
alehouse, get habits of idleness and drinking, and
thereby become a worse husband, a worse parent,
a worse member of society, and, in the end, complete
his own ruin and that of his family. I once wanted
some money of a man at Manchester, who, it was said,
could earn a guinea and a half a-week. I called on
him to pay me, and found his wife in rags and a pair of
clogs, and the children running about the house with-
out stockings and shoes, and the husband drunk at the
alehouse, and, consequently, unable to pay me. I hope
these facts, which are too well known, will satisfy the
Labouring man that his master, who restrains him to fair
competent constant wages, is his best friend; though,
for want of considering the bad effects of the above-
mentioned great wages, he perhaps thinks him not so;
but if the labourer will consider it well, he will find his
master is his best friend, and has perhaps as hard work
as he can do himself; and if he does not endeavour to
produce his goods at a fair price at market, his trade
would be lost, and be the ruin of both master and man.
Proofs that our heavy Taxation, and high Rents,
keep the middling and lower Orders of the
People in poverty.
After drawing the above-mentioned gloomy, but true,
picture of this once happy nation, I feel it necessary to
endeavour to convince all those of its truth, who have
not given themselves time to know the state of the land
of their nativity, in which they have lived all their
lives, for want of inclination for such knowledge; and
perhaps wander abroad to see the variety and beauties
(as they fancy) of other countries, before they have
taken time to view and discover the defects, and to
eontemplate the superior beauties and excellencies of
their own.
This nation owes about 800 millions of money, the
interest at 5 per cent. is 40 millions per annum.
Surely such an enormous debt, as no other nation in the
world ever contracted. And we may add above 20
millions a year more for the necessary support of the
nation. And the baneful and unnecessary support of
bribery and corruption, and unmerited sinecure places
and pensions, and nobody knows what beside, is above
60 millions a year. And this is paid in taxes by the
consumers of the produce of the land, which keeps the
middling and lower orders in poverty, who have no
means of increasing their income: and though you may
say it is in part paid by the high ranks, you will find
they are supported by the middling and lower orders;
and whether the landlord or tenant be called upon to
pay it, the farmer must have it from the tenant, and the
tenant must have it from the consumer. Is not indus-
try, mercantile enterprize, and the circulation of money,
the source of the wealth and greatness of all prosperous
and happy nations.
And it is well known that many private fortunes have
been wasted by the folly, imprudence, and extravagance
of the owners. And it is equally plain that the folly
and extravagance of the administration or governors of
a country, will, in process of time, ruin a whole
empire, as history proves they have done, and caused
revolutions, which is the greatest misery that can befal
a nation, and ought to be the study and endeavour of
every one to prevent. This nation, I am sure, would
never recover a revolution, it would be everlasting
misery and ruin to it.
But a reformation in Parliament would prevent such
a calamity, and be the most cordial balm, and would
infuse comfort, pleasure, happiness, and safety, into
all ranks and degrees, and the whole of this once happy
and mighty empire.
Compare a nation to an individual, and you will find
they are the same, only the nation is on the larger
scale, and requires more time to complete its ruin.
And you will find they are subject to the same casualties.
But the governors of nations are, and have, universally
been guilty of more imprudence and extravagance than
individuals, or else the governors of this nation would
never have contracted a debt of 800 millions of money,
and continue as extravagant and thoughtless about her
debilitated and dangerous state, as if she owed nothing.
danger, before ruin come upon her suddenly, or like a
Is it not then the duty of every one to warn her of her
thief in the night. Is not this an additional proof, that
she is a bewildered, infatuated and misgoverned nation.
Did not Carthage, Rome, France, Spain, and many
nations, viz.
other nations fall by those six dire enemies to all
nations, viz. bribery, corruption, luxury tyranny,
oppression and poverty; for want of adhering to the
warning voices of those days.
How can a nation have this unbearable sum to pay
annually, but the middling and lower orders of the
people must always be in poverty by paying it.
The poor people used to pay one penny per ounce
for tobacco, they now pay four-pence, which occasions
much complaining. I beg leave to advise its being
reduced to two-pence per ounce, which would very
much relieve the poor, and prevent the crime of
smuggling, and perhaps not reduce the revenue.
To the Editor of the Wakefield and Halifax
Journal, and the whole Population of the British
Empire, on the Export and Import of Wool.
拳
​Being no Merchant, Manufacturer, Woolstapler, or


158
THE WARNING VOICE.
Farmer, I write to you, as a sincere friend to the welfare
of our dear country.
I am indeed, hurt and grieved, to hear some of my
good countrymen (Merchants and Manufacturers) guilty
of so great an error, upon one of the most vital questions
to that most important of all earthly subjects, Agriculture
I am grieved to witness that they have suffered what they
erroneously fancy is a private or local interest, to divide
them from those of better judgment, and treat as such,
two of the most important national questions that ever
came before Parliament-the export and import of wool.
Can they forget the wisdom of their forefathers, in
making the most strict laws, to prevent the export of
their wool, which is such as no part of the world pro-
duceth but these islands: and that they, and the whole
empire, have reaped the benefits of the same? Has it
not improved your agriculture, increased your wealth,
made your navigations, turnpike-roads, and many other
improvements? Has it not been the source of your wealth
and population? Did not your poor brave soldiers, taken
from the population, fight the battle of Waterloo, and
did not they conquer and save us from ruin: and when
the Duke of Wellington was complimented upon that
victory, his Lordship said "no: the merit doth not be-
long to me, but the superior physical force and invincible
constancy of the British soldier? Would you then
annihilate that population and source of your wealth
and greatness, by exporting your wool? And is not
that population, and your poor people, entitled to your
protection, in a political, religious, lawful, and moral
view?
Have not European Kings and others, been to see the
source of your wealth and greatness, and discovered it
in your popoulation, industry, and mercantile enterprise?
And are not they gone home with the determination to
encourage and promote in their own countries, that
which has made you so great? You have too much
competition at home, and you will find the same is
growing to a great extent abroad. Is it not then, your
first bounden duty, to unite every voice and effort to
prevent the exportation of your wool? Is it not the
seat which our Nobles all sit on in the House of Lords;
what will you substitute as a seat for them, when you
have sent it away?
You are forcing and increasing, that Foreign competi-
tion, by the tax of 6d. per lb. upon Foreign wool, (much
of which is not worth that price); you are therefore by
this tax, compelling them to be manufacturers; to make
money of their Wool, which they have no other way of
converting into money.
Mark the absurdity of the thought of exporting your
Wool! such as no other country in the world can
produce, at the time that you are importing Wool and
Woollen rags, to employ your population, from every
quarter of the globe.
I admit that agriculture is entitled to every protection
and encouragement, but be very careful you do not miss
the way to that protection, and if those interested in its
prosperity, as we all are, do agree to export our Wool,
we shall be penny wise, and pound foolish. They may
fancy they may gain a little, but they will lose above
ten times more, by lowering the price of beef, mutton,
eorn, &c. when they have driven the people (their
customers) away to another country, or deprived them
of the means of getting money to buy the above-men-
tioned articles at home.
With your Wool would go, or follow, your people,
merchants, and manufacturers, who are the source of
your greatness, and that loss would be followed by a
decay of your trade, ruin and bankruptcies, of those
who have embarked their capitals in manufactories,
merchants, farmers, and many others. Then I beg leave
to ask, who are to keep our poor, and pay our taxes,
when we are all become paupers, for want of work and
a circulation of money?
That competition which is growing so fast abroad, is
the strongest reason that can be urged, why we should
have no tax upon the import of Wool: be cautious how
you attempt to remedy the tooth-ache, and throw the
whole body into a dangerous fever.
Put no tax upon your industry, it is that, your popu-
lation, mercantile enterprise, and the circulation of
money, which pay all your taxes. Have you not such a
debt and load of taxes to pay, as no other people upon
the face of the earth, though you have only a few small
Islands and some Colonies
The Foreign cloth buyers say, "let us have your
English Wool, and we shall not want your English
cloth." Can I give a stronger proof that the exportation
of our Wool will be ruinous?
Unite, and never agree to the export of Wool. And
never cease to petition, till you have removed that
grievous, odious, hateful, impolitic, oppressive tax, upon
the import of it. This tax is allowed to be no object as
a revenue; then why continue that which is so extremely
injurious to the industrious manufacturer? Dont miscarry
on confidence. How many men have failed upon many
of the most important questions, for want of caution
and watchful care? I warn you not to be guilty of the
same on this great occasion. Be active, be vigilant.
Many Farmers are as much alarmed at the fear that
our Wool should be exported, and the tax not be taken
from the import of it, as the manufacturers themselves,
because they say, their interests are inseparable.
Let me impress you with the indisputable fact that the
interest of agriculture and manufactures are inseparable:
they have given life and spirit to each other, and must
live or die together. Never cease to nourish and protect
them as such, till you have reduced your taxes and rents
and made yourself able to compete with, or meet other
nations at market with your cloth; if you do not, the
competition abroad will be your ruin.
I say again, be active, vigilant, and watchful, sleep
upon your arms, for your enemy's competition abroad
is awake, and proceeding with rapidity. Don't think
your security is in your superior industry and machinery,
or in any thing else; your mechanics, industrious and
ingenious men will go abroad, and if they go with their
heads on, they will carry your machinery with them-
if they have not already done it.
Your unbearable taxes and high rents, are the bane
of your agriculture, manufactures, and welfare.
Do not forget that your population is increasing
every day, and with that, all your wants are increasing,
and that it is your duty to provide for those wants, as
your forefathers did for you.


THE WARNING VOICE.
159
thy
The nation's thanks are due unto the Earl of Harewood, ||
and our two worthy Members of Parliament, for their
judicious conduct and perseverance, to prevent such an
evil coming upon our country, as the export of our
Wool, and also to remove the tax upon the import of
the same.
I am, respectfully, Sir,
Your most obedient and humble Servant,
RICHARD MILNES.
Netherton Hall, near Wakefield,
October 14th, 1823:
A Song on Wool our great Treasure, and
Sheep Shearing.
When the rose was in bud, and sweet violets did blow,
And birds singing love songs on every bough,
When daisies, and cowslips, and primroses spread,
Adorning, perfuming, the flowery mead.
When daisies, &c.
Our cleanly milk pail is fill'd with brown ale,
Our table our table's the grass,
We sit and we sing and we dance in a ring,
Ev'ry lad ev'ry lad has his lass,
Without the plough fat oxen low,
The lads and the lasses a sheep shearing go.
Without the plough, &c.
When our shepherd shears his jolly jolly fleece,
How much richer than that which they say was in Greece
When our shepherd, &c.
"Tis our cloth and our food, and our politic good,
"Tis the seat 'tis the seat which our nobles all sit on;
'Tis our cloth and our food, and our politic good,
'Tis the seat 'tis the seat which our nobles all sit on;
"Tis a mine above ground where our treasure's all found,
'Tis the gold and the silver of Britain.
"Tis a mine above ground, &c.
A Panegyric justly due to the Nobility, and all the
good, loyal, and faithful People of the British
Empire.
We all know that there is among the noble peers of
this realm, as much of unsullied honor, loyalty, impartial
justice, integrity, charity, humanity, and philanthropy,
as can be found in any body of men in the world.
The same may be justly said of the ladies, the gentry,
the clergy, the freeholders, the merchants, the army, the
navy, the judges, the counsellors, the juries, the solici-
tors, and the whole of the good and faithful people of
the British Empire.
A Panegyric justly due to his late Majesty King
George the III and his present Majesty King
George the IV. of Great Britain.
At the beginning of last reign, an act was passed on
the suggestion of the late King George the III. to make.
the judges entirely independent of the Crown, by secur-
ing to them their places for life. As it appeared to the
King, that the dispensers of justice could not be in the
slightest degree dependent on the Crown, without dan-
ger to the freedom and liberties of the subject. This
proves that his late Majesty's noble mind was ornamented
by the most unsullied honor, patriotism, liberty, and
freedom to his subjects, impartial justice, and integrity.
Can we then suppose that his amiable, honorable,
enlightened son George the IV. does not inherit all the
amiable and inestimable qualities, which ornamented
his revered and honored father. We all know, who
remember him, in his youthful days, that he displayed
them in an eminent degree, and they still remain in his
noble breast. And whenever it becomes necessary to
bring them into action, they will shine forth like the
bright, sun at noon-day. Whenever justice calls, and
the constitution declares itself in danger, they will come.
to the protection of both in their native and juvenile
vigour, and like his good father, not only join in the
restoration and preservation of both, but improve them
if possible, as much or more than his beloved father did
in the above-mentioned act.
Then let justice, the constitution, and the whole
nation complain of their danger, in the loss of their
authority, in the House of Commons, and petition his
Majesty to enable the people to restore their just, right,
vital, and inalienable power and interest in the House
of Commons, which appears to have become the repre-
sentatives of the administration or ministers of the day,
and not the representatives of the good, loyal, and faith-
ful people, whichthe constitution originally made them.
It is therefore impossible that the brave, loyal, and
good people of Great Britain can give honor, praise,
protection, and affection enough to their dearly and
justly beloved King George the IV. and long may he
live, and happy may he be, under the protection of the
Almighty, here and hereafter, is the most hearty, sincere
wish, and prayer, of Richard Milnes, the Author.
Copy of a Letter from Sir Henry Harpur, to the
Rev. Joshua Eyton, his Chaplain.
SIR,
I take the liberty of sending you a copy of the
words spoken by his Majesty, to Lord Grenville, when
applied to on the Catholic Bill, March 1807. The chan-
nel through which I received this communication, ena-
bles me to assure you, that you may rely on the authen-
ticity. I have read them again and again, with every
sentiment of heart-felt pleasure, and with admiration.
I have no doubt but the same memorable words that
should be engraved, and as far as I know, will be, in the
heart of every protestant subject.
Q 2


160
THE WARNING VOICET
"My LORD, AN
"I am one of those who respect an oath.-I
"have firmness sufficient to quit my Throne and retire
"to a cottage, or place my neck on a block or scaffold
"if my people require it; but I have not resolution to
"break that oath which I took in the most solemn man-
"ner at my coronation."
bun si f
A Chapter from the Book of Kings.
ཊྛིན%!
།ས་། སྐུ
51. Now George the III was twenty and two years
old when he began to reign, and he reigned King over
all England forty and seven years.
sia of mal and
2. And he did that which was right in the sight of the
Lord, and served the Lord his God with all his heart:
so that before him was no King like unto him, 947
3. And it came to pass in those days, that the servants
of the King, the wise men of the land, even all the
talents thereof,'came in and stood before the King and
said, King live for ever." da bat. Jesolo
4. May it please thee, O King to extend to certain
of thy subjects, throughout thy dominions, those graci-
ous indulgencies, which others of their brethren posi
sess; "and the King answered and said, let it be so."<
5. Then the wise men of the land, even all the talents
thereof, communed among themselves, saying, notwith-
standing our Lordaithe King has granted us this our
petition, nevertheless it sufficeth us not.
6. And they returned unto the King and said, be it
known unto thee O King that there exists certain statutes
and ordinances, instituted in the dark ages, and ordained
in times of ignorance and superstition, when thy fore-
fathers were called unto the Throne of these kingdoms.
7. Which statutes and ordinances, may it please thee
O King! to annul and destroy; to the end, that those
may be satisfied who were never yet contended, and that
those who were ever disaffected may be made loyal
58. And the King answered and said, Not so.-We
cannot dispense with the oath which we have taken:
neither will we, that the bulwarks of our Throne be
removed, nor the fundamental laws of our kingdom
changed.
Then is it not wonderful, that such a people as the above
should be blinded, bewildered, and infatuated, by causes
which a few of them cannot or will not discover. But
the great majority of them are perfectly aware of, and
know the cause very well; and as that number is increas-
ing every day, by a conscious belief that we are in a great
error, and much danger. I do hope the remedy for the
above-mentioned dire diseases, is not far distant.
operation, will manufacture more than 30,000 pieces the
present year. Beside there are others in Connecticut
and New York of considerable extent; and all of them.
will be sufficient within eighteen months, to supply the
wants of the country, at 9'55
7
317
Increase of the American Navy.
A bill has been reported in the Senate of the United
States, for building ten sloops of war of the first class,
to carry not less than twenty guns each, and appropria-
ting 850,000 dollars for the purpose.
other
Liverpool-Saturday-The exportation of British
manufactures from this port to South America, especially
to Buenos Ayres and other southern provinces of that
continent, has been greater within the last few weeks
than at any former period. Linens, Cottons, and Wool-
lens, especially the first, have been the leading articles
of export.
wold bil jolo Leeds Mercury, 19th June, 1824.
The following extract from the United States Tariff
Bill, now in progress through the Senate is deserving of
the most serious attention of our woollen and worsted
manufactures :-
1
On all manufactures of wool, or of which wool shall
be a component part, except worsted stuff goods and
blankets, which shall pay twenty-five per cent. ad, valo-
rem, a duty of thirty per cent. ad valorem, shall be im-
posed until the thirtieth day of June, one thousand eight
hundred and twenty-five; and, after that time a duty of
thirty-three and a third per cent, ad valorem: provided
baize, the actual value of which, at the place whence
that on all manufactures of wool, except flannel and
imported, shall not exceed thirty-three and a third cents.
per square yard, shall be charged, with a duty of
twenty-five per cent, ad valorem.
ult.; they confirm the news we gave yesterday, through
We have received the New York papers to the 26th
ing of the Tariff Bill. It is now sanctioned by the Ex-
our private channels of information, respecting the pass-
ecutive, and has thus become a law of the United States.
We have the Tariff, with all the duties before us, but the
pressure of matter to-day prevents its insertion. The
high import rates imposed upon British goods by this
absurd law, will be severely felt in the manufacturing
districts of the country.
London, Wednesday, June 16, 1824..
The last mercantile letters from Mexico are very
unfavorable. We have seen one from a gentleman who
Process of American Manufacturers, from the freighted a vessel in August last, with goods which were
Leeds Mercury, 6th March, 1824..
The Boston daily advertiser states, that the quantity
of flannels manufactured within forty miles of Boston
the last year, have exceeded 15,000 pieces, of forty-six
yards each, comprising the various qualities and colours
usually imported; and the new establishments now going
into operation, with the extension of those already in
considered most valuable in the Mexican market; in
which he says, that after waiting three months, he has
considered it wise to sell at a loss of 40 per cent. upon
the prime cost in this country. The warehouses of
Mexico are crowded with English merchandize, for
which no purchasers can be found, from the double
cause of want of money and the uncertain state of the
country.


THE WARNING VOICE, I
161
Can there be a stronger proof of our infatuation, than
the fact that we have almost half a century past been
helping to emancipate others, the most distant nations
from slavery; and during the same period, neglected to
protect and nourish our freedom at home. Have we not
suffered the most dire enemies of freedom, bribery, cor-
ruption, luxury, tyranny, and oppression, to rage with
nnabated fury, and to invade our liberties, and imper-
ceptibly deprive us of our freedom in many respects,
and enslaving us, who have known the enjoyment of
liberty. Was it not our first bounden duty to fortify:
and protect ourselves against slavery, and when we had
done that, to make ourselves more able, to extend our
fostering hand to help other nations, to enjoy freedom,
as the good, the brave, the great Americans have done.
But unfortunately we appear to mind nothing but the
wild momentary things of this transitory life, forgetting
the welfare of posterity, and to provide for the comfort
of our children, and our children's children, as our fore-
fathers did for us, and the worse crime of neglecting to
prepare ourselves for the happiness of the life to come.
I do hope this admonition will more the good people of
all religions, who have the happiness of bel tolerated
in this once happy land, to join band and heart in this
heavenly cause, of cur earthly and eternal happiness.
Can there be a greater proof that we are blind and
bewildered, than our appareat biodress to the competi-
tion in manufactures, at hoc and abroad, which will be
our downfal, if we do not protect South America and
reduce our national debt, taxes, public expenditure,
rents, and price of provisions, which it appears can only
be done by a reformation of Parliament, to enable us to
meet other nations at market at present, and in future,
or else we shall be ruined. Do not the holy alliance
command all Europe, and have not they the power of
excluding our trade and manufactures from that conti-
nent, to promote their own, and enslave us. And have
we any assurance they will not do so. To foresee danger,
is said to be the high road to safety. Let us then be no
longer blind, bewildered, and infatuated, for the sake of all
that is sacred and good, and for the sake of the welfare of
our children, and children's children, and our eternal
happiness.
Will Great Britain continue to do every thing but the
four things needful, viz:-To preserve our manufactures
and commerce-To provide for posterity or our children,
and children's children, as our forefathers wisely did
for us-To restore and nourish our lost freedom-But
above all, to prepare ourselves for the happiness of the
life to come, ·
sums gained by toll bar-farmers, as with the many rea
sons which I have given before, will induce all trustees!
of turnpike roads, to keep the toll bars in their own
hands, and not let them; these men run away with the
money which the trustees should apply to the reduction
of the tolls, and pulling down all side and pick pocket
bars, and reduce their tolls generally soon as possible,
and let every traveller enjoy a fair proportion of the
road in travelling for his money, and remove all the
oppression which prevails upon turnpike roads, if
possible.
There is one bar at the foot of Horbury-Bridge upon
this road, which has been foll-free ever since it was set
up for travellers from the Ossett and, Netherton roads,
because they do not travel one hundred yards upon the
road, exclusive of the bridge, which bridge is repaired
by the county or the travellers, consequently not con-
sidered a part of the road, till these bar-farmers took the
road, who it appears have gained the above-mentioned
£2860. per year. They have demanded foll at this bar
of the Ossett and Netherton road travellers, who have
been so long free; and tried it with the Ossett people,
at the sessions, and before magistrates, till they have
wearied them out, by trouble and expence, and they and
all others submit to pay rather than have any more
trouble or expence about it, with these bar-farmers.
There is another bar on the same road at the foot of
Huddersfield-Bridge, close to the town, where they make
travellers pay every time they go through; and I think
no bar should be so near a town or village. These are
two such enormities and proofs of oppression, as I hope
will induce the trustees to remedy to the present age,"
and also to future ages, by removing these two bars at a
proper distance from the bridges, to prevent these great'
and crying errors being committed in future, either from
error, want of attention, or any other cause. And that
this laudable and judicious example may operate and be
followed by all other trustees throughout the nation';
and no longer think, that because the tolls go out of the
poor man's pocket by little and little, like salt, it is no
oppression.
Wakefield and Halifax Journal, 12th March, 1824.
FRIDAY.
TOT.A
Daring Robbery and Outrage.
་
A most daring robbery was committed at the toll-
bar house, Newton, near Wakefield, on Monday evening
last. About half-past nine o'clock, a call of Gate'
was heard, upon which the wife of Edward Ellis, the
bar-keeper, opened the door of the house to go out.
A very important Appendix to my new economical She was immediately knocked down by a blow on the
Plan of Road Making.
07
On the 27th day of May, 1824, the tolls upon the
Wakefield and Austerland turnpike road, Yorkshire,
about twenty-six miles long, leading from Wakefield
towards Manchester, were let for the enormous advance
of £2860. per annum. The old rent was £5080. on a
lease of three years, which does not expire till October
The new rent is therefore £7940. per year.
Surely this is such an additional proof of the enormous
next.
face, and four men rushed into the house. One held
her down upon the floor, while two of them dragged
the husband out of bed, and beat him in a most barbar-
ous manner, so as to endanger his life, though hopes
are entertained that he may recover. They then rifled
the house, taking away six silver tea-spoons and a pair.
of silver plated sugar tongs, a gold wedding ring and
breast pin, a silver watch, maker's name, Trentham,
Liverpool, about fifteen pounds in silver, ten of which
were in half-crowns, two provincial five pound notes,


162
THE WARNING VOICE.
one of Barnsley bank, with several other provincial
notes, making altogether nearly one hundred pounds,
with which they immediately decamped, and we are
sorry to say got clear off. Every exertion has been
made to detect the villains, but this has not yet been
effectual. Three Irishmen have been apprehended on:
suspicion, but no material evidence has been obtained
against them, and they have been committed for further
examination this day. A reward has been offered for
the apprehension of the perpetrators of this dreadful.
outrage.
1
A
Caution to Toll-Collectors.
On Friday last, the keeper of Westgate-Moor-Bar,
on the road from Wakefield to Halifax, appeared
before the Magistrates at the Court-House, Wakefield,
pursuant to a summons against him for having charged
a person leading coals from Whitley-Spring Colliery to
Wakefield, ninepence instead of sixpence, for the toll
of a one-horse cart. The Magistrates were pressed for
a conviction in the penalty of £5. but the Lessees of the
tolls on that road agreed to pay three guineas to the
party complaining for the overcharges and his expences,
which was reluctantly, accepted, and there the matter
terminated. Ibid.
As soon as a new set of bar-farmers have taken a
road, they begin to spy out where they can set side or
pick-pocket bars, and the trustees perhaps comply, these
men having made them believe they have given too
much, when they are proved to be making fortunes out
of the poor travellers. I want to see all discord and
oppression annihilated, and the old english fashion of
generosity and hospitality restored on all occasions,
and in every corner of the land, in which I hope I
shall be joined with a hearty good will by all my coun-
trymen, who remember or have read of the happiness
which all ranks and degrees enjoyed forty years ago,
and once more make ourselves the happiest nation in
the world, which we may do with a turn of our hand,
if we only heartily unite and join in the easy and plea-
sant work, for the good of our children and children's
children.
Trustees of roads generally let the executing of their
work upon diversions or new roads to strangers, who
come from nobody knows where, who employ poor
labouring men, who live near, to do the work, and
often at less wages than they merit, or ought to have;
and they give this contractor credit till he measures off
the work, and when he has got the money, runs away
with it and leaves the poor labourers unpaid. As we all
know the labourer is worthy of his hire, and cannot
afford to lose his labour, I beg leave to advise all
Strustees of roads and navigations, who contract with
such wanderers as I have mentioned above, to see that
the labouring men have their wages every Saturday
night, or at least to see the contractor pay them. all in
the presence of their clerk, who pays him the money;
in short, to have the labourers ready to receive it before
he parts with it, to secure them of their wages for their
vwork. For want of this caution, some of the contractors
upon the diversions from Horbury-Bridge to Grange
Moor on this road, run away with the money which the
poor labourers are starving for; and as this road is
in a very prosperous state, I hope the trustees will
think it their duty to make good this heavy loss to these
poor labouring men.
Some road repairers appear troubled with short
memories: in summer they appear to forget that winter
will come, and neglect to lay the stone on and break
them on one side of the road as they go on, in the
summer season of long fine days, where they are to
rest ready for the carriages when they want them, as
they will not come upon them till they have occasion,
but go on one side of the road where it is smooth
without stones. But they never think of this till winter
comes and reminds them, when the roads are become
bad, then they begin in good earnest when the road is
deep, wet, and dirty, in short days when they cannot do
much above half as much as in summer, and labour
through the winter in wet and dirt with bad roads, and
finish this tedious work in March and April, the two
months when the wind and sun would falways repair
them; and the stones laid on in March and April are
worn in summer, when not wanted, which should have
been put on in summer or October before, and been
useful through the whole winter.
A common observer may witness this if he looks at
some roads in the beginning of winter.
And farmers also become troubled with a loss of their
memories when the weather has been long fine in
harvest. The year 1824 produced the most abundant
crop these Islands ever did produce, and the finest
harvest to the evening of the 2d of September that ever
was seen, and one farmer at Netherton, about four
miles west of Wakefield, finished leading his Wheat
that night, which, he said, was the greatest crop he ever
had; and he is about eighty years of age. I know three
others, all of whom had very dry wheat ready for
leading that day, and much Wheat that had been ready
to cut a week or two, and yet remained uncut; it began
to rain on the 3d of September, and it fell so heavy at
night as to wet every sheaf through, beat the stacks.
down, and laid the Corn to the ground. I think these
are four of the best-farmers in the kingdom. The three
might have had all this corn cut and into the stack or
barn on the 2d in the evening, and I am not willing to
attribute this neglect, both to cutting and leading, to
any cause but the loss of their memories, occasioned by
this long season of fine weather. I say again, when
your Corn is dry get it by day or by night if you can,
but do not get it before it is dry, and have to repent as
these three good farmers will have to do this season.
After the heavy rain which is mentioned above, on
Friday the 3d, Saturday and Sunday the 4th and 5th
were remarkably fine with a very brisk wind, and one
of them led some Wheat on the Sunday. Monday was
showery, but I know much dry Corn was led that
morning: one farmer, I am told, led eleven loads dry.
before it began to rain; the moon was at full and as
light as day all Monday and Tuesday night, and
Tuesday was one of the finest harvest days, perhaps,
ever seen, with a very brisk wind, and they might have
led all Monday and Tuesday night, as they did all day


THE WARNING VOICE.
163
C
J
ER
Th
"ר
on Tuesday, very dry Corn; it was fair till seven on
Wednesday morning, when it began to rain, and
continued as heavy a day's rain as I ever saw, and it
appeared raining on Thursday morning at seven, and
appeared to have been raining all night.
On this rainy Wednesday morning I set out at seven
on a journey to Tadcaster, and called to pay my
respects to a very agreeable and particular friend at
Wakefield, two miles only from home, where I spent a
most pleasant day during this heavy rain, and was glad
to defer my journey, and returned home in the wind
and rain at night, and on my way home I observed
that each of the three above-mentioned farmers, who
have been the especial cause of this appendix, had
much corn out, and some to cut, which might have all
been in the house or stack perfectly dry, if the fine
weather had not a second time deprived them of their
memories-many stacks blown down, sheaves laid upon
ground, and that which was to cut laid in all
directions. I said to myself, if my Wheat had been in
such a ripe state, and cut and dry so long, I would
have hired stage waggons in Wakefield, or I would
have had it into the house or stack by day or by night.
the
These three very remarkable losses of memory which
have come within my own true observation, almost
makes me proud that I have taken upon myself to teach
farmers how to get their Corn and Hay in bad harvests,
presuming that the advice may be of inestimable value
to the present and future ages. I am not willing to
attribute these three errors to any thing but the loss of
memory, because they all three are advanced in years,
and in pecuniary circumstances good enough, and I do
hope the recording of them may be of inestimable value
to the farmers.
I know another farmer, I think one of the best in the
kingdom, who, when his corn is ready, delays no time,
by day or by night, nor does he regard a little in wages,
by which he always commands plenty of hands, gets his
corn well, and by this vigilant rule, before his neighbours.
Nothing is more necessary in farming, than getting
the stacks thatched soon as made. Though this has per-
haps been one of the finest harvests, yet the rain came
so heavy two separate days, as to wet some unthatched
stacks almost from top to bottom, and made it necessary
to take them down again to dry; and remember I have
known it the same in many harvests past.
Cruelty to Dumb Animals.
I have mentioned before, several coach horses which
dropped down dead upon the road, and it is notorious,
that many people have been killed, and misfortunes con-
stantly happen by violent driving, in many parts of the
kingdom, and more than any of us hear of; to remedy
which, Mr. Martin's excellent, laudable, charitable,
humane bill, to punish those who are cruel to dumb
animals, does not appear to have the desired effect. And
as it is universally admitted, that it is more laudable and
efficatious to prevent, rather than punish crimes, I hope
the legislature will make a law next session of Parliament,
to forbid any coachman or any other person driving
any carriage above eight miles per hour, or riding any
horse upon the road above-miles per hour, under
severe penalties or punishment, which would be an
inestimable relief and comfort to all travellers, coach
owners, coachmen, and many others. But above all to
that noble, willing, generous, useful, docile, laborious,
invaluable animal, the horse.
And here I beg leave to ask all cruel men and others,
if we do not deserve severe punishment, or some heary
judgment from Heaven, for our unceasing cruelty to this
noble animal. And how we should do without him? And
why the Almighty gave us him, with such power over
him? And why the same Almighty power doth not take
him from us, for our never ceasing cruelty to him.
NEW LOCKS AT GOOLE, 1822.
The Aire and Calder Navigation New Canal,
from Ferrybridge, or rather Knottingley, to
Goole.
I now beg leave to ask these three good farmers, who
I am confident will read this publication, if they were
as careless about cultivating and tilling their land, and
sowing their seed in due season, as they have been in
getting the finest early crop that ever was seen (owing
in a great measure to the bountiful July rains, It is known to our readers that a new line of naviga-
which began before the middle of June, and continued tion has been undertaken between the rivers Aire and
to near the middle of July,) if they would merit the Ouse, commencing at Ferrybridge, and entering the
title of three of the best farmers in the kingdom. I hope Ouse at Goole.-The first stone of the works at Goole,
this cap will fit them, and many others, this fine and comprising a Ship Dock, 600 feet long, 200 feet wide,
most bountiful season, and that they will put it on, and and 20 feet deep, to take in large merchant vessels; a
wear it so long as they live, as a memorandum that they Barge Dock, 900 feet long, 150 feet wide, and 8 feet
may never be guilty of the same error again. Two of deep, for small vessels, with ship and barge locks, to let
these farmers determined they would not lose their me- them in and out from the river Ouse, was laid on Satur-
mories again, and Sunday the 12th of September proved day the 28th ult., in the presence of Sir Edward Banks,
a fine day and their corn very dry, they began to lead of the firm of Jolliffe and Banks, the great contractors,
on that Sunday afternoon, led all night, and on Monday and who have contracted for the execution of this under-
the 13th they finished this necessary work, which they taking; George Leather, Esq. the engineer: H. Hen-
should have finished on Thursday night the 2d of Sep-frey, Esq. Colonel Creyke, of Rawcliffe-Hall; Thomas
tember, and would certainly have done if their memories
had not failed.
Egremont, Esq. of Redness-Hall; and many of the
neighbouring gentry. Daniel Maude, Esq. one of the
proprietors made a very impressive and appropriate ad-
dress on the occasion, stating the advantages that would
be derived by the public from the improved facility and
R 2


164
THE WARNING VOICE.
1
certainty with which goods from and to the interior part |
of the kingdom might be received and sent by this new
route. The worthy proprietor further added, that it had
frequently occurred that vessels were longer in making
their passage from Goole to Selby than from London or
Hamburgh to Goole; and that by the new line of canal,
nearly twenty miles would be saved in the passage to the
interior of Yorkshire. These works, he said, would
reflect additional credit on the abilities of their engineer;
and at the conclusion of his address he made a very
handsome donation to the many hundreds of workmen
employed upon the said works, which they received
with three hearty cheers for the success of the nuder-
taking.
December 29th, 1821.
A Practical Scheme for the reduction of the Public
Debt and Taxation, without individual Sacrifice,
by Jonathan Wilks, of Leeds.
The above is the title of a pamphlet, published in this
town during the present week, on that interesting sub-
ject, the alleviation of the national burthens. It was
our intention to have offered some remarks upon it in
our present paper, but, finding that the mere statement
of Mr. Wilks' plan will occupy as much room as we can
this week devote to the subject, we shall defer giving any
opinion on its merits till our next publication.
Mr. Wilks begins by showing the absolute necessity
of some change in our financial system He states the
prodigious amount of the national debt and of annual
taxation, shows the weight laid thereby on every indivi-
dual in the state, and particularly asserts that it is des-
troying our foreign commerce, which in nine cases out
of ten is already becoming unprofitable. Mr. W. dis-
plays the utter inefficiency of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer's plan to afford any important relief; if the
sinking fund were to be raised, as proposed, to five mil
lions, it would, in ten years of peace, only diminish the
annual charge upon the people by £1,800,000. The
probability of another war within that time is also stated,
and it is urged that that may be a maritime war, in which
case we shall be deprived of those commercial advan-
tages which we enjoyed during the late prolonged con-
test. "It is in vain," says Mr. Wilks, "to trifle any
longer; we must, though reluctantly, assent to the ap-
palling truth, either that the public debt must be wholly
or in great part paid off, or this debt will plunge the
nation into irretrievable confusion and misery."
Having established the necessity of some great exer-
tion to free the nation from its encumbrance, Mr. Wilks
lays down the following propositions as the objects of
his plan:-
First. Such a reduction of the national debt and an-
nual charge thereon, as shall render it henceforth a
burthen of no baneful consequence, to a highly pro-
ductive country like this.
Second. An immediate and considerable remission of
duties and taxes, with a prospective remission in ten
years, to the amount of nearly one half of our present
taxation.
Third. A security against the effects of any future wars
upon our public debt, by the appropriation of certain
taxes, as war taxes only, equal to any efforts the coun-
try may be called upon to make.
Fourth. A recurrence to the principles of a free trade,
so far as this may be proved advantageous to com-
merce, and to the general welfare of the state.
Fifth. The power of resuming safely, though gradually,
a metallic currency; the fatal departure from which
may be justly considered as one great cause of our
present difficulties.
For the accomplishment of these objects, Mr. Wilks
then proposes several parliamentary enactments to the
following purport:-
First. That the sinking fund, as now constituted, do
cease to form a part of the finance system of this
country.
Second. That all the public annuities of a lower deno-
mination, be consolidated into five per cent stock,
at the following rates; three per cents at sixty five;
three and a half per cents at seventy-three and a half;
four per cents at eighty-one and a half; the five per
cents remaining at par of £100.
Third, That an assessment of twenty per cent shall be
laid on all property in the public funds, so consolidated.
Fourth. That an assessment of five per cent shall be
laid on all private property, not in the British funds;
valuing all fixed property, except buildings at twenty
years purchase, and all buildings at fifteen years pur-
chase. This assessment to be converted into a redeem-
able income tax at the option of the proprietor, his
property being security for the payment with interest,
at five per cent per annum, from the date of assess-
ment.
Fifth. That an assessment of five per cent be levied for
the term of ten years only, upon all incomes not ari-
sing from property already assessed; such as income
from foreign estates, incomes of professional men,
artists, stipendiary clerks, and on all salaries above
fifty pounds per annum.
Sixth. That a like assessment of five per cent for the
term of ten years only, be levied upon all net profits
of trade and agriculture.
The practical application and result of these enact-
ments will be as follows:-
1.
539,814,815, Three per cent annuities will be
converted into five per cent stock
at sixty-five, making ....
32,075,450, Three & a half per cent annuities,
converted into five per cents at
seventy-three and a half, making
75,514,727, Four per cent annuities converted
£.
350,229,629
23,625,455
into five per cents, at eighty-one 61,544,502
and a half, making
148,575,487, Five per cent annuities, at par
£100
148,575,487
of
Making when con-
794,980,479, Total nomi-solidated into new 583,975,073
nal debt.. (five per cent stock
The proposed assessment of twenty per cent
upon this property, will make a reduction to the 116,795,014
amount of
467,180,059


THE WARNING VOICE.
165
The private property not in the funds'
amounts, as will be shown hereafter, to two
thousand four hundred millions, five per cent
assessment on which will make a further reduc-
tion of
120,000,000
000
This would be 19 millions less than the expenditure
of the year ending April, 1820. To this saving are to
be added the five per cent assessment upon incomes
arising from property not already assessed, which is
calculated to yield two millions annually for ten years:
a like assessment on the profits of trade and agriculture
for the same period, calculated to yield also two mil-
lions; and an estimated improvement in the revenue.
arising from the remission of taxes, &c. stated at £1,800,
A total saving is thus produced of 25 millions;
which would allow an immediate remission of taxes to
the amount of 17 millions and a half, and leave seven
millions and a half applicable to the further reduction.
of debt for ten years. After detailing these operations,
Mr. W. proceeds-"The funded debt, at the conclusion
of the ten years' assessment, will be virtually diminished
to 25 millions of 5 per cent stock; because, though
still nominally amounting to 375 millions, it will in rea-
lity be reduced to 100 millions, by an assessment to that
amount remaining upon fixed property, and for which
five millions will be annually paid to government as inte-
rest, until the capital assessment be redeemed."
Thus the interest upon the debt would be reduced to
17 millions, and it being calculated that the expenses of
government would also be brought within 15 millions,
Mr. Wilks comes to his grand conclusion-that, at the
end of ten years, the whole expenditure of the state
would be no more than 32 millions, about one-half its
present amount.
The British Empire.
The population of Great Britain, at the census in
1811, was 11,800,000, exclusive of the army and navy,
then about 500,000. From the returns, so far as
Remain as a total of funded debt•••••• 347.180,059
The interest of the debt, thus reduced to 350 millions,
would be 17 millions and a half; to which are to be added
the annual charge of long annuities and the interest of
the unfunded debt, which swell the total charge on the
debt to 20 millions and a half. Mr. W. estimates the
whole expenditure of government to amount to 19 mil-
lions; and, with the addition of £3,200,000. for collect-
ing the taxes, the total expenditure for the united king-published under the present census, it appears, the in-
dom would thus amount to £42,700,000.
crease is about 15 per cent. This will make the
population of Great Britain at present to be 44,000,000
of souls. Ireland contains 6,500,000, making the popu-
lation of the British dominions in Europe, 20,500,000.
The population of our north American possessions
cannot be less than 1,500,000; West India Colonies
900,000; Africa about 130,000; in the Mediterranean
150,000; colonies and dependencies in Asia 2,040,000;
and in our extensive territories in the East Indies
perhaps 70,000,000 of souls. The whole population of
the British Empire will, at that rate, contain about
95,220,000 of souls. The Russian, the next highest in
the scale of civilized nations, contains 50,000,000;
France about 30,000,000; and Austria an equal number.
The tonnage employed in the merchant service is about
2,640,000 tons for Great Britain; the exports £51,000,
000 including 11,000,000 foreign and colonial;) and
imports, £36,000,000. The navy, during the last war,
consisted of 1000 ships of war; the seamen at present
in the merchant service are about 174,000; the gross
revenue of the state £57,000,000. The capital of the
empire contains 1,200,000 persons, the same number
which Rome contained in the days of her greatest
strength. The value of fixed or landed property in Great
Britain, as calculated by Mr. Pitt, in 1797, was £1,600,
000,000, and it may now be fairly taken at £2,000,000,000.
The cotton manufactures of the country are immens",
and reach, in the exports, to £20.000,000, nearly one
half of the whole. In short, taking every thing into
consideration, the British Empire, in power and strength,
may be stated as the greatest that ever existed on earth,
as it far surpasses them all, in knowledge, moral cha-
racter, and worth. On her dominions the sun never
It is impossible for us now to state the reasonings
urged by Mr. Wilks to prove, that all these apparent
sacrifices on the part of the fundholder, landholder, &c.
involve no real sacrifice. We must reserve this explana-sets; before his evening rays leave the spires of Quebec,
tion for another opportunity.
his morning beams have shone three hours on Port
Jackson, and while sinking from the waters of Lake
Superior, his eye opens upon the Mouth of the Ganges.
National Debt.
When we say the debt has increased to nine hundred
millions within a century, we are aware that it is an
enormous sum, though we have no adequate conception
of it; but when we say that during the last one hundred
years the debt has (one minute with another, and allowing
a person to be employed in counting it six hours daily,
Sundays included) increased to such a degree, that it
would require the whole century to count it, at the rate
of above 60 guiness per minute! or, in other words, it
has increased at the rate of nearly seventeen guineas
per minute (night and day) during the last one hundred
years!-we see something of its real extent, and are
astonished beyond measure at its fearful magnitude
Whitehaven Gazette.
―
British Peerage.
The number of Peers of Great Britain, independent
of the Bishops, is exactly 500; of these, 56 have been
enobled as courtiers; 19 as younger branches of nobi-
lity; 39 as statesmen, 16 by diplomatic, 17 by naval, 57
by military, 39 by legal services; 39 by marriage, and
There are 92
227 by the influence of wealth, &c.
bachelors, 64 widowers, and 344 who are married. Of
the 408 married and widowers, 99 are without children;


166
THE WARNING VOICE.
and the remaining 309 have now living 755 sons and
703 daughters. The paternal descent of 156 peers can
be traced to the conquest, or 11th century; that of 51
to the 12th century; 52 to the 13th. 35 to the 15th. 60
to the 16th. 59 to the 17th and 3 to the 18th century;
the genealogies of the remaining 49 cannot be traced
with sufficient accuracy to warrant insertion. The
ancestors of 78 of the peers, whose descent can be
traced to the Conquest, were settled in England previous
to that event; the other 78 came over with the Con-
queror. Of the ancestors of the remainder, 31 have
emigrated to this country since that period.
produce him one per cent. profit This is perhaps very
well; but only think of a subordinate Judge being able
to make such purchases! Lord Ellenborough is said to
have left half a million of money. What Lord Eldon is
worth, he only knows. No wonder that such men are
mighty sticklers for things as they are.
Sir William Jones and Thomas Day, Esq,
One day, upon removing some books at the chambers
of the former, a large spider dropped upon the floor,
upon which Sir William, with some warmth, said, "kill
that spider Day; kill that spider!" "No," said Mr.
Dreadful Fire at Canton.-Thirteen Thousand Day, with that coolness for which he was so conspicu-
Houses burnt.-1823.
A most destructive fire began at Canton, on the night
of the 2d November, at half-past nine o'clock, and
continued till five on the morning of the 3d; it began
on the city wall, and spread its fury along the westward
of the beach. The whole of the East India Company
and European factories were destroyed; the re-building
will cost 13 millions dollars. The official return of
houses burnt is 13,070, and 500 Chinese killed. The
quantity of tea destroyed is 13,000 chests. The Com-
pany's loss is estimated at one million sterling. The
loss of the natives and foreign traders was very great,
but European private property comparatively small.
The Company's treasure had been sent on board their
own ships. It is supposed it would take thirty years to
restore the place and trade to its former state, as the
Hong merchants and native traders had lost considera-
bly. Woollens, nankeens, and raw silks, were the
principal articles burnt.
Paris, Tuesday Evening, March 11.-There is
news from Madrid of a change in the Administration
there. The new Ministry are of the party called Com-
muneros (the most determined friends of the existing
constitution.) Torrijos and Morel are two of the names
sent us.
In the absence of any decisive intelligence on the
question of peace or war, we must be content with
giving the opinions of those who have at least the means
of information. A French Ultra, of high rank, and in
the service of the Royal Family, wrote to a British
Nobleman to the following effect:-"Be assured we
cannot go to war; it is impossible; public opinion is
every where against us. That unhappy affair in the
"Chamber, out of which no one has come with credit
except Manuel, has paralyzed us all.,'
66
66
In corroboration of this remark, we can state, that a
despatch has been received from Sir Charles Stuart,
from which Mr. Canning has drawn the inference,
"that the Counsels of the French Government are of
a suspensive nature.-Times.
66
Lord Stowell, late Sir John Scott.
It is said that Lord Stowell, late Sir John Scott, has
made purchases in land, to the amount of between two
and three hundred thousand pounds, which now do not
ous, "I will not kill that spider, Jones; I do not know
that I have a right to kill that spider! Suppose when
you are going in your coach to Westminster-Hall, a
Superior being, who perhaps, may have as much power
over you, as you have over this insect, should say to his
companion, "kill that lawyer: kill that lawyer!"
How should you like that, Jones? and I am sure, to
most people, a lawyer is a more noxious animal than a
spider.”
Law.
To him that goes to law nine things are requisite :—
1. A good deal of money.-2. A good deal of patience.
-3. A good cause.-4. A good attorney.-5. Good
counsel.-6. Good evidence.-7. A good jury.-8. A
good judge-and lastly, good luck.
The following curious extract is from the will of
Wm. Blackett, Esq. late Governor of Plymouth, proved
in the year 1782 :-" I desire that my body may be kept
as long as it may not be offensive, and that one or more
of my toes or fingers may be cut off to secure a certainty
of my being dead; I also make this further request to
my dear wife, that as she has been troubled with an old
fool, she will not think of marrying a second."-Exeter
Gazette.
Humble Origin of distinguished Characters, being
an Answer to the Cant about Bergumi.
Lord Chancellor--The son of an Overseer of Coal
Works at Newcastle.
The Vice Chancellor-A menial servant in the family
of the late Sir Robert Taylor, at the house now occupied
by Dr. Malon, in Spring Gardens.
Chief-Justice of the King's Bench-Son of a Barber
at Canterbury.
Inventory of Property, belonging to the Inquisition,
offered for the Public Sale on account of the
Treasury, in order to be applied to the liquida-
tion of the Public Debt.
Lot 1. Several very extensive barracks.
2. A bill of pains and penalties.


THE WARNING VOICE.
167
Lot 3. The income tax.
4. A few gagging bills.
5. A great variety of ex-officio informations.
6. The dedimuses of a few stipendiary magistrates.
7. An assortment of spies of all ranks.
8. Some foreign witnesses.
he had taken into his most serious consideration their
situation as farmers in the present state of the times: by
an amicable communication which he had with some of
his tenants who had kept a regular account of the out
goings and expenses of their farms, and which accounts
his Lordship had investigated, it was clear that a reduc-
9. Green bags, much damaged; the contents quite tion of rent was necessary- for he was quite satisfied
worthless.-Old bags to be sold.
10. A holy alliance.
11. Sundries. The pension lists-Secret service mo-
ney-Indemnity bills-Files of the treasury journals,
with various tools of office.
12. Circulars, by Lord Sidmouth, Prince Metternich,
&c. &c.
13 A large lot of Secretaries, Commissioners, Ambas-
sadors, Junior Lords, and Sinecurists.
in his own mind, that the reduced price of the produce
of the land was now permanently established, since our
return to payments in sovereigns and shillings, and he
did not wish to hold out any delusions that corn would
fetch a better price: he was satisfied in his own mind
that it could not: it might fluctuate a little according to
seasons, but in no material degree; and his Lordship
was of opinion, that any alteration in the corn laws could
not possibly have the effect of raising the price of the
produce of the land-le did not mean to hold out any
such hopes-he had therefore reduced his rents under
an impression that the average of corn in the years 1792,
94, and 95, was about the standard at which we might
expect it to keep.
14. Some infallible rat traps, and a monstrous Vice,
&c. &c.
N. B. To be knocked down without mercy, and for
ready money only-there's no trust in things of this
sort!
Slander.
66
Fielding has given the following admirable character
of dealers in calumny, and we insert it from the just
estimate it contains of that wicked and detestable system,
which has so fatally prevailed of late in works like
Blackwood, the John Bull, the Beacon, and the Sen-
tine! :—“ Vice hath not," says he, "a more abject slave;
:-"
society produces not a more odious vermin; nor can
"the devil receive a guest more worthy of him, nor
"possibly more welcome to him, than a slanderer. The
"world, I am afraid, regards not this monster with half
the abhorrence which he deserves; and I am more
"afraid to assign the cause of this criminal lenity shown
"towards him; yet it is certain that the thief looks in-
"nocent in the comparison; nay the murderer himself
"can seldom stand in competition with his guilt; for
"slander is a more cruel weapon than the sword, as the
wounds which the former gives are always incurable.
"One method, indeed, there is of killing, and that the
"basest and most execrable of all, which bears an exact
analogy to the vice here declaimed against, and that
"is poison:-a means of revenge so base, and yet so
"horrible, that is was once wisely distinguished by our
"laws from all other murderers, in the peculiar severity
of the punishment."
January, 1822.
His Lordship stated further, that each tenant should
stop and dine, and that they would find a sealed note
directed for each in his seat, stating the rent he had fixed
upon their respective farms-and with which he hoped
the tenant would be satisfied. His Lordship considered
that the connexion between landlord and tenant was
their mutual and common interest; he was aware that
the tenants had embarked considerable capitals, which
they must necessarily do to enable them to occupy their
farms properly, and it was but fair they should be remu-
nerated both for their capital and their trouble.
His Lordship then strongly recommended that the
labourer should have fair and sufficient wages to enable
him to live-to live well, and support his family, without
going to the parish for relief to make up a deficiency
ship's opinion, nothing tended more to lessen the
of the wages which he ought to have; for, in his Lord-
labourer in his own esteem as a man, than being obliged
to apply for parochial relief: it spoiled him as a labourer,
by destroying the proper pride which a man felt in sup-
porting himself by his own honest exertions.
We understand, from undoubted authority, that the
reduction that has taken place is from 35 to 45 per cent.
including 15 per cent. which his Lordship took off in
1815.
provided for the tenants on this interesting occasion, and
At the hospitable mansion an excellent dinner was
upwards of 80 sat down to dinner. Lord Milton pre-
sided, and addressed the tenants in a most eloquent
speech, in which he enlarged upon the subject which
his noble father had so agreeably opened. Many excel-
lent toasts and sentiments were drunk,several songs were
sung, and the harmony was kept up at Milton Bonse
till late on Thursday morning.-Stamford Mercury.
EARL FITZWILLIAM.
We have to record one of the noblest acts of liberal
landlords that has yet come to our knowledge.-On
Wednesday the 9th Instant, EARL FITZWILLIAM assem-
bled his tenantry occupying farms under his Lordship
at Milton House, where they had been previously re-
quested to give their attendance, by a circular from his
Lordship's steward, William Simpson, Esq. The noble
Earl received his numerous tenantry in the great hall:
after each was seated, his Lordship informed them that
Reduction of Rents in Ireland.
-We hear that several noblemen and gentlemen of the
county of Tipperary, following the example of the Earl'
Fitzwilliam, are determined to make considerable reduc
tions in their rents:-The Earl of Donoughmore, Lord
$ 2


168
THE WARNING VOICE.`
T
Landaff, Lord Dunally, Lord Norbury, Colonel Bog-
well, Mr. Holmes, and Mr. Vaughan, have taken the
lead, and we trust the example will be followed by the
other landed proprietors of the South of Ireland.
The Lines of a Good Judge.
This is an extract from Lord Bacon's speech in the
Common Pleas to Sir Richard Hutton, when he was cal-
led to be one of the Judges of that court, Mar. 3, 1617,
14 Jac. 1.:-
ܐ،
1. A Judge, in maintaining the laws of the realm,
should be rather heart-strong than head-strong
66
2. He should draw his learning out of his books-
not out of his brain.
..
3. He should mix well the freedom of his own opi-
nion, with the reverence of the opinion of his fellows.
4. He should fear no man's face, and yet not turn
stoutness into bravery.
5 He should be truly impartial, and not so as men
may see affection through fine carriage.
6. He should be a light to Jurors, to open
but not a guide to lead them by the nose.
their eyes,
7. He should not affect the opinion of pregnancy
and expedition, by an impatient and catching hearing
of Counsellors at the Bar.
8. He should speak with gravity, as one of the sages
of the law; and not be talkative, nor with impertinent
plying out, to shew learning.
9. His hands, and the hands of those about him,
should be clean, and uncorrupt with gifts, from meddling
in titles, and from serving of turns, be they of great ones
or small ones.
་་
10. He should contain the jurisdiction of the court,
within the ancient meet stones, without removing the
mark"
Leeds Mercury, Oct. 26, 1822.
The greatness of Spain two Centuries ago.
Of all the subjects that are likely to engage the atten-
tion of the Congress at Verona, by far the most interest-
ing and important is-the affairs of Spain. It is noto-
riously the wish of a large party in the French Govern-
ment, as well as of the friends to arbitrary power
throughout Europe. that the Holy Alliance should take
advantage of the present state of Spain, to invade that
kingdom with a powerful force, overturn its free con-
stitution, re-establish its dislodged monks in their seats
of idleness, and replace its limited Monarch on his
throne of despotism. What many desire the Congress
to do, several foreign papers have asserted that they will
do. We have already stated our opinion, that the Sove-
reigns will not venture on the course thus marked out
for them. But while it is yet possible that such may be
their conduct, and while a civil contest still rages within
the Spanish territory, the inquiry is eminently interesting
how are that people prepared to resist a foreign inva-
gion, and to quell their internal foes? Two reports, of
the financial and military affairs of the kingdom, have
recently been presented to the Cortes by the ministers
of finance and of war. And, while perusing these docu-
ments, which show the military and fiscal affairs of the
government to be anything but satisfactory, what friend
to liberty can restrain his feelings of indignation, on
perceiving to how low a state of depression the baleful
spirit of despotism has reduced a nation, which, little
more than two centuries ago, was not only the most
powerful and the wealthiest in Europe, arts, manufac
tures, and commerce, the braviest soldiers, but the mo t
enlightened and most free,-which possessed the finest
navy, the richest and most extensive colonies-in short,
nearly every object of national ambition and desire?
Unhappily for Spain, the spirit of freedom siumbered in
the lap of luxury; the locks of her strength were shorn
by insidious foes; she was bound in the fetters of super-
bly became, in her state of decay and destitution, a
stition and tyranny; and she consequently and inevita-
laughing-stock to those enemies of whom she onee was
the terror.
We have now to view Spain in this lamentable con-
dition; for, though she has happily burst her ignominious
chains, she has not yet been able to renovate her vigour.
All her vast colonies are lost, and she can never receive
another ingot from the mines of Mexico or Peru: of
manufactures too she is nearly destitute; and her com-
merce scarcely extends beyond the disposable produce
of her soil. From these circumstances, and from the
encouragement given to contraband trade by unwise
commercial restrictions, the revenue of Spain is at pre-
sent far from answering the expenses of her government.
This evil is said in the report to be aggravated by the
negligence of the tax-collectors, who have been worked
upon by the machinations of foreign and domestic ene-
mies; the disturbances in the provinces bordering on
France also necessarily diminish the receipts, and add
to the expenditure, of government. In this emergency,
the finance minister proposes to raise a loan, a measure,
which, if sanctioned by the Cortes, will put to the test
the credit of the Spanish government.-We hope it will
be found that that credit is good, and that—notwith-
standing the insurrections in the north-the real strength
of the nation, its latent resources, and the good faith of
its representatives, deserve to be relied upon. We have
the stronger hopes of the extricatiou of Spain out of her
present embarrassments, from the candour and explicit-
ness with which they are laid before the Cortes and the
nation: the whole extent of the evil is displayed, and it
is believed that patriotism, stimulated by the confidence
reposed in it, will provide the remedy. I have published
this as a warning voice to the good people of this mighty
empire.
Oct. 7, 1820.
Commemoration Dinner of the Revolution of
Spain, Naples, and Portugal.
The dinner in commemoration of the triumph of civil
liberty in Spain, Naples, and Portugal, took place on
Monday at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, London.
The chair was taken by Sir Robert Wilson precisely at
half past six o'clock; the chair was supported by Major
Cartwright, Mr. Alderman Wood, Mr. Bennet, Mr.


THE WARNING VOICE.
169
Hobhouse, Mr. Hume, Sir Gerard Noel, &c. &c. The
number present must have amounted to 400 at least.
Letters were read from the Duke of Bedford and Sir F.
Burdett, excusing their absence on account of illness.
After the cloth was removed, Sir R. Wilson proposed,
The King, and may he never forget the principles
which seated his family on the throne of these realms."
He next proposed--"The Queen, (Loud applause) and
may she have innocence for her shield, truth for her
spear, and the affections of the people for her guard."
(Loud and long continued applause.) The next toast
was "The People-the source of all authority, and the
welfare, the end, and object of all governments."
Sir R. Wilson then stated that it was his duty to call
their attention to the immediate object of the meeting.
'I he events which they were assembled to commemorate,
though they had occurred in different countries, and at
different intervals of time, were yet so blended and
amalgamated in their nature, as to become with pro-
priety the subject of one common festival. It would be
unnatural if the people of England were not to feel a
sympathy with the late exertions in the Peninsula and
Naples, and not to feel an interest in the successful con-
summation with which they had been crowned. They
would, indeed, show themselves destitute of their accus-
tomed generosity and benevolence, if they were to con-
template unmoved the triumph of so many millions,
previously destitute of that freedom, to which they them-
selves so justly attached so much value; it they were not
to bail the establishment of a constitutional system in
every other country-a system which was not only essen-
tial to the well-being of the natives, but an additional
safeguard to our own liberties. (Applause.) That day
was gone by when government could persuade us that
our happiness and safety depended upon the degrada-
tion of neighbouring states, (Applause) and in per-
petuating servitude wherever it existed, instead of en-
deavouring to diffuse the light of knowledge in the prin-
ciples of civil liberty. He knew that there still existed.
amongst us men who were the advocates of such doc-
trines-men who thought the world was not made to be
used, but to be abused by them; who did not think of
what was for the general interest of the community, but
of what was for the interest of themselves, and those
who, like themselves, existed on the spoils of the people.
The flag of freedom was now flying on the ruins of des-
potism in the Peninsula, and in Naples, and it was not
to be wondered at that those who resisted the redress of
all wrongs at home, should tremble when they heard of
rights recovered by other nations. (Applause.) But he
thanked God that the number of these men was dimi-
nished, and their power was daily declining. He trusted,
that whatever might be the illiberal policy of the govern-
ment, the people of Europe would be convinced by
that meeting that the people of England were ready to
embrace the free of all countries, and of all climes. They
all recollected the events which preceded the Spanish
revolution-they all recollected the transports of this
country, when the people of Spain resisted a foreign
yoke, and when they had determined to restore that
constitution, which a succession of usurpation had
almost annihilated. The brave Spaniards hoped, that
having by their valour restored their Sovereign to his
•
throne, that Sovereign would ratify their acts; but those
hopes were disappointed. The King, under the infin-
ence of evil counsellors, resolved to march against ti e
assembled representatives of the nation. Would to Ged
it was in his power to say that the funds of corruption
had not been aided by British treasures: a corrupted
soldiery had marched on the representatives of their
country, and enabled despotism again to re-establish
itself. He did not wish to tear off that veil which the
generous Spanish nation was anxious to throw over the
conduct of that person who filled their throne. Ap-
plause. The gallant General briefly alluded to the su
ferings under the despotism which had been overturned.
The blood of martyred patriots, he said, had been the
seals of liberty, and two men, whose names would be im-.
mortalized in history, Quiroga and Riego, animated by
patriotism, and assisted by fortune, achieved at last the
deliverance of their countrymen. The gallant General
then went on to reprobate the conduct of the Emperor-
of Russia, whom he, if any one, had a right to warn
against a course of harshness and temerity. The note
which he had issued called on the Spanish government
to immolate its generous soldiery on the altar of legiti-
macy (Applause)-called on it to re-establish the an-
cient government-to re-establish the inquisition-to
re-establish torture-to fill the dungeons of Africa
once more with illustrious victims-and then when it'
had disarmed the country, and destroyed its liberties,
then he would be graciously pleased to forgive, if he
conld not forget the past, and to enter into relations.
of amity with Spain. But this right assumed by the
Emperor of Russia to protect the European social order
was a mere mockery in the head of a Scythian governs
ment. (Applause.) Was it a representative govern-
ment which held this language? On the contrary, it was
a government so familiar with violence, that it ordinarily
decided the succession to the throne. Applause. Was
it a right of retaliation which he here wished to enforce?
Did Europe ever call on Alexander to renounce the acts
by which he was enabled to ascend the throne? No.
Whatever the opinion of Europe might be with regard
to these transactions, no nation ever demanded from
Alexander any such account. If, however, the Holy
Alliance presumed to commit acts of aggression against
Spain, the Cortes might make an appeal to the courage
of their fellow citizens, to God, and to the justice of
their cause, and they would have no reason to be afraid
of the issue. For himself, he would rather carry a
musket in the cause of freedom, than a Marshal's staff
in the ranks of their enemies. (Applause.) The gallant
General then alluded to the revolution in Naples, which
he designated as just and necessary, while he stigmatized
the threats of the Austrian government, which in point
of civilization was 250 years behind its neighbours, as
impious and pernicious. He warned Austria against
marching into Naples, when she might kindle a devour-
ing flame behind her in her own dominions. He
afterwards briefly alluded to Portugal, and concluded
by reading a declaration, which he proposed to the
meeting as the expression of their sentiments on the
subject which they were met to celebrate, and which was
unanimously adopted.
Major Cartwright proposed as a toast the Spanish
འ་


170
THE WARNING VOICE.
Cortes," which he was ashamed to say surpassed the Eng-
lish parliament in its adaptation to the purposes of free-
dom The Chairman proposed the health of Sir. F. Bur-
dett: Mr. Bennett proposed as a toast-" Generals
Quiroga and Riego, and their gallant comrades, the
deliverers of their country." Sir Gerard Noel-Suc-
cess to Naples and Sicily in the amicable adjustment of
their future relationship, and in consolidating their free-
dom." Mr. Hume-"Success to Portugal, and may
efforts replace her with dignity on the roll of free na-
tions." Mr. Hobhouse, after an eloquent speech-La
Fayette, and the brave and enlightened champions of
freedom in France " Mr. Alderman Wood-" Old
England." The Rev. Mr. Hayes, an Irish Catholic
Priest, also spoke at some length, in praise of the Spa-
nish revolution, and in recommendation of the eman-
cipation of the Irish Catholics.
All the toasts were drunk with great enthusiasm and
applause; and at about half-past eleven, after an
lent meeting, and in the best humour, the assembly
separated.
the purpose of fighting, but in parallel lines, each striving
to draw out his forces in the longest array. Mr. Hume
made out a very strong case, by showing the preposterous
arrangements and abusive practices in the Irish church,
and on the ground of this exposition demanded a reform.
Messrs. Goulburn, Peel, and Plunkett do not deny the
statements, or at least disprove the necessity of reforma-
tion; they content theinselves with alleging its danger,
and asserting that parliament has no more right to inter-
fere with church property than with the property of
private individuals. With respect to the first odjection,
we readily admit that no great political change can ever
be made without some share of danger. But we contend
there is much greater danger in allowing notorious
a! uses, especially when they are of a nature to oppress
and irritate the people, to continue without remedy;
because their tendency is to grow more and more into-
lerable, till they at length provoke some violent popular
excel-explosion, infinitely more hazardous to the state than an
early attempt at reformation. It is a prominent article
of our political creed, and one of which all history affords
illustration, that timely reform is the surest preventative
of revolution. We do not advocate rash, violent, or ill-
digested reforms, but reforms begun early, pursued
public advantage. The violence of party spirit is a
moderately and steadily, and with an honest view to the
great enemy to such reformation, and seems likely to
obstruct many well meant and well directed attempts to
improve the condition of Ireland. With respect to the
second objection urged against Mr. Hume's motion--
that the legislature has no right to interfere with the
revenues of the church, we shall meet it by expressing
a directly opposite opinion. We admit that the property
of the church of England and Ireland has long been in
its possession, and is secured to it by law; and, further,
joyment for their several lives.
that the present possessors have a clear right to its en-
But we contend that
the church is to be viewed as a great public corporation;
public purposes; and that both the corporation and the
that all its property is publie property, vested in it for
property are ever liable to be regulated by the legisla-
ture, according as the interests of the people may require.
which private property and church property rest. The
There is a most essential difference in the principles on
former is secured to its possessor in full and complete
right, is intended for his own enjoyment without any
reference to the nation at large, and is committed to his
sole management. The latter is secured to the church,
of prelates and clergy, but with a direct and manifest
not for the particular enjoyment of any existing number
reference to the public benefit; it is given in return for
a public service; it never assumes the form of private
property, since its possessor can neither alineate nor
bequeath it; but exists from age to age, for the support
of successive public functionaries. Who, then, is to
judge of the service of a religious nature required by
the public, and of the proper compensation for its per-
church or the legislature?
formance? The employed or the employers? The
Ireland, from the Leeds Mercury.
Ireland has long been the reproach of this country:
that part of the United Kingdom, which possesses in itself
every natural advantage that can render a people pros-
perous and happy, has been for centuries the scene of
misrule and of civil and religious discord, and a theatre
for the perpetration of crimes the most revolting to
humanity. This unhappy state of things must arise from
some deep-seated cause, and must be the result of some
gross error, some radical defect in our treatment of that
country. The discovery and removal of these errors
and defects is one of the most interesting problems that
can exercise the skill and ingenuity of our legislators
and politicians. Without presuming to point out any
specific remedy for the complicated evils that effect
Ireland, we are justified, by long experience of the past,
in asserting that this remedy will not be found in mili-
tary coercion-the usual resource of impatient and short-
sighted statesmen. We must rather look into the moral
state of the country, dissipate its ignorance by education,
and subdue its turbulence by finding beneficial employ-
ment for its idle and discontented population. The
gibbet and the sword may destroy individual criminals,
but they leave undiminished the great body of crime,
and unimpaired the prolific source from which it springs.
It is a subject which will require, and we trust will obtain,
the early and anxious attention of parliament.
March 8, 1823.
IRELAND.
The debate on Mr. Hume's motion for a committee on
the church revenues in Ireland is a fair specimen of a
large class of debates, which have already taken place
and will occur in future, on propositions for the impor-
tant reforms. The arguments on the two sides do not
meet each other: it is not a conflict, but a balance, of
reasons: the debaters move, not towards each other, for
It seems to us to be as clearly the duty of the govern-
ment to superintend the religious, as the civil, military,
is no difference. It is obvious, however, that when once
or naval functionaries of the state. In principle there


THE WARNING VOICE.
171
an establishment is formed, it should have the appearance
of stability, and no changes should be made in it without
very sufficient cause. But in admitting the inexpediency
of frequently interfering with the concerns of the church,
we must still contend that it is both the right and the
duty of the legislature to reform abuses so enormous as
those existing in the church of Ireland. We see there
We see there
a lavish expenditure of public money, without any
adequate return of service; a large portion of public
lands neglected; a numerous body of prelates and clergy,
receiving immense, though most unequal, salaries, of
whom many perform no duty, but reside in distant seats
of luxury; and a people ground to the earth by various
exactions, amongst which that is the most vexatious
which goes to support a clergy whom they do not and
will not hear. How different is the state of things in
Scotland! And why should not a system so oppressive,
useless, extravagant, and absurd be in some degree assi-
milated to one universally allowed to be pure, effective,
and economical: In Scotland, the church consists of fif-
teen hundred thousand persons, and the Ministers receive
206,3607. In Ireland, the church consists of four or
five hundred thousand persons, and the clergy receive
1,300,000. Are the Scotch or the Irish clergy more
respectable? Are the Scotch or the Irish people better
taught? If the representatives of the people can look at
this contrast, and yet refuse to adopt the measures which
a mere contemplation of it instantly suggests, we know
not how they can with propriety consider themselves as
the guardians of the national purse and national interests.
Pope, on Death.
Vital spark of heav'nly flame,
Quit, oh! quit this mortal frame!
Trembling, hoping, ling'ring, flying,
Oh! the pain, the bliss of dying!
Cease, fond nature, cease thy strife,
Let me languish into life.
Hark! they whisper; angels say,
Sister spirit-come-away-
What is this absorbs me quite,
Steals my senses, shuts my sight,
Drowns my spirit, draws my breath,
Tell me, my soul, can this be death?
The world recedes, it disappears!
Heav'n opens on my eyes! my ears
With sounds seraphic ring!
Lend, lend your wings! I mount! I fly!
O Grave, where is thy victory?
O Death, where is thy sting?
and attended himself. When the combatants came,
they asked the King what it was for, he answered, you.
two are going to fight, and which ever of the two falls,
the survivor shall be hanged upon the spot the moment
the battle is over, by virtue of my authority to punish
murderers. This judicious resolution of the King
preserved both their valuable lives, restored peace, and
they parted friends.
While we censure the practice of duelling as barbar-
ous, due regard ought to be had to the unfortunate
situation of the gentlemen of the army in this respect.
He that refuses a challenge is disgraced for ever; no
brother officer in his regiment will keep company with
him, nor if he quits his regiment and enters another,
will he be otherwise received. It is true, that the
nineteenth, article of war is expressly against this, but
every man in the army is convinced that this article, as
to its operation, is absolutely null and void.
The article of war we allude to, runs in the following
words:-
"Nor shall any officer or soldier upbraid another
for refusing a challenge; since, according to these our
orders, they do but the duty of soldiers, who ought to
subject themselves to discipline; and we do acquit and
discharge all men who have quarrels offered, or chal-
lenges sent to them, of all disgrace or opinion of
disadvantage in their obedience hereunto; and whoever
shall upbraid them, or offend in this case, shall be
punished as a challenger."
You ask me to describe what I mean by solid comforts?
I answer a quiet conscience, health, liberty, our time
our own, or if not, usefully and innocently, and mode-
rately employed by others; a freedom from inordinate
passions of all kinds, a habit of living within ones in-
come, and of saving something for extraordinary occa-.
sions, an ability arising from rational economy, to de-
fray all necessary and expedient expences; a habit of
good humour, and aptitude to be pleased rather than
offended; a preparation for adversity, love of ones
family, sincerity to friends, benevolence to mankind,
and piety to God.
Compare this state, and these dispositions with those
of affected people of fashion, embarrassed in circum-
stances, distressed by vain cares, tossed about by vari-.
ous passions and vain fancies, without any anchor to
keep their frail bark from the violence of every guest.
But it is not worth while to dilate on the comparison;
let the hearts of the deluded votaries of vanity decide
in the silence of the night season; when they recline on
their pillows, when the lights of the assembly are extin-
guished, and when the rattling of carriages are no more
heard.
Duelling.
Two of the greatest and most favorite Generals
of Frederic the Great of Prussia, either of which he was
afraid of losing, quarrelled and challenged each other
to fight a duel; the King heard of the place of meeting,
and ordered a gallows to be erected ready at the spot,
If doom'd I am to bear afflictions smart,
And griefs keen arrows in my bleeding heart;
Still may I bless the author of my pains,
Convinced in all his dealings mercy reigns.
ELIZABETH MILNES.
An excellent observation I somewhere met with,
worthy to be committed to memory-viz:
T2


172
THE WARNING VOICE.
That the remembrance of disagreeable circumstances
was only painful, without answering any good purpose.
The only good that can arise from a recapitulation of
wrongs or sufferings, is to be wise, and guard to the
utmost of our power, against their future attacks.
There are three of the ugliest, blackest, most frightful,
outlandish wild beasts of all colours got amongst us from
abroad, never know here till a great man brought a few
of them over as curiosities. They are exotics, amphi-
bious, seldom to be seen but felt in every corner of the
land, and breed like rabbits every where; some of these
animals get in at the key hole and into bed to men and
their wives, and will not let them sleep, and visit the
houses of high and low. I met a man one day that
knows their native land, and asked if he could tell what
they call them, he said they call them tyranny, oppres-
sion, and poverty. I have heard that tyranny got into
Wentworth House some time since, and I never heard
whether they had got him out or not.
Tyranny, Oppression, Poverty, the Spy System,
the Cause of all Revolutions.
Never did any Nation in the World presume to find
fault with its government, or incline to rebel, till the
governors had proceeded to oppress and invade the
constitution, the laws, and rights of the people, or that it
was a government of oppression and tyranny. This is
an indisputable fact which proves, that the governors are
the invadors of the people's rights, long before they com-
plain, and endeavour to defend their rights or redress
their grievances. Was not this the case in France and
Spain, and other countries; and did not they wear
chains, misery and poverty, long before the revolu-
tions, and is it not the case there at present, and all over
Europe. Then why do-
writers calumniate a
just and faithful people for humbly complaining, when
the calumny and censure is in reality due to the gover-
nors, and if they would redress their grievances, all
would be well and happy. But instead of doing that
their duty, they always harden the cords of oppression
as they weakly fancy, to silence, or keep the people
quite, by which they increase their complaints; then
they proceed to call those humble and grievous com-
plaints seditious and rebellious, when the sedition and
rebellion is on the part of the governors, against the laws
and people's rights, which generates them six dire ene-
mies to all nations-bribery, corruption, luxury, tyranny,
oppression, and poverty, and in process of time a battle
breaks out between these six tyrants, and the people,
and in the broil, they annihilate the funds of their coun-
try, and reduce thousands upon thousands from com-
petency or affluence, to poverty and misery. I think
the French, Spanish, and other revolutions are a true
picture and confirmation of all this, which many of us
remember, and those who do not may learn it from
history.
But there is one stubborn fact which I wish to impress
upon the minds of my country women and men, that if
Bonaparte had invaded England, which he would soon
have done if he could have got the English fleet out of
the channel. The above mentioned six dire enemies
had provoked the people of England to such an extreme
of desperation, that they would have joined Bonaparte,
for they were so much oppressed, they were ready to
proceed to any act of violence and desperation, for none
could get bread enough, and many died for want of it.
And how often have women and men said, we had better
be killed than pined to death. But did not our people bear
that state of poverty with wonderful patience, because
government allowed speculation, to raise the price of
corn above their reach, which was the cause of the high
rents, which must be reduced, to keep provisions and
labour moderate, or else we cannot long meet other
nations at market with our manufactures on equal terms,
and when we lose the power of doing that, our ruin will
soon follow, and speculation should never be permitted
to raise corn to such an extreme, unless it be desirable,
to bring confusion and misery upon a nation, for it al-
ways appeared there was plenty of corn for money, but
speculation concealed it, and made it appear otherwise.
And I here repeat, that the high price of corn is the
root and source of all the great evils which come to all
nations, and which it should be their study and endea-
vour to prevent at all times.
If such a broil had happened in England as happened
in France, our funds would have fallen to nothing, as
they did in France and other nations; and incalculable
numbers would have fallen from competency or affluence,
to poverty and misery, over and above the grief and
mourning that would have happened for the loss of those
parents, husbands, and others, who would have fallen in
the battle or otherwise in the confusion.
Our revolutionary and American wars were caused
by the above mentioned six dire enemies, and the folly,
weakness, and imprudence of government, and the want
of a reformed parliament, who would have watched,
promoted, and protected the safety, happiness, and wel-
fare of our county, and prevented them great calamities.
We have to thank the Almighty, Bonaparte's ambi-
tion, and the elements for our preservation. But we
still have the mill stone, the national debt about our necks,
the unbearable rents and taxes, and the above mentioned
six dire enemies, raging with more fury than ever was
known.
Surely this Warning Voice is dictated to me by the
supreme Being, to advise the people to prepare and
guard against the misery which may come by the folly,
weakness, and extravagance of government, for want of
a reformed parliament and due attention of the people;
and a reformation in all ranks of society, to teach them
on all occasions to slacken the cords of oppression,
whatever their rank may be, which can only be done by
the example of the clergy and superiors, and by uniting
cordially and firmly, them two helps meet to each other,
and all the world, true religion and liberty, which are
the only security against the calamaties described above.
What occasion have-
-for hiring newspapers to
defend their conduct, if it be good, none I venture to
say, for the whole nation would be their advocates,
friends, adherents, and lovers, if their deeds were not evil.
Did not Baron Graham confess, in his famous speech
to the new and old Lord Mayors of London, that the


THE WARNING VOICE.
173
end of all governments, is to secure to every one, even
to the lowest, that property which is his own, and also
the constitution of his country, and all his lawful rights;
then is it not a great crime in governors, who invade
the people's rights, whose rights they are in duty bound
to protect and keep secure. A confirmation of the
above, will be found in his Royal Highness the Duke of
Sussex's speech to the Lord Mayor and corporation of
York.
Surely the spy system was the most infamous outra-
geous conduct that ever disgraced a country; it was a
disgrace, insult, and provocation to a brave, loyal, gene-
rous, and enlightened people, to attempt to make them
and the world believe, that a conspiracy was formed to
assassinate—when no such conspiracy ever existed,
but what was contrived, instigated, and abetted by them--
selves. How many innocent victims have fallen to the
machinations of these men, and how many widows and
orphans are involved in misery thereby, will appear at
the awful day of judgment. However they may repose
in their present security of power, and defy any earthly
tribunal to bring them to judgment; I warn them to
prepare for that heavenly judge, before whom they soon
have to appear.
In a word. The spy system.-The treatment of the
brave Sir Robert Wilson, and Earl Fitzwilliam.-The
Irish union. The Congress at Verona.-The neglect of
our commercial and mercantile interests.-The Holy
Alliance. The neglect of our protecting Spain from
falling into the hands of that Alliance, which we might.
have done by words, without taking up gun or sword.
The approval and defence of the butchery at Man-
chester. And finally, the six acts will form a tomb over
the abettors of these measures, and their neglect of duty,
of a far less perishable nature than brass or marble.
Does not the present miserable state of Europe, exhibit
a true picture of the miseries that are coming upon this
country gradually, and as it were imperceptibly, though
at times by hasty and great steps, all for want of a re-
formation in parliament.
Leeds Mercury, Oct. 12, 1822,
Ireland, on the Tithe System.
The renewal of that insubordination, and those out-
rages, which last winter excited our mingled pity and
indignation, imposes upon us the necessity of again di-
recting the attention of our readers to that most painful
of all subjects-the actual state of the sister kingdom.
Within the last fortnight, accounts have been received
of enormities perpetrated in Ireland, nearly equal in
point of atrocity to the worst of those which have dis-
graced her long and melancholy history. "But two
poor months-nay not so much, not two"-have passed,
since we were called on to lament the ravages of a deso-
lating famine! That famine was preceded by outrages
similar to those which we are this week obliged to lament
and condemn; and, indeed, whoever looks through the
history of Ireland will perceive that her miseries have
been wont to revolve in a kind of melancholy cycle, the
laws of which are likely soon to be so well understood,
that the political astronomer will be able to predict with
confidence the period, in which any given species of
calamity may be expected to recur.
No man, we believe, pretends now to deny, that Ire-
land is the victim of misgovernment, and few will doubt,
that many of her most crying grievances might be re-
dressed by the adoption of a generous and energetic
policy on the part of the british ministry. Much more
difficulty has been expressed as to the time at which re-
lief should be administered; many patriotic and able
persons having questioned the propriety of any thing
like concession, so long as the spirit of insubordination
shall exist. We fear, however, that if the Irish are not
to be relieved from their manifold grievances, till they
cease to express impatience under the burden, the day
of redress will never arrive; and we are moreover at a
loss to understand, upon what principle of good policy
or sound sense the governors of Ireland can derive an
excuse for the continuance of oppression and misrule,
from the existence of that spirit, which, by the laws of
our nature, oppression and misrule are sure to excite
and to perpetuate. Of course we do not address this
or any other argument to those partisans of a narrow-
minded and temporising administration, who declare in
effect, that no time is proper for the relief of Ireland;
who maintain, when she is in a state of insurgency, that
she deserves no relief, and when she subsides into tran -
quillity, that she requires none.
The last number of the Edinburgh Review contains an
able and temperate article upon this very subject; an
article which is particularly valuable, not so much on
account of the eloquent and pathetic description it affords
of Irish misery, as for its accurate and extensive sum-
mary of facts. We apprehend that a portion of this
departure of our paper cannot be more appropriately
occupied, that by a short abstract of this very able dis-
sertation.
Among the leading causes of Irish discontent, the Re-
viewer places the want of a complete Catholic Emanci-
pation. He shows, in the first place, the galling nature
of the present restrictions; and, in the second, the ab-
surdity of retaining them, after so many others of so
much greater importance have been already relinquished.
The Catholics, however-that is to say, five-sixths of the
population of Ireland-do not repine so much at the
illiberal policy of the legislature, as at the still more
illiberal and partial conduct, which the executive govern-
ment of the country has adopted in every period of her
history. Another grievance which presses upon the
Catholic with intolerable weight is, the present constitu-
tion of the church establishment. Indeed, in whatever
light this subject is viewed, and to whatever part of it
we direct our attention, whether to the number of the
church dignitaries, the magnitude of their revenues, the
persons from whom those revenues are exported, or the
manner in which they are collected-the system appears
to be utterly corrupt, and to cry most loudly for a speedy
and effectual reform. The Reviewer demonstrates that
the whole number of Irish attached to the established
form of worship cannot exceed 500,000, or one-four-
teenth of the whole population. For this small fraction
of the people, twenty-two Archbishops and Bishops, and


174
THE WARNING VOICE.
thirteen hundred beneficed Clergymen, are appointed
by law. Now either this number is far too great for the
spiritual wants of the Irish, or the number in England
is infinitely too small (which nobody pretends): since
we have here but twenty-six Archbishops and Bishops,
to watch over a flock of nine millions. It is next con-
tended that one Archbishop and four provincial Bishops
would be amply sufficient in Ireland; and that the reve-
nues of the other Sees would from an adequate provision
for the whole body of Protestant Clergy; by which
means, since the revenues of the Bishoprics are almost
entirely independent of tithes, the oppressive and iniqui-
tous tithe-system might be almost altogether disused
That we are fully justified in the application of these
epithets will appear, partly, from the resolutions in favor
of commutation, which have been recently agreed on by
a large body of the Irish nobility and land-owners, but
still more clearly from the following exposition, which
we give in the words of the Review:-
---
"A considerable part of the incomes of the beneficed
clergy are derived from tithes levied on the corn, cattle,
pigs, poultry, and potatoes of the cottiers. The vote of
the Irish House of Commons in 1735, declaring any man a
traitor to his country who should assist in a prosecution
for tithes of agistment, or of pasture lands, threw the
clergy, from the opulent grazier, and the Protestant
proprietor, upon the Catholic peasantry-for the pea-
sants are almost universally Catholics-for support.
It drove them from those who were able, and who ought
to have been willing to pay their own pastors, to those
who were miserably poor, and who had a different clergy
to provide for. The resolution of 1735 declared, in
effect, that the established church should get nothing
from the parks and demesnes of the Protestant nobility
and gentry, the proprietors of the whole country, but
that they might enter the garden of the poor Catholic
cottier, and pluck from the lips of his starving family a
tenth part of their scanty subsistence! And, as it is really
surprising, that the peasantry should have revolted at
such an atrocious system?-that they should have en-
deavoured to wreak their vengeance on their ruthless
oppressors?-and that from the era of the Whiteboys,
down to the present hour, the tithe-system should have
been the inexhaustible source of contention, bloodshed,
and murder? The Irish clergy generally employed an
agent, or proctor; who, immediately before harvest,
estimates the barrels of corn, tons of hay, or hundred
weight of potatoes he supposes to be on the ground,
and, charging them at the market price, fixes the sum to
be paid as a compensation to his spiritual superior. The
parson sometimes leases the tithes to a proctor; and he
again, not unfrequently, lets them to another; so that
the land really becomes, as Mr. Grattan emphatically
stated, a prey to a subordination of vultures.""
We are compelled, for the present, to stop here; and
in the mean time we beseech our readers to reflect seri-
ously upon the facts we have already enumerated, and
to deduce their own candid and impartial conclusions.
nary exertions in Parliament. Never, in our opinion, has
any senator been able to present a more unequivocal
claim to the gratitude of the country. We have wit-
nessed and applauded in other men a systematic opposi-
tion to a bad government; we have admired the clear-
ness and energy with which others have exposed arbitrary
and unconstitutional measures; but, in a majority of such
cases, we have been compelled to allow the possibility
of that opposition having arisen rather from a desire to
supplant and succeed the present possessors of power
than from a sincere wish to reform the system of govern-
ment itself. But in the case of Mr. Hume, no such sus-
picion is admissible for a single moment; his exertions
have been uniformly directed to the destruction of all
those means and opportunities of abuse, which no actual
minister would ever voluntarily relinquish, since they
strengthen his hold upon power; and which no expectant
minister would agree to destroy, lest he should weaken
the tenure of his future predominance. Mr. Hume has
not sought to divert the streams of corruption into other
channels, but to cut them off altogether.
With the views which we entertain of the absolute
necessity of parliamentary reform, we unquestionably
consider that man as entitled to our highest praise, who
advocates this great cause with ability, zeal, and per-
severance. Next to him we should be disposed to place
the senator, who, without exerting himself in the cause
of reform, sedulously and disinterestedly endeavours to
render the necessity for that measure less crying; who
shows himself a steady friend to liberty, to economy,
and to peace; and who constantly manifests his readi-
ness to render his country every service, within those
limitations which are imposed by the defective constitu-
tion of parliament upon the zeal of its patriotic members.
These two characters, either of which deserves universal-
respect and gratitude, are united in Mr. Hume.-In
entering upon the task of exposing the different abuses
in the public expenditure, the member of Montrose
undertook a work of the most appalling difficulty. Even
had ministers given every facility to his inquiries; had
they supplied him with every means of information, and
encouraged him at every step of his progress; had he
confined himself to the simple and barren task of inspect-
ing and verifying the public accounts-Mr. Hume would
even in that case have undertaken a Herculean labour.
But when it is remembered that he entered singly upon
an investigation almost boundless in its extent, and re-
tarded by every means which the whole enormous power
of government could interpose; that he ventured singly
into the desert of the public accounts, gloomy as it was,
and overgrown with every species of thorn and weed
which a long impunity had cherished and propagated;
that he contended against a power almost irresistible,
fighting for its oldest prejudices and its dearests interests;
that he battled, single-handed, with the Treasury, the
Admiralty, the Ordnance-with Secretaries, Under-
Secretaries, Clerks, and Deputy Clerks-with Quarterly
Reviews, Couriers, Intelligencers,
Multaque præterea variarum monstra ferarum,
We have observed, with much pleasure, that several who can refuse to admire his indefatigable spirit and his
distinguished marks of respect have been lately paid to untiring perseverance ?-But we are told, with as much
Mr. Hume, by large and respectable bodies of his fellow- of an air of triumph as the beaten condition of his op-
countrymen, in acknowledgment of his very extraordi-ponents will allow them to assume, that Mr. Hume has


THE WARNING VOICE.
175
been guilty of blunders. Our readers may probably re-
Our readers may probably re-
member that we exposed on a former occasion the
emptiness of Mr. Croker's exploit against him; and that
the charge of blundering has been often retorted with
success upon his triumphant accusers. But, granting for
one moment that Mr. Hume has made even ten times as
many arithmetical errors as have been imputed to him,
would he even than have been guilty of a tenth part of
the blunders which any other man could scarcely avoid
in the course of calculations so complex, so various, and
so extensive? Many a well-paid Secretary, with all his
official auxiliaries about him," with all appliances and
means to boot," has been guilty, even within his own
particular department, of more mistakes than have been
detected in the universal labours of Mr. Hume though
we should take them at the number which ministerial
vigilance and ministerial falsehood would assign.-But,
after all, who can fail to perceive that this reiterated and
hackneyed charge makes far more against Ministers than
against the member for Montrose? When we see that
answer to all his assertions that the public expenditure
is wasteful and improvident, the court-writers employ
themselves in blazoning forth a trifling arithmetical
blunder, (admitting they can find such), instead of
negativing the main charge of extravagance and abuse,
do we not infer, with reason, that that charge cannot be
negatived?
people over whom he reigns, to the approbation of the
King of Kings.
Signed in, by order, and on behalf of the yearly
meeting of the Friends held in London, the twenty-
ninth day of fifth mouth, one thousand eight hundred.
W. ALEXANDER, Clerk to the Meeting this Year.
[Presented by Joseph Gurney Bevan, accompanied
by John Kendal, Sampson Lloyd, John Elliott, Richard
Chester, George Harrison, Samuel Alexander, Philip
Debell Tucket, George Stacey, John Burlingham,
Richard Philips, and William Alexander.
To which Address his Majesty was pleased to return the
following most gracious answer:
I thank you for this dutiful and loyal address, and for
your affectionate congratulations on the merciful favor
and protection which the Divine Providence has vouch-
safed to me.
The repeated demonstrations of loyalty and attach-
ment to my Person and Government which I have
received upon the present occasion, are highly accept-
able to me; and you may rely on the continuance of
my unremitting exertions to promote the welfare and
happiness of all descriptions of my subjects, and to
preserve inviolate their civil and religious privileges.
In the reign of King George the II. the people called
Quakers had the honor to wait upon his Majesty with an
address. The King had premeditated the way as he sup-
posed, to get the Quakers to approach him without hats;
on their coming near him, the King took his off, the
Quakers immediately said, George, it doth not become.
thee to be uncovered, so that his Majesty could not gain
his objeet.
In one word, we sincerely think that Mr. Hume has
established a claim to the gratitude and respect of every
impartial and upright man. Though deserving of high
praise for his courage in undertaking so many and such
arduous labours, his merits are infinitely augmented by
the perseverance with which he has continued to march
along the path of duty, in spite of every attempt to
seduce or deter him. He is already in possession of the
esteem of his countrymen; and so long as he shall Pope innocent, to John, King of England, in the
continue the enemy of all abuses, the friend of every
reform, it ought to be the pride, as it will be the duty,
of Englishmen, to encourage those exertions, which are
intended and calculated for their common benefit.
year of our Lord, 1207.
Among the riches that mortals prize as the most valu-,
able, and desire with the greatest earnestness, it is our
opinion that pure gold and precious stones hold the first
rank. Although we are persuaded that your royal ex-
cellence has no want of such things; yet we have thought
Address of the Religious Society of Friends called proper to send you as a mark of our good will, four
Quakers, to his Majesty.
rings, set with four stones. We beg the favor you would
consider the mysteries contained in their form, their
To GEORGE the Third, King of Great Britain, and the matter, their number and colour, rather than their value.
Dominions thereunto belonging.
Their roundness denotes eternity, which having neither
beginning nor end, ought to induce you to tend without
ceasing from earthly things to heavenly, and from things.
temporal to things eternal. The number four which is
a square, signifies firmness of mind, which is not to be
shaken by adversity, nor elated by prosperity, but always
continues in the same state. This is a perfection to
which yours will not fail to arrive, when it shall be
adorned with the four cardinal virtues, justice, forti-
tude, prudence, and temperance. The first will be of
service to you in passing sentence; the second in adver-
sity; the third in dubious cases; the fourth in pros-
perity. By the gold is signified wisdom, for just as gold
is most precious of all metals, wisdom is of all endow
ments, the most excellent, as the Profit witnesses in these
words, the spirit of wisdom shall rest upon him, and in-
May it please the KING,
Amidst the general satisfaction which thy late escape
from an attempt on thy life hath occasioned, permit thy
faithful and affectionate subjects, the Religious Society
of Friends, usually called Quakers, thus publicly to
manifest their thankfulness for thy preservation.
We have received too many benefits during thy reign,
too many marks of thy princely favor, not to feel
greatly interested in thy personal safety; and we
earnestly desire that this providential deliverance may
more and more incline thy heart to seek direction of
Divine Wisdom in all thy steps; for what greater blessing
and we implore for a Prince whom we honor and love,
than that he may continually commend himself and the
U 2


176
THE WARNING VOICE.
deed there is nothing more requisite in a Sovereign.
in a Sovereign.
Accordingly Solomon, the pacific King, only asked of
God wisdom, to enable him to well govern his people.
The blue color of the emerald denotes faith; the clear-
ness of the sapphire hope; the redness of the ruby cha-
rity, and the colour of the topaz good works, concerning
which, our Saviour said, let your light so shine before
men, that they may see your good works. In the eme-
rald you have therefore what you are to believe. In the
sapphire what you are to hope. In the ruby what you
are to love. And in the topaz what you are to practice,
to the end you may proceed from virtue to virtue, till
you come to the vision of the God of Gods in Zion.
The following is an Abstract of the Sermon preached
by his Grace the Archbishop of York, at the Co-
ronation of his Majesty, King George the IV.
from the 23d chap. of the second book of Samuel,
the 3d and 4th verses.
"He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the
fear of God, and he shall be as the light of the morning,
when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as
the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear
shining after rain."
After stating the maxims of good government con-
tained in the text, the preacher proceeds as follows:
"These maxims, then, demand your attention, as the
words of him who cannot be mistaken, of him by whom
the wisest must submit to be taught, and whom the most
powerful must be content to obey.
"These maxims which assert either the duties or bene-
fits of civil government, would, at all times, require to
be inculcated, may be inferred from the very constitution
of our mind. The common pride of our nature has a
tendency to excite in the bulk of mankind, an impatience
of inferiority and control; whilst, on the other hand,
there is danger, test he who is exalted above the rest
of his fellow-creatures on earth, should forget his own
dependence upon God, should forget that he has a mas-
ter in Heaven, with whom there is no respect of per-
sons." Thus will be produced disloyalty on the part of
the subject, and oppression on the part of the sovereign,
and both be rendered incapable of enjoying those reci-
procal blessings which flow from the mutual attachment
and confidence of the prince and the people."
"The history of the world affords ample proof in
support of this assertion; the records of every nation
exhibit the alternate predominance of tyranny and fac-
tion. The spirit of innovation has burst the ties of
allegiance under- -governments, has proceeded
to redress-
grievances with bloodshed, and has
not stopped in its frantic career, till it has subverted the
foundations of society, and thrown down the fences by
which innocence is protected, and property secured:
and tyranny, if it has not spread such wide-wasting
desolation, has made more free inroads on the happiness
of man, and practiced on their patience every mode of
exaction which rapacity could devise, and every species
of persecution which cruelty could inflict.
"Nor are these domestic crime's the only calamities
which the injustice of rulers has brought upon mankind.
How much innocent blood cries aloud from every cor-
ner of the earth, against the destructive ambition of
princes; how large a portion of those wars, which have
ravaged the world, is to be imputed to the vain glorious
wickedness of individuals, exalted in power, abusing
their sacred trust.
"The great general principle of good government, is
universal justice; justice between nation and nation;
justice between man and man; justice between the sove.
reign and the people.
"The laws of political justice which should regulate
the intercourse of nations, have been so little regarded
by those who have directed the councils of powerful
kingdoms, that a reader of history might almost imagine
that there was one mode of morality for nations, and
another for individuals. In the transactions of states
with each other, the most crooked acts of circumvention
has been practiced under the name of policy, and the
most enormous violence of usurpation when confirmed
by conquest, has been dignified with the character of
patriotism.
"But a just ruler will remember, that the principles
of equity are exactly the same in public as in private
concerns. Between those acts of injustice which effect
individuals, and those which are often committed against
communities, what difference is there, except in the ex-
tent of the injury, and consequently the magnitude of
the guilt?
"The duty of administering justice without partiality,
between man and man, is delegated, for the most part,
to subordinate Judges, and requires therefore no more
than a summary notice in the present inquiry. Still, the
delegation of that trust is the act of the Sovereign him-
self; and the greatest importance must attack to the
choice of those who are to represent his authority.
"This, indeed, may in some sense he considered as the
last division of justice which I have mentioned. The
justice which a Sovereign owes to the people; and which
makes it his duty to place able and conscientious men
in stations of trust and power; for "when the righteous
are in authority, the people rejoice."
"No nation can ever be happy at home, or respected
abroad, unless its councils and laws be administered by
the prudent and honest, by the moral and the religious;
and though virtue and piety have higher rewards than
it is in the power of man to bestow, yet it is the most
essential service which a Sovereign can render to a state,
to encourage morality and religion by a marked and
uniform preference in the distribution of dignity and
power. If, indeed, those who surround the Throne, and
ought to reflect its lustre; if those, whose station makes
them at once objects of envy and imitation, if such men
are worthless and wicked, the influence of their example
will extend itself in every direction; and profligacy,
originating in this source, will be rapidly diffused through
all the gradations of society.
"The ruler who would be just to his people, whilst
he approves himself the faithful and zealous guardian
of their civil rights, will preserve their morals from the
contagion of vice and irreligion, by "ruling in the fear
of God;" by with-holding his favor from the base and
licentious; by exalting the wise and good to distinction


THE WARNING VOICE.
177
let us beseech him in the ever prevailing name of Christ,
to multiply his blessings on the head of our Sovereign,
and so to direct and prosper his councils for the mainte-
nance of true religion and the good of his people, that
he may long continue to hold the sceptre of righteous-
ness, in the abundance of peace and glory."
and honor; and by exhibiting in his own department | engagements which are made on this day in his presence;
an example of those virtues which it is his duty to che-
rish in others: remembering, that his responsibility bears
a proportion to the height of his station; and that he
who sits on a Throne, is under peculiar obligations to
holiness, as having to answer at the great Tribunal of
Judgment, not only for his own personal conduct, but
for the influence of his manners and actions on the pre-
sent and future happiness of millions.
"In the personal character of the late King, and its
effect upon society, the Archbishop gives a very appro A Panegyric on the Constitution of England in its
priate and impressive illustration of the principles of
the text.
"The Prince who acts habitually on this great prin-
ciple of religion. will find his firmest support, and his
highest reward here on earth, in the veneration and
gratitude of his subjects.
"Under such a ruler, we have ourselves experienced
the truth of this assertion. We have seen a religious
reign, during more than half a century, improving the
morals of society. We have seen the Throne of Eng-
land established in righteousness, amidst the wreck of
surrounding Thrones, and while other governments,
shaker almost to dissolution, were crumbling to pieces
on every side.
original Purity.
Here I cannot avoid remarking, how wonderful, that
this nation which appears to excel in every thing, but
this one thing most needful, viz:-the restoration and
preservation of the constitution of England, the guar-
dian of her liberty, happiness, and welfare in the happy
times past.
In its original state of purity, it was such a treasure
as no other people in the world ever enjoyed. It had
the capacity of affording comfort, safety, happiness, and
prosperity to the whole nation, and to every one from
the most humble peasant to the King upon the Throne,
who had the comfort of living under its benign influence
in those happy days.
We have seen the just Monarch, who ruled us in
the fear of God, rewarded with the steady and zealous To the curious, or those who want amusement, or to
affections of his people; retaining in his afflictive retire-find out wonders and curiosities in this transitory life, if
ment their unabated reverence, followed to his tomb by
their sincere regrets, and beyond it by their grateful
recollections.
THE SERMON THUS CONCLUDES.
"On the Son aud successor of this venerated King,
now rests our hope of Britains weal; and if we may
build our expectations of the future on our experience
of the past, we have just ground of hope, in looking back
to the eventful period of the regency.
"The Sovereign, about to receive the imperial crown
of his ancestors, is not new to the cares and duties of
his high station.
"When called to the exercise of his royal anthority,
he found the country involved in a war, which threat-
ened our very existence as an independent state.
"Through his steadfastness in the hour of peril (under
the Providence of God) that war has been brought to a
conclusion, glorious to the national fame and character,
perhaps beyond any parallel in the annals of our ris-
tory, glorious, above all, in the moderation of the
triumph, glorious in the magnanimity with which un-
dazzled by the splendours of conquest, and unsubdued
by the prospects of ambition, the victor confined himself
to the only legitimate object of war, the achievement of
a lasting peace.
"Under the government of a Prince who has shewed
such fortitude in public dangers, and such wisdom in
public prosperity, we have reason to anticipate all the
blessings of a firm and prudent policy;-we have reason
to trust, that he will place his glory in the moral great-
ness of his country, that the true interests of the nation
will be consulted by a patriot reign, and the Throne
established in the hearts of a loyal and happy people.
"Let us, then, in conclusion, implore the Almighty,
of his infinite mercy, to accept and confirm the solemn
they will view and contemplate it, they will find a field
of unbounded curiosity and amusement, such as they
cannot find in all the journies they can take in the wide
world.
The religious, humane, and charitable, may find in it
all those amiable and justly necessary fine feelings and
inclinations gratified beyond their most anxious wish,
and refined imagination.
The man of business, and all others with integrity,
might find in it protection, and aid to their industry and
honest endeavours.
In it may be found the guardian and aid of virtue, and
discourager of vice.
The man of talent might find in it such a nursery for
his abilities, and encouragement to his merit and eleva-
tion, as cannot be found in any other constitution in the
world.
The enjoyment of wealth and high rank, none could
afford such gratification and real pleasure, as the con-
stitution of England, in its original state of purity.
To the poor who are perhaps the most numerous class,
it might be a perpetual comfort, and asylum, if their law
was executed agreeable to the charitable and wise inten-
tions of our forefathers, and by the golden rule which
every thinking man would wish to be governed by. And
I think I have explained before, how much the practice
is the contrary, but I hope to see it soon altered for the
better.
Then is it not wonderful, I say surpassing wonder,
that the restoration and preservation of this inestimable
fabric, and politics, should not be the constant study,
care, conversation, and first amusement in all companies,
and on all occasions, till they have accomplished this just
and necessary work. But alas! what are we doing, we
are neglecting this duty, and suffering this darling of


178
THE WARNING VOICE,
the world to expire, many of us, or perhaps few of us,
can tell why or wherefore.
Surely this Warning Voice of mine, and many others,
will incline us all with one consent, to do this one thing
needful in this world, which will smooth our passage to
the happiness of the world to come This admitted,
which I trust none will deny, we may justly call it the
one thing needful. Why do the English go so much
abroad but to see the defects, misery, and tyranny of other
countries, for want of our constitution; one would almost
think in search of this inestimable almost lost treasure
and happiness, which they leave behind them, as they
do many other good things in this country. If they
would learn how to value, improve, and treasure them
up, such as they can find in no other; then why do so
many of them stop so long abroad, and neglect their
duty here, when we hear all of them on their return,
exult and praise the dying constitution and liberties of
England, as much superior to any other even in their
shattered and deliberated state.
Now I lament, I grieve, bewail, and mourn over the
present inconceivable miseries of Spain, and the blame
due to the councils of this country, for suffering the holy
alliance to bring Spain to this misery; and by doing so,
exposed the remains of our dear dying constitution, to
the most imminent danger of being destroyed by the
holy alliance, which we might with ease have prevented
without going to war. I pray most heartily for the
Almighty's aid, not only to extricate them both from
this misery and perilous situation, but that it may be the
Almighty's will to open the charity and humanity of the
minds of men all over the world, to plant some of the
remaining seeds of it in all nations, for the benefit and
good of mankind, and to nourish them to grow to the
perfection of the English constitution, in its original
state of purity.
Can any one figure to himself, or imagine how much
we should pray for relief, were we suffering the present
miseries of Spain, and how meritorious it would have
been in us to have prevented those miseries, and at the
same time have protected our own liberties and power,
and promoted the liberties of Spain and all the world.
To restore this darling constitution of England to its
original purity, has been and is the study and constant
uniform, care, and practice of many of the first peers,
commoners, military gentlemen, and divines of the land,
with one of the Royal Dukes, and all their inferiors who
are under no influence, have uniformly done the same,
they have pursued this course upon the principles of
religion, charity, virtue, honor, patriotism, and integrity.
And William Pitt joined this heavenly cause from his
infancy, so long and to such a degree, as to command
my approbation of his conduct, almost to adoration, and
so as to consider him as an Angel sent from the Almighty,
to save this country from ruin, by helping to complete
the work, all the abovementioned had for many years
laboured to do. I did love and admire him indeed, far
beyond my power to express; but when he proved this
was all a false pretence to get into power, and listed into
that combination, that formidable combination, which is
the nations bane and danger, and I fear with many
others, will be its ruin, if the people do not unite with
one voice, and annihilate it before it be too late. When
he stepped into power, his fame, popularity, and supposed
patriotism was so great with all ranks, that he might
with a turn of his hand have destroyed that dangerous
combination; for doing which, he would have had the ap-
probation and praise of his country and the world. But
he apostatized, became the greatest hypocrite, and listed
himself under the banners of bribery and corruption,
and from appearing the champion of patriotism, virtue,
and liberty, became the champion of corruption, bribery,
and vice. And from the power to benefit his country
and the liberties of the world more than ever any other
man had, he reversed his conduct, and did them more
injury than any other man, or perhaps all other men in
the world ever did in the same space of time. He blasted
and withered the dawning liberties of France and the
world-and thereby incurred my displeasure and hatred
to a greater degree than I had loved and admired him.
In his plentitude of power, after professing himself a
patriot and friend to the liberties of his country and the
world; when he got to the helm of this mighty empire,
he attacked the dawning liberties of France, though
they repeatedly sent and offered their prayers that he
would not do so, and caused above twenty years of the
most ruinous, barbarous, bewildered wars that ever was
waged, and thereby forced his country many times to
the brink of ruin, and we have to thank the Almighty,
the elements, and Bonaparte's ambition for our existence
as an independent nation, and in the end curtailed the
liberties of his country, restored the ancient despotism
of France and Spain, and gave birth to, and his succes-
sor joined the holy alliance, which is now the terror of
the liberty, and welfare of the world.
How much is said about the Pitt system, and how much
his nefarious example is adhered to, by the enemies of
reform, (many of whom do not know what they are
saying or doing,) is as notorious as the bright sun at
noon day.
Gentlemen of virtue and integrity in private life, who
fell all the glowingjardour of virtue, religion, integrity,
patriotism, charity, and humanity, when they become
bewitched and bewildered, and enlist under the banners
of this baneful combination, to promote their sordid
private interest in this transitory life, foliow the exam-
ple of such like men, and become corrupt and vicious
in the extreme, by advocating such wicked measures;
are not such to be pitied that they cannot pursue a more
virtuous way of promoting their private interest. Then
how much are inferiors to be pitied, who look up to
superiors for an example, if they become guilty of bri-
bery, corruption, and vice, are not only held up to the
world as rogues and vagabonds, and despised and re-
jected of men, but punished for such crimes But are not
superiors, who do so deserve the same, magnified in pro-
portion to their high and elevated rank. Can it then
be said there is no rottenness in Denmark, can it then
any longer be unblushingly said, a people who have
such a nefarious example are not in danger. To the
consciences of the whole of this what is called a mighty
flourishing empire; I appeal, to know if she is not in
great danger, from the bribery, corruption, luxury, ty-
ranny, oppression, and poverty which prevails, and are
as notorious as the bright sun at noon day. And I ask
those who are guilty, to consider well how soon they


THE WARNING VOICET
179
1
will have to appear before a heavenly tribunal.
When the late Mr. Pitt had been made premier in
1784, and finding himself in a minority in the House of
Commons, had dissolved Parliament to secure his situa-
tion, at the subsequent meeting for the nomination of
members for Yorkshire, General Hale very significantly
observed, who would have expected to see the son of
the immortal Chatham, stalking into power behind pre-
rogative ?
Reformation of Parliament.
Those who were alarmed by the real enemies to reform,
were afraid where no fear was; they were afraid of some-
thing, but they could never tell what. It was a bugbear,
raised by those enemies to reform, who said there was
danger from the people. But what are the people, I
never yet heard that word defined to my satisfaction.
But I say, the people are every rank, in every link of
the chain, from the Cobbler's cottage, to the King's
Throne. How can you define it any other way, how
can you make any distinction, it is impossible, where
would you draw the line in this land of freedom, which
enables men to rise by their talent, merit, and integrity,
step by step, or link by link, from the most humble to
the most elevated situations in life, which they could
not do without the liberty, freedom, and protection of
the constitution we have enjoyed, but are thoughtlessly
suffering to expire. But I hope all gentlemen who have
by their merit, integrity, and superior talent, risen from
humble, to the highest ranks in society, will give this all
due.consideration, and help to hand down the constitu-
tion of England in its original purity, to posterity un-
impaired, as an everlasting mark of their gratitude. Then
who will any longer tell us there is danger from the
people, will the people be afraid of themselves; they
have nothing to fear but themselves.
There are many reformers in every rank, but the
greatest numbers are in the middling and lower orders,
because they are most oppressed, in most poverty, and
their liberties most curtailed, for want of a reformation
in Parliament. Then how can we offer thanks and
praise enough to the nobles of the land, and also to the
gentlemen both in and out of the house of commons, for
their noble, zealous, independent, increasing efforts, to
promote a reformation in Parliament, which I hope they
and all others will rev
with their usual zeal, and pur-
sue with unabated
We are now in a state of peace and tranquillity for
sake of all that is sacred and good, let us no longer delay
to restore the constitution to its original state of purity,
liberty, freedom, and comfort to us all, and make our-
selves once more the happy, the most safe, and powerful
people in the known world.
I hope none will any longer believe there is any dan-
ger from the people, except to the existence of them
six friends to reform, bribery, corruption, luxury, ty-
runny, oppression, and poverty, and those who gene-
rated, are feeding and protecting them. A speedy an-
nihilation to all them friends to reform, will promote
reform, and be a blessing to the nation, and relieve all
the people's wants, and do away all their complaints
and discord. Bemor i
"
My second Appendix to Road Making.
I advise a plain, level, flat, road, from side to side, and
not an inclined plain as I advised before, then the stone.
may be laid upon the flat, hard, solid ground, and not
upon the loose soft earth, which has just been moved
and thrown up, to make the barrelled road in the old
fashioned way, then the covering of stone six inches
thick, broke three or four inches square, and two or three
inches of furnace cinders, engine ashes, or gravel from
the rivers upon them, broke small, will be enough to
make the top smooth; and on this flat road the water
will fall down the hills, spread from side to side regular,
and not get into strong currents as is the case in the
barrelled roads, and wash the road into deep holes,
which you may see very common upon the hills, deep
enough to throw a mail coach over. And where ditches
are thought necessary, I would have them on the out-
side of the fences, and where the ground happens to be
a little on the declivity or falling, it may be well to ac-
commodate that ground by an inclined plain, rather
than shift the earth to make it loose and soft for the
stones, but this will require much serious consideration.
by the committee or trustees, and surveyor. A specimen
of this flat road may be seen made by chance over East
Moor, between Wakefield and Stanley-Lane-End; also
between Haliax and Todmorden. The superiority of
this flat road is proved by the practice of Mr. Field, of
Low-Moor Iron Works, and Mr. Butler, of Kirkstall
Forge. I advise the traveller to observe on the barrel-
led roads, the top is flat and level, and the carriages run
all upon that part about eight or ten feet broad, and
meet and turn each other aside; and the water stands
upon that flat part till the wind or sun dry it up or it
sinks through the covering and stones, if they be porous
by not being broke too small, they may observe this
water cannot run off any other way except down the
hill, though the side falls much, erroneously intended for
the water to fall off side way, but it does not do so.
They practice a very dangerous rule upon the Wake-
field and Austerland turnpike road, which I condemn
by laying large stones upon the middle of the road in
the day time, to force the carts into new paths, which is
very dangerous to the travellers. Two gentlemen in
their gig run over one of these stones in the day time,
and threw them both on the road. I expect some of
these stones will be left on the road all night and throw
the mail coach over, then they will discontinue the dan-
gerous practice; but I hope this hint will cause it to be
done before such misfortune happen to the travellers.
I advise a much easier way of making them take a new
path, only fill up one rut at once and they will soon
cross or take a new path.
R. Milnes's new economical plan of road making,
twenty-one feet stone for a winter road, sixteen feet not
one stone to be put upon it for a summer road, forty-five
v 2


180
THE WARNING VOICE.
feet broad outside the walls, a level flat road from side to
side and joined, so that carriages may go from one to
the other without trouble, a plain from side to side, the
very same as if it was all stoned, except where they join,
to save the trouble, expence, and inconvenience of
making the summer road level with the stoned part,
because the stones are to be laid upon the flat, solid, bare
ground, and it will be better to make the summer road
upon the same, so that the winter road will be six or
eight inches higher than the summer, having both the
same flat soil, the stones will make the winter road six
or eight inches higher, so that there will be a slope to
join them.'
ft. in!
210 for the causeway.
20 for the path between the causeway and the wall,
for the foot people to turn off and walk upon.
2140 the stoned part six inches thick of stone from side
to side, and covered three inches thick with
furnace cinders, engine ashes, burnt stone,
brick, or gravel from the rivers, broke small,
then the stone may be broke three or four in-
ches square, then they will be porous, and let
the water through, stoned or covered, close or
near the top of the causeway, so that foot or
horse may turn off without trouble.
"
I
160 the unstoned part.
40 the walls three feet high, exclusive of the topings.
450 or 15 yards total breadth outside the walls.
1 calculate the summer road will be travelled six
months in the year, including moderate frosts.
Old fashioned Plan.
30 feet broad stoned and left uncovered.
18 inches thick stoned at the crown.
15 inches thick stoned at the ribs, or half way between
the crown and skirt.
9 inches thick stoned at the skirt, and much expence
in throwing up and forming the barrelled floor, ready
for the stones, which will be all saved by the flat road,
because the ground will be flat and ready made without
expence.
Generally 40 to 45 feet broad outside the walls. Com-
pare them and see if half will not be saved.
60 feet broad ever commons by act of parliament, but
that is too much and a waste of land.
modern times, that sets aside all laws, justice and huma-
nity-daily executions of innocent men-fathers hanged
for the crimes of their children-wives punished like
criminals of the worst class, for aiding their husbands
to escape unmerited death-ladies condemned to ba
wishment, and sent at a moment's notice from their
homes and families, for the crime of sending food to
friends and relatives, dying of hunger in prisons.
A narrative of one week of these scenes of blood in
Madrid, would exceed the limits of a letter. The
french revolution was as nothing, compared to what is
now passing in Spain."
The above mentioned miseries have been caused by
the holy alliance, and a want of the english constitution
in its original purity all over the world; and by the
conduct of our councils for want of the same, by neg-
lecting to forbid the holy alliance invading Spain,
which would have prevented it without going to war;
it would have encouraged the Spaniards, and they
would have done their own work, and been a happy
and most powerful nation at this time, independent of
the holy alliance, and staunch friends to the liberty,
freedom and comfort of the world, and our staunch
friends and allies, upon the genuine and strongest prin-
ciples of gratitude, with the first maratime fortresses in
the world.
All the above furnish me with that little havenly word
hope, and the belief that the present miseries of Spain,
and the principle object and conduct of the holy
alliance to extinguish the liberty and freedom of the
world, will unite the good people of this mighty
empire, of all religions, with one voice to promote a
reformation in parliament without delay. Nothing but
serious thought and consideration is wanting to create
perfect union, to produce a return of the happy days
of old, and to see the best constitution in the world in
its original state of purity, as an example. And I pray
that the Almighty may, by inspiration, teach all nations
to follow this laudable example of Great-Britain.
I am afraid our councils are leagued, contaminated,
infatuated, bewildered, or implicated in the holy alli-
ance; if this be the case, is it not time for the people to
unite and reform parliament to prevent such evils in
future? which union and reform would cure all our
complaints, make us religious and humane, happy, truly
great and glorious.
The miseries of Spain, from the Leeds Mercury
of the 11th of December, 1824.
"Madrid, Nov. 1, 1824.The King of Spain is
calumniated, I assure you, by those who represent him
as incapable of acting on any system of government.
His Majesty has fully established a system of his own,
and acts up to it with vigour and industry--a system of
terror the most comprehensive and efficient known in
16
1
On the Frailty of Man.
Oh, frail man!Wilt thou inquire for the beginning
and end of time, and thou canst find mone. From these
considerations thou may discover, that thy time upon
earth is a moment, and a point thy space.
Wilt thou consider well and seriously, that con thy
good or evil deeds in this transitory life, will depend thy
happiness or misery in the everlasting world to come,
and how soon thou art to appear before a heavenly
tribunal.
* (༡* {«¢¥
Wilt thou consider and contemplate the wanderful
and incomprehensible powers of the sun and moon, and


THE WARNING VOICE.
181
their invariable regularity and uses to thee, and the whole
ereation.
Wilt thou consider the unchangable laws of nature,
and that they never vary, which enables thee to make
thy calculation with as much certainty, as thou art capa-
ble of. Hast thou ever considered the nature of the
four elements, water, air, earth, and fire, and their in-
dispensible uses to thee, and that thou couldst not live
without them; and why the Almighty has made thy food
necessary to thy existence. Hast thou ever considered
why thou poor frail mortal was made lord of the crea-
tion, and by what power thou wast made so, and why
thou art continued so, and why the Almighty made such
a being as thee, and why thou art not allowed to return
to this world after thou art dead. Hast thou ever con-
sidered that thou hast an important, indispensible, reti-
gious, charitable duty to discharge towards thy Creator,
society, and thyself, and hast thou discovered that thou
hast not discharged all, if any of these great duties,
either to thy own satisfaction, or that of thy fellow
creatures? Hast thou ever considered what thy inferiors
do for thee, and what thou wouldst be without them?
When thou hast considered well all these, and many
other mysteries, and the golden rule, thou wilt discover
thy own frailty and insignificance, and much of thy folly
and neglect of duty, and that will teach thee to become
humane, religious, a friend to the poor, to respect thy
inferiors, and to promote the welfare of society, and the
safety, liberty, freedom, and happiness of thy country
and the world, and to worship the Almighty, author of
them all, and "to do justice, love mercy, and walk hum-
bly with thy God?"" Then thou wilt become a happy
man, and discover that without religion and charity,
there is no true happiness in this world, or, in the world
to come. And thou wilt also discover, that "to fear God
and keep his commandments, is the whole duty of man."
Hast thou ever considered, when thou hast delayed
or mispent thy time, thou canst not call it back, or ever
see it again?
The full meaning of the inestimable word charity,
thou mayest find explained in the most excellent 13th
chapter of the first epistle of Paul the apostle to the
Corinthians-hast thou ever considered why the Almigh-
ty has continued all these great mercies and indulgences
to all mankind, from age to age, and how soon thou
mayest be deprived of them all
At the conclusion of this book, which I have been
spared to write in my old age, and for which I am
thankful to my creator, (and I have written it in igno-
rance, truth, sincerity, integrity, and great anxiety for
the good of all mankind,) I do pray most sincerely,
fervently, and anxiously that the Almighty's spirit may
accompany and promote what I have said, to the
eternal happiness and comfort of the readers and all
mankind, in this world and the world to come, through
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Horbury, near Wakefield, Yorkshire,
1st Dec. 1824.
RICHARD MILNES.
,",
+ Σ
14
•
FINIS
1
7.1


13!
DZIZALW MIT
CONTENTS.
History of the life of Richard Milnes, the author
PAGE.
An account of the seams of Coal in those Islands, supposed
to extend through them all and into the Sea, to Frankland
and the Isle of Man, shewing that the Coal is not likely
to be exhausted in thousands of years to come
Morning and Evening prayers of the author.
Advice to parents to teach them how to smooth the path of
life to their children, and to keep them out of the path
of briers and thorns
Some merry stories, particularly one about a Miller, a Horse
and a Woman, shewing a few of her good qualities, and
the fifteen perfections which belong to a Horse
Reasons why the Roman Catholic Religion should be
abandoned
·
•
5
10
13
14
15
PAGE.
Remarks upon the above-mentioned most excellent document
-by the Leeds Mercury
·
39
The Marquis of Lansdown's speech on the address to the
King
Abstract of Lord Liverpool's speech on the address
Lord Holland's speech on the same
True loyalty is true wisdom in true Britains
:40
42
·
41
50
·
The true whig or true patriot.-Whig, tory, and courtier.
Prologue to Mt. Cobbett's address to the men of Kent
Extracts from Mr. Cobbett's address to the men of Kent
Epilogue to Mr, Cobbett's address to the men of Kent, or
Sir Robert Wilson and the army, impote
. 51
- 52
·
55
Reform, slavery, or revolution.-The british constitution - 56
Magna Charta. A song on liberty hall that noble edifice of
british freedom
J
- 57
Alfred the great.-Form of association agreed to by the
·
·
18
general meeting of the County of York, held the 28th
March, 1780
- 58
·
23
Walter Fawkes, Esq. letter to the nobility, gentry, clergy,
·
·
24
and freeholders of the county of York
York County Meeting, 22d January, 1823, with all the
excellent luminous speeches
·
59
60
27
A letter from the author to Walter Fawkes, Esq. on the York
County Meeting.-Copy of a letter from Sir Robert
Wilson to the author
·
77
Turnpike and By-Roads making, a new plan, by which half
the expence may be saved at first making, and also half
in repairs after made, and to please all sorts of travellers
better than any road they ever saw
Reasons why Weighing Machines should be abolished
Reasons why the Turnpike Tolls should not be let, but kept
in the hands of the trustees
Agriculture-a letter from the author to the lords of the
soil and their tenants, shewing them the way to the
prosperity or ruin of their estates and farms
Custom of this country between off going and on-coming
tenants to farms-Advice to farmers how to get their
corn in bad harvests
Tenants not being allowed to sell hay or straw -Stubbing
hedges and adding field to field proved improper in this
part of the country,-Early sowing gives the best hope.
of a good crop, and early reaping
How to make hay in a wet hay time,-Springs produced in
several places by boring for coal.-Local management of
spring woods, much more important to the interest,
profit and pleasure of gentlemen owners of wood lands,
than that which is practiced in any other part of this
kingdom
·
28
29
- 30
A song, hearts of oak, or our maratime powers.-A letter
from the author to the nobility, gentry, clergy, and
freeholders of the united kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, the 26th February, 1818
A ditto from ditto to ditto, November, 1820
The King's speech, 3d February, 1824
The message of the president of the united states of America
to Congress, 2d December, 1823
The military life and honors of the Sovereigns of Europe,
bestowed upon Sir Robert Wilson
Sir Robert Wilson in Spain
·
·
78
·
- 80
·
81
. 100
Dismissal of Sir Robert Wilson, and the letters, speeches,
&c. which followed upon that lamentable subject
Lord John Russell's and other speeches on the evacuation
of Spain
Abstract from Lord John Russell's speech in the House of
Commons on Parliamentary Reform, on Thursday, 25th
April, 1822
Abstract of a speech made at a public dinner at Notting-
ham, given in honor of their representatives in parlia-
ment, on Wednesday, September 4th, 1823.-Norfolk
Fox Dinner, 1822
·
·
A meeting of the constitutional society, 2d August, 1822.
Earl Grosvenor, on reform
115
·
119
·
31
33
·
· 125
35
· 36
Copy of a letter from a friend to R. Milnes, 12th April,
182!.-Queries to Mr. Ricardo.—Earl Fitzwilliam, Sir
George Saville and Mr, Pitt
·
- 126


CONTENTS.
The influence of the Crown, as described by Mr. Pitt and
by the Leeds Intelligencer.-Quotations from Black-
stone.-Barrack system
The Duke of Sussex's visit to York
The spy system
·
PAGE.
- 128
·
129
131
: 132
Benevolence. History and death of Mrs. Garrick
How do you like this country, and the ladies of Halifax.-
She should and she should not.-Eulogium on woman
Song on the goodness of women.-Acrostic on Miss Hill.
Cecilia. Wrote in a book on a lady changing her name.
Origin of a lady being called a toast.-Breach of pro-
mise of marriage
-
•
·
135
- 138
136
Margaret's ghost.-A sovereign remedy for a bad husband 137
The infallible way to happiness in the married state.-The
importance of the knowledge of house-keeping and a
kitchen education
Mr. Arbuthnot's (private) letter-Joint post-master general 139
Abstract from the Rev. Irwin's sermon, who is mini-
ster of the Caledonial Chapel, in Hatton-Garden-and
the neglect of duty in the clergy and the new churches. 141
Abstract of a dissenter's address.-New churches
Copy of a letter from R. Milnes to J. Scarlett, Esq. M P.
on his introducing a bill into parliament to mend the
poor laws
Appendix to the same
The situation of a farming labourer in 1822
·
Labourer's wages, from the Leeds Patriot, 7th Aug. 1824.
Distress of the country, by Mr. Brougham
· 144
·
145
- 146
·
149
justly due to his late Majesty King George the 3d, and
his present Majesty King George the 4th of Great-
Britain.-Copy of a letter from Sir Henry Harper, to
the Rev. Joshua Eyton, his chaplain
·
A chapter from the book of kings.Progress of American
manufactures.-Increase of the American navy
PAGE.
159
- 260
A very important appendix to my economical plan of road
making.-Daring robbery and outrage at Newton bar 161
Caution to toll collectors
·
- 162
•
163
·
- 164
. 165
Cruelty to dumb animals.-New locks at Goole, 1822
A practical scheme for reducing the national debt
National debt.-The british empire. British peerage
Dreadful fire at Canton-Lord Stowell, late Sir John Scott.
Sir William Jones and Thomas Day, Esq.-Law.-Hum-
ble origin of distinguished characters.-Inventory of
property belonging to the Inquisition
- 166
Slander.-Earl Fitzwilliam.-Reduction of rents in Ireland 167
The lines of a good judge.-The greatness of Spain two
centuries ago. Commemoration dinner of the revolu-
tion of Spain, Naples and Portugal
Ireland, from the Leeds Mercury.-Ireland, 8th Mar, 1823 170
Pope, on death.- Duelling.-You ask me to describe what
I mean by solid comforts
-
- 168
There are three of the ugliest, blackest, most frightful,
outlandish wild beasts of all colours got amongst us, ty-
ranny, oppression, poverty, the spy system, the cause
of all revolutions
·
17!
- 172
·
- 173
The Leeds Mercury 12th June, 1824
Address of the religious society of friends, called quakers,
·
. 150
Ireland, on the tithe system
·
153
·
154
- 155
·
156
157
to his Majesty.-Pope Innocent, to John King of Eng-
land, in 1207
· 175
·
176
·
177
Abstract of the sermon preached by his Grace the Arch-
bishop of York at the coronation of King George 4th
A panegyric on the constitution of England, in its original.
state of purity
Reformation of parliament.-Appendix to road making - 179
Old fashioned plan of road-making.-Miseries of Spain.-
On the frailty of man
180
The Leeds Mercury 26th June, 1821
Rent Laws
·
·
Relief wanted to cottagers and farmers.-Reasons for low-
ering the price of bread, &c-
Proofs that our heavy taxation and high rents keep the
middling and lower orders of the people in poverty,-
On the export, and import of wool
A song on wool our great treasure, and sheep shearing.-
A panegyric justly due to the nobility, and all the good
and faithful people of the british empire.-A panegyric
W 2


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